At Rah As Is
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'1 r«
f**;, A
T H E
T
R
A
-
H
A
S
B A B Y L O N I A N O F
T H E
Ï
S
S T O R Y
F L O O D
BY
W.
G.LAMBERT
A . R.
AND
M I L L A R D
with THE SUMERIAN FLOOD
BY
STORY
M. C I V I L
OXFORD AT THE CLARENDON 1969
PRESS
Oxford Umvemty Press, Ely House, London W. i G^SCOW NEW YORK TORONTO MELBOURNE WELLINGTON SALISBURY IBADAN NAIROBI LUSAKA ABOIS ABABA BOMBAY CALCUTTA MADRAS KARACHI LAHORE DACCA KUALA LUMPUR SINGAPORE HONG KONG TOKYO
JÏZs
©
OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS IQÔQ PRINTED IN GREAT BRITAIN
PREFACE THE following is the history of the présent volume. Lambert, in preparing a still [1968] unpublished corpus of Babylonian création myths first planned to include the eariier portion of Atra-hasïs, and with this in view he recopied the tablet known here (see pp. 40-1) under the symbol E, and identified among the copies of the late Dr. F. W. Geers in Chicago the fragments J - N and K 8562. A t that time Miss E. Reiner made known to him her identification of K 6634 and K 13863. This material with the other then published fragment of Tablet I he prepared for publication. However, meanwhile the big Old Babylonian tablets A and C had corne to light in the British Muséum, and Mîllard was invited to copy them for publication i n a CT volume, to which Lambert would also contribute his copies. Dr. R. D. Barnett, Keeper of the Department of Western Asiatic Antiquities, British Muséum, who initiated this plan, also suggested that the two authors should co-operate on a critical édition of the epic. The CT volume, no. 46, appeared i n 1965 ; the présent volume marks the finition of the second part of this plan. Millard made a first draft of the édition, contributing the initial decipherment of A and C . He also first worked on D, which F. R. Kraus had identified i n Istanbul. The final manuscript is largely the work of Lambert, except for the Glossary, which is largely the work of Millard. The copies and collations on pis. I - X I are the work of Lambert. A i l the original tablets have been either copied or collated for this édition, except that B has been read from photographs with the aid of collations supplied by J. J. Finkelstein; x and y have been copied from photographs since the originals cannot be located. While this is a scholarly édition, the Introduction has been written with the needs i n view of those who are not cuneiform scholars. I n doing their work the authors have enjoyed the co-operation of numerous scholars. Professor J. J. Finkelstein not only supplied collations of B, as mentioned above, but also made known to us privately the results of his work on the epic. He first read the vital sign arhu i n I 280-1 and grasped the sensé of palû i n I 282. Other suggestions of his that we have adopted are mentioned i n the appropriate philological notes. Professor R. Frankena generously allowed us to see a rough copy of D that he had made. D. Kennedy collated D for us. J. Nougayrol sent us his copy of © before it had appeared. Professor Benno Landsberger has been consuked on various points, and x
x
PREFACE
suggestions of his are noted in due place. Professor O. K. Gurney read the final draft of the manuscript and suggested improvementa. Mrs. A. R. Millard and Professor J. Emerton read the Introduction and contributed to its darity. Permission to copy and publish D has been given by Mesdames Kiwlyay and Çi$, curators of Near Eastern antiquities in the Archaeological Muséums, Istanbul, who rendered every assistance i n our work. The Deutsche Orient-Gesellschaft gave ita permission for the publication of x and y from the Babylon Photos. The Musée d'Art et d'Histoire, Geneva, consented to the recopying and republication of C , and Mlle Dunand facilitated the work. The Trustées ofthe British Muséum have allowed the publication of K 14697 and the collation of the other tablets i n their collections. For ail this help and co-operation the authors express their gratitude. Thanks are also due to the craftsmen of the Clarendon Press for a difficult but well-executed pièce of printing. W. G. L A M B E R T A. R. M I L L A R D Aprit t$6S 3
POSTSCRIPT Thanks are due to Professor \V\ von Soden, who sent a list of corrections and suggestions while the book was i n proofa» Thèse have been adopted where possible. A lengthy article by G. Pettinato, 'Die Bestrafung des Menschengcschlechts durch die Sintflut' appeared i n Orientalia^ N«8. 37. 165-200, too lato to be used. Its main contention is that 'noise' (rigmum, hubùnm) in the Epic means or implies 'evil conduct', so that E n l i l d i d not destroy the human race for mere noise. The idea ia not well founded philologically, and dépends too much on preconceptions about that mythological being, 'der oriental ische Mensch'. Attention is drawn to Addenda on pp. x i and 17a, Octob&t içôS
C O N T E N T S Abbreviations and Références
ix
Introduction
t
Excursus: Early Human History
25
A Quotation of Atra-hasïs for an Assyrian King
27
Notes on Orthography and Grammar
29
The Manuscripts
31
List of Manuscripts
40
Atra-basïs, Text and Translation Tablet I
42
Tablet I I
72
Tablet I I I
88
S reverse
106
x, y
116
U
iaa
3
ta6
W
128
The Flood Story from Ras Shamra
IJI
Berossus
134
The Sumerian Flood Story ( M . Civil)
138
Philologieal Notes
146
Bibliography
173
Glossary
175
List of Names
198
Cuneiform Texts
PLATES IHU
A B B R E V I A T I O N S h British BM Bu DT K Rm 3m Th
A N D REFER EN
TABLET SIGNATURES
Muséum, L o n d o n B r i t i s h Muséum Budge Daily Telcgraph Kuyunjik Rassam Smith Thompson
Vorderasiatisches Muséum, Berlin B E B a b y l o n Expédition V A T Vorderasiatische Abteiiung, Tontafel O r i e n t a l Institute, University of Chicago A Asiatic U n i v e r s i t y Muséum, Philadelphia C B S Catalogue of the Babylonian Section Musée d ' A r t et d'Histoire, G e n e v a : M A H L i b r a r y of J . Pierpont Morgan, N e w Y o r k M L C M o r g a n L i b r a r y Catalogue Archaeological Muséums, I s t a n b u l : Ni(ppur) Musée N a t i o n a l S y r i e n , Damaacus R S Ras Shamra A s h m o l e a n Muséum, Oxford W - B Weld-Blundell II.
AbB ABRT AfO AHw AJSL AL AMT AnBtb ANET AnSt ARM ArOr AS BA BAM BBR BBSt
PUBLICATIONS CITED
BY
INITIALS
F . R . K r a u s et al, Altbabylomtcke Briefe J . A . C r a i g , Assyrian and Babylonian Religious
Texts
Archiv fût Orientfotschung W . v o n S o d e n , Ahkadischss Handwôrterbueh American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures F . Delitzsch» Assyriscke Lesestilcke R . C a m p b e l l T h o m p s o n , Assyrian Médical Texts Analecta Biblica J . B . P r i t c h a r d (éd.), Ancient Near Eastern lexts Anatolian Studies . Archives royales de Mari (texts tn translitéra i ; Archiv Orientdlni Assyriological Studies Beiîràge zurAssyrologie ' F . Kôcher, Die babylonisch^synscheMedtm H . Z i m m e r n , BeitràgezurKemtnuderoaoyiorni L . W . K i n g , Babylonian Boundary atones
ABBREVIATIONS AND
x
BE BIN BiOr BRM BSGW BWL CAD
REFERENCES
CT GAG GSG JAOS JCS JNES JRAS JSS JTVI KAR
The Babylonian Expédition of the University of Pennsylvania Babylonian Inscriptions in the Collection of James B. Nies Bibliotheca Orientales Babylonian Records in the Library ofj. Pierpont Morgan Berichte der Sâchsischen Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften ( L e i p z i g ) W . G . L a m b e r t , Babylonian Wisdom Literature I . J . G e l b , B . Landsberger, A . L . O p p e n h e i m , E . R e i n e r , The Assyrian Dictionary of the Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago Cuneiform Texts from Babylonian Tablets in the British Muséum W . v o n Soden, Grundriss der akkadischen Grammatik A . Poebel, Grundzuge der sumerischen Grammatik Journal of the American Oriental Society Journal of Cuneiform Studies Journal of Near Eastern Studies Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Journal of Semitic Studies Journal of the Transactions of the Victoria Institute E . E b e l i n g , Keilschrifttexte aus Assur religiôsen Inhalts, i , i i ( = WVDOG
KAV
28, 34) O. Schroeder,
KBo
H . H . Figulla
LKA LTBA
WVDOG 35)
Keilschrifttexte
aus Assur verschiedenen Inhalts
et ai, Keilschrifttexte aus Boghazkot, i - v i
30, 36)
(=
(=
WVDOG
E . E b e l i n g , Literarische Keilschrifttexte aus Assur Die lexikalischen Tafelserien der Babylonier und Assyrer in den Berliner Museen, i ( L . M a t o u S ) , i i ( W . v o n S o d e n ) MAD Materials for the Assyrian Dictionary, i—iii ( L J . G e l b ) MAO G Mitteilungen der altorientalischen Gesellschaft MBI G . A . B a r t o n , Miscellaneous Babylonian Inscriptions MIO Mitteilungen des Instituts fur Orientforschung MSL B . L a n d s b e r g e r et al., Materialien zum sumerischen Lexikon OLZ Orientalistische Literaturzeitung Or Orientalia PBS Publications of the Babylonian Section, University Muséum, University of Pennsylvania PSBA Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archaeology R H . C . R a w l i n s o n et al., The Cuneiform Inscriptions of Western Asia RA Revue d*Assyriologie RU. acc. F . T h u r e a u - D a n g i n , Rituels accadiens RLA E . E b e l i n g et al., Reallexikon der Assyriologie RT Recueil de Travaux relatifs à la philologie et à Varchéologie égyptiennes et assyriennes G . R e i s n e r , Sumerisch-babylonische Hymnen wjLf I * ^ . « » Sumerian and Babylonian Psalms àJzM E. C h i e r a , Sumerian Epies and Myths SGL A . F a l k e n s t e i n , J . J . V a n D i j k , Sumerische Gôtterlieder, i , i i A . D e i m e l , Sumerisches Lexikon ™*] E C h i e r a , Sumerian Lexical Texts fSE |f K i n g , The Seven Tablets of Création frrrrn 2' j ? ; . ^ Sultantepe Tablets TCï ?™> ™" Texts of Varied Contents Musée du Louvre, Département des antiquités orientales, Textes cunéiformes L a n
G
C
d o n
u
r
r
Sume
n
e
T h e
ABBREVIATIONS AND REFERENCES
si
UET
Publications of the Joint Expédition of the British Muséum and of the University Muséum, University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, to Mesopotamia, Ur Excavations, Texts VAB Vorderasiatische Bibliothek VAS Vorderasiatische Schriftdenkmâler WVDOG Wissenschaftliche Veroffentlichungender deutschen Orient-Gesellschaft WZKM Wiener Zeitschrift fur die Kunde des Morgenlandes YBT Yale Oriental Séries, Babylonian Texte YOR Yale Oriental Séries, Researches ZA Zeitschrift fur Assyriologie ZDMG Zeitschrift der deutschen morgenlàndischen Gesellschaft III.
CITATIONS
F R O M A K K A D I A N AND OTHER
ANCIENT
TEXTS
E x c e p t w h e r e otherwise stated, quotations from the following work9 follow the line numbering o f the following éditions :
Ahiqar A . C o w l e y , Aramaic Papyri Code of Hammurabi A . D e i m e l , E . B e r g m a n n , A . P o h l , a n d R . Follet, Codex ffammurabi* Enùma EUS W . G . L a m b e r t , Babylonian Création Myths (fortheoming) ^ Erimb-uï U n p u b l i s h e d édition o f B . Landsberger, quoted b y permission Erra F . Gôssmann, Das Era-Epos GilgameS R . C a m p b e l l T h o m p s o n , The Epic of Gilgamish, supplemented from CT 4 6 . 16-35 Surpu E . R e i n e r , Surpu (AfO Beiheft n ) t
A D D E N D U M
T O TABLET
I
AFTER the proofs h a d been corrected K 1 0 0 9 7 was identified and joined to columns i i a n d i i i o f S . I t supplies the ends o f n i n e lines o f i i after a gap of about seven lines f r o m the previously k n o w n part. T h e y are so numbered i n the translitération below,
xii
ADDENDUM TO TABLET
I
a n d the paraliel lines from the main recension are added i n b rackets. I t appears that the A s s y r i a n Recension abbreviated this section. T h e portion of i i i o n K 10097 restores part or whole of the first eight lines of the previously k n o w n portion, a n d supplies traces of one preceding line, w h i c h i s here n u m b e r e d o to save r e n u m bering the rest. S i n c e the spitting i n line 4 i s p u t after the recitation of the i n c a n tation, whereas i n the m a i n recension it cornes twenty lines before ( I . 2 3 3 - 4 , 2 5 3 - 4 ) , it i s possible that the whole process described i n the m a i n recension w a s condensed.
ii
22
23 24 25 26 27
28 29 30
. ..] x x . . . e]n-lil (125) • • • ] an-nu-gal (127) tâhazt(KA X ERIN) (129) . . . ig-rd\-a giS.lâ (130) . . . b]âb «en-lil ( 1 3 3 ? ) û
... B]N
. . . d\-bu-su (136) • . . ] en-Ul (137) . . .] X [man-nu~um-ma b]el tâhazi, the s a m e d
N o t e : I f 25 should be restored fer I . 128-9 and 140-1 i n the m a i n recension. i i i 0 a-rt[a . . . 1 A N X [ . . . . d]c-â is-sà-qar 2 A N x [ . . . ] X û-ïâm*à~am-na-$i èf-/[ef-i/î tam\-nu Si-ip-ta 3 d
meâ
7 8
tf-tu-ma tam-nu'û ïi-pa-sa ru-t[a td\-ta-di eli ti-it-tUM 14 ki-[ir]-si tàk-ri-is 7 ki-ir*d ana unsttt(zag)tai-ku-un 7 M-ir-si ana himëli(giib) tas-ku-un ina be-ru-hi-nu i-ta-di libiitu tep-da-a ap-pa-ri ba-til-iq a-bu-un-na-te tep-te-H tal-si-ma er-ïe-te mu-te-te
9
[7] & 7 fô-su-ra-ts"
0
To [ ... . . [ . . . . ] E a spoke
4 5 6
1 2
T
. . [ . . . ] . he was prompting her.
4
Bëlet-[ilï] recited the incantation; After she h a d recited h e r incantation [ S h e ] spat o n h e r clay.
S
S h e n i p p e d off fourteen pièces of clay,
6
S e v e n she put o n the right, S e v e n she p u t o n the left, Between t h e m the b r i c k w a s placed.
3
7 8 9
S h e . . . the hair ( ? ) , s h e . . . the cutter of the u m b i l i c a l c o r d . S h e summoned the w i s e a n d learned T w i c e seven birth-goddesses.
c o u l d be done
I N T R O D U C T I O N THE Atra-hasïs epic is one literary form of Sumero-Babylonian traditions about the création and early history of man. For some 1,500 years during which Babylonian civilisation flourished it was copied on clay tablets, but as Babylon sank under the eastward flood of Hellenism that followed Alexander the Great i t was lost. A i l that remained for two millennia were some related Hebrew traditions worked into the Book of Genesis and a synopsis of material simiiar to i t that Berossus, a Babylonian priest about the time of Alexander, had put into Greek, though this work did not survive for long, and i n Europe i t has been known only from excerpts, occasionally garbled, quoted by Greek and Latin writers at second or even third hand. Its recovery began i n the middle of the nineteenth century A.D. when European diplomats, travellers, and savants began serious exploration of the mounds covering the ancient cities of Mesopotamia. The sites of Assyria first attracted attention, since they yielded big, showy reliefs that could adorn the galleries of Western muséums, and British and French interests were competing to secure prior rights to dig, which at that time automatically conferred the right to carry away anything found. The mounds yielded clay tablets inscribed in cuneiform script, which at first attracted little attention, but fortunately the decipherment of the script was proceeding apace as the early excavators were finding more of thèse objects, and they were then assigned a proper importance. 1
2
Kuyunjik, which covers part of ancient Nineveh, is the only site which need be mentioned here. Paul Emile Botta, French Vice-Consul at Mosul, first dug there for some weeks in 1842/3, but found few of the results then expected. British interests were furthered by Austin Henry Layard, supported at first from the private resources of the British ambassador in Istanbul, Sir Stratford Canning. Layard secured rights to dig, and this created a nice problem at Kuyunjik, which was solved by a gentlemen's agreement; the French considered one sector of the mound theirs, and the British the other sector. This arrangement lasted until Layard finally left F o r the éditions of Berossus see p. 135. F o r further information on the beginnings of Mesopotamian archaeology and the decipherment of the cuneiform script the following are recommended: the early chapters of R . W . Rogers, History of Babylon and Assyria', £. A . WaîHs Budge, The Rise and Progress of Assyriology; Seton L l o y d , Foundations in the Dust; S . A. PaUts, The Antiquity 1
2
of Iraq, chs. 11 and n i . 813153
B
2
INTRODUCTION
the country in 1851. Spasmodic digging had taken place, and toward the end the palace of Sennacherib and two c h a m b e r s rich in cuneiform tablet» had been found. The local Arabs were on the British side. Botta, abetted by a particularly brutal local pasha, had ridden roughshod over the rights of a local gentleman who held a lease on Kuyunjik from the Turkish Government, while Layard had voluntarily paid some compensation to the man. Also, after Layafd's departure, British interests were served by Hormuzd Rassam, a Christian of local extraction, who well understood the people of the district. During the intervais i n officiai excavations thèse people had conducted their own explorations of the mounds, and, as always, knew where best to dig. Thus, when i n 1852 Victor Place, who was replacing Botta, began work i n the French sector the natives were watching just where he dug. When, therefore, Place's trenches were being extended i n the direction of a particularly rich spot, they urged Rassam to act. But the place was i n the French sector, so Rassam arranged that a select group of workmen should dig there secretly by night. This was done on 20 December 1853. On the next night the diggers struck reliefs, and on the third night they began to expose a large room surrounded by the most magnificent séries of Assyrian reliefs ever found. Rassam, considering that like a prospector for gold his claim was now staked, proceeded to work openly by day. The légal position was certainly obscure since both French and British had at various times been given permission to dig at Kuyunjik. What Rassam had dug into was the palace of the last great Assyrian king, Ashurbanipal, and i n addition to the reliefs i t yielded thousands upon thousands of broken pièces of cuneiform tablets. Thèse were the remains of libraries that were collected under AshurbanipaTs supervision and which had made Nineveh a forerunner of Alexandria, where another royal patron of letters, Ptolemy I , formed a library that excelled ail others i n the Hellenistic world. Thanks to Layard, Rassam, and others who worked at Kuyunjik after them, practically everything that was recovered from Ashurbanipal's libraries was taken to the British Muséum. I n London the work of decipherment was forwarded when the British Muséum began to publish texts. The first volume, Inscriptions in the Cuneiform Character from Assyrian Monuments by Layard, appeared i n 1851 and consisted of Assyrian monumental inscriptions. Other scholars, especially Rawlinson, who had done sterling work i n the original decipherment, Birch, an employée of the Muséum, Norris, Secretary of the Royal Asiatic Society, and the French Orientalist Oppert, contributed much to the progress of interprétation. About 1857 the British Muséum committed
INTRODUCTION
%
itself to publishing a séries of volumes of cuneiform texts selected by Rawlinson, though others did much of the work. I t was planned to issue ultimately volumes in which the cuneiform plates would be opposite pages of translations, but the difficulties of this were underestimated and only the plates appeared, under the title The Cuneiform Inscriptions of Western Asia. Large portions of the monumental inscriptions and simiiar texts on clay tablets were read with case, apart from particular obscuritics, but much of the religious and literary compositions was not understood* The man who contributed most to their understanding was George S m i t h , Born in Chelsca of humble parents, at the âge of fourteefi he was apprenticed to a firm of bank-note engravers. He soon became en grosse d in the new discoveries from Mesopotamia, and \àê interest, aristng, like that of many others in his century, from an Old Testament background, was to become his life's work. At first he was just an amateur who stinted himself to buy the books from which he acquired knowledge, but by his fréquent visita to the British Muséum he attracted the attention of Birch, Keeper of Oriental Antiquities, and gave up his career as an engraver to enter the Museum's service i n a lowly capacity. There he was put to work, among other things, sorting the thousands of fragments of tablets from Ashurbanipal's library* I t soon became clear that his understanding of the texts was equal to anyone's, and in 1866 at the âge of twenty-six he was appointed Assistant i n the Department of Oriental Antiquities and worked on the Museum's publications of cuneiform texts. Others knew that works of mythology were preserved, but only George Smith collected and joined enough broken pièces to reconstruct entire épisodes, and only he could understand the content. His lack of philological training was made up for by hard work and sheer genius. His famé was assured when, on 3 December 1872, he read a paper to the Society of Biblical Archaeology announcing his discovery of a Babylonian version of the Biblical flood story. The solemnity of the occasion is vouched for by the présence on the platform of such Victorian worthies as W . E. Gladstone and Dean Stanley, fat 1876 his book, The Chaldean Account of Genesis, was published, in which he gave a gênerai account of ail the Babylonian literary texts he had discovered w i t h excerpts i n translation. Among them was 'the story of Àtarpi*, which is now known as the Epic of Atra-hasïs. George Smith knew only one copy of this epic, which, as we can now conclude, was made up from three broken pièces. They were far from restoring the whole of the tablet and Smith mistook obverse for reverse, which did not help the matter. However, we must not blâme him for this, since the correct choice of sides was only finally settled i n 1956. Also,
4
INTRODUCTION INTRODUCTION
after his prématuré death in 1876, the three pièces got separated, and though two of them were joined again by 1899, when a translitération into the Latin alphabet was published with full translation, the third pièce remained unidentified for some eighty-five years, was finally published i n 1965, but was not joined to the other two until work on the présent édition of the epic was almost complète, i n 1967. While Smith had transiated two portions with remarkable accuracy for his time, he understood nothing of the story as a whole. The next stage in the recovery of the epic seemed at first unrelated. I n 1898 V* Scheil, a French priest, published a fragment of a flood story difFering from George Smith's, and dated to the reign of king Ammi-çaduqa of Babylon, some thousand years eariier than Ashurbanipal of Assyria. After Scheil had had the fragment it was acquired for the American miUionaire John Pierpont Morgan, and to this day it remains in the Morgan collection. I n the same year part 6 of Cuneiform Texts from Babylonian Tablets in the British Muséum appeared, and this contained a mythological fragment of roughly the same date deseribing the création of man, copied by T . G . Pinches. T h e following year Heinrich Z i m m e m , a German of outstanding ability at comprehending Babylonian and Sumerian texts, composed an article i n which he gave the transliterated text of two of Smith's three pièces (as mentioned above), proved that what Scheil and Pinches had published belonged to the same work, and that the hero's name was not to be read Atar-pi, but Atra, or Atar-hasïs. Zimmem had made his copy of the London fragments available to a cornpatriot, Peter Jensen, who was preparing a complète édition of ail known Babylonian myths and legends, and he too became aware of Zimmern's conclusions. T h u s i n 1900 both Zimmern's article and Jensen's book appeared. While they put the study of this epic on a firm footing, the results were scarcely epoch-making. There was an account of the gods' plagues on the human race for its sins, an allusion to the flood, and some lines about the création of man. Jensen saw clearly that the choice of aides for obverse and reverse was in doubt, so that no firm order of the varioue preserved extracts was possible. A n d there the niatter rested for half a century. Some new small pièces were published, but they did not alter the situation. 1
Only in 1956 did the Danish scholar Jorgen Laess0e finally demonstrate For full bibliographical références to this article and to the other publications mentioned i a dus and the following paragraph see the Bibliography on pp. 173-4. A list of Mesopotamian kings with dates (where possible) is given by J . B r i n k m s n i n the Appendix to A . L * Oppenheim, Ancient Mesopotamia, Since dates eariier than xooo B.c. are still not settled, we have usuaily accepted Brinferaan't as the best available. 1
5
the correct séquence, and thereby produce a story, First, man was created, but as the human race multiplied its noise disturbed the most important god, Enlil, who tried out various means of reducing the population, They ail failed for one reason or another, so finally a flood was sent to exterminate the lot. Even this, however, was frustrated, for the god Enki warned his favourite Atra-^asls, who built a boat and escaped with his family and a sélection of animais, With the séquence established, more text material was needed to fi 11 out the détails, and this was soon fort h corn in g. I n 1965 the présent writers made available a large quantity of new text in Cunei1
form Texts from Babylonian Tablets in the British Muséum, part 46. ft consisted of two large tablets from the same scribe who wrote the fragment that Scheil had published in 1898 (they had been in the British M u s é u m since 1889I), ' smaller pièces both Old Babylonian and Late Assyrian. It is this accumulation of new material that justifies the présent work, and to it there are added in this volume still more new pièces, both Old and Late Babylonian, so that some two-thirds of the complète work can now be presented. a n c
J ust what is the Epic of Atra-hasïs ? With a modem literary work the question could not be put in this way. A work of Dickens, say Oliver Twist, will always be that work no mat ter how many éditions it goes through. But the ancient world had no proper titles, no sensé of literary rights, and no aversion to what we call plagiarism. Succeeding âges often rewrote old texts to suit new language forms and tastes. With Atra-hasïs the only 'title' in use was the opening words 'When the gods like man*. At the end of each clay tablet there was usuaily a colophon giving such détails as we expect on a title-page. O n the rare occasions when complète tablets are available the colophons usuaily seule the connections of the text. But where only small fragments survive the question of identification ia complex. What is available for Atra-fyasïs is discussed in détail and iisted on pp. 31-41» below, but the following summary may be useful. T h e main édition used here, since it is the most complète, was copied out in the reign of Ammi-çaduqa, great-great-grandson of the famous Hammurabi, by Ku-Aya 'the junior scribe*. There ia nothing in the tablets to suggest that K u - A y a was a mère schoolboy, or that his work is a school exercise. I t was an édition in three tablets. Of the other pièces of about the same âge two agrée very closely with Ku-Aya's text, but others differ considerably and probably belonged to variant éditions. Most other pièces are Late Assyrian copies (c. 700-650 B.C.), and clearly they do not However, Sidney Smith aoticipated Laessee in 1935 by roundly asserting that coi. ii 'should be v and col. i i i 'should be reckoned col. iv {RA as, 63, and 67). 1
1
f
INTRODUCTION
6
ail belong to one édition. From this source there is the only other édition which is known to have gone under the title W h e n the gods like man'. This is George Smith's 'story of Atarpi', now associated with other pièces, which we call the Assyrian Recension because i t shows Assyrian dialectal forms. The story is essentially the same as Ku-Aya's, but i t has been substantially rewritten. Corrections from paraliel passages, such as are well known i n manuscripts of the gospels, occasionally obscure the development of the story. I t was written on two tablets, not three. Of the other Assyrian fragments some adhère more or less closely to Ku-Aya's text, but are expanded by the insertion of extra lines ; others are clearly différent. Since there is no means of knowing i f ail such pièces belong to what was called 'When the gods like man' we have adopted the practical expédient of including ail related text material except that version of the flood story which George Smith discovered and which belongs to the xith Tablet of the Epic of Gilgames'. The Late Babylonian fragments, two i n number, differ substantially from the Old Babylonian text, as do both Middle Babylonian texts. The one from Nippur is a pièce about the flood. That from Ras Shamra on the Syrian coast dealt only w i t h the flood, omitting ail the eariier épisodes. A modem reader must not expect to find our translation immediately appealing or fully intelligible. Literary taste has changed over the past 3,000 years, and, i f one may use a musical analogy, to turn from the English classics to Atmrhasis will be like turning from Wagner and Chopin to plainsong. The lack of dynamism and lush harmonies may give a first impression that plainsong is just dull. The visual arts can often make an immédiate impact, but appréciation of literature and music dépends very much on acclimatization. Our text is poetry, but lacks rhyme and mètre. The basic unit is the line, which is a unit of sensé, and i n this text i t consists of three or four words, with very few exceptions (certain monosyllabic particles not being counted for this purpose). I n Ku-Aya's édition the lines are grouped i n couplets (again as a matter of sensé), but other recensions are not consistently so arranged. The shortness of the line was a great inhibition to style i n the modem sensé, but the ancients were content with simplicity of wording. A musical analogy may help again. A simple melody may occur i n many styles of music, but Western music since the seventeenth century has developed harmony to an extent that now a musical hack can dress up a simple melody w i t h ail kinds of har1
English translations are available by E . A . Speiser i n J . B . Pritchard (éd.), Ancient Near Eastern Texts 9 3 - 6 ; and by A . Heidel, The Gilgamesh Epic and Old Testament Parallels. A detailed scientific bibliography is given in P. Garelli (éd.), GilgameS et sa légende.
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monies each of which conveys a particular flavour to the tune. The use of elaborate literary style to dress up thoughts is of course much older than Western harmony—Plato was already a master at it—but the Western tradition, which came down from Greece and Rome, is altogether alien to the ancient Near East. Plenty of literary ability existed there, but its subtleties occur within such stark simplicity of wording that most of it is inevitably lost i n translation. There is no scope for that kind of rendering of Cicero's speeches into modem English where the thought of the passage is extracted and re-expressed i n another idiom. Apart from modifying some metaphors and putting the words in English order the translator can do little but render word for word. Anything else would not be translation. I f , then, our readers find the style of the translation bare and jejune, we must assure them that study of the original is more rewarding. However, i n the authors' judgement the literary merit of this work is not outstanding considered within its own world. The content gives i t its exceptional interest. As with the majority of works of Babylonian literature, Atra-hasïs is anonymous, but one must nevertheless ask what prompted its writing. Our use of 'epic' to describe the text is simply modem Assyriological convention. Simiiar texts in ancient Mesopotamia were called 'songs' and were therefore 'sung'. What style of singing, chanting, or declaiming may have been used is unknown, though most likely the music came from a stringed instrument. This information conveys nothing, however, about the atmosphère of the occasions on which the 'singing' took place. The M y t h and Ritual school has an answer to this question: that many myths sprang out of a cultic environment and served in the cuit. As far as Mesopotamia is concemed this is a hasty généralisation from one spécifie example. The Epic of Création is known to have been recited to the statue of the god Marduk i n the course of the New Year festival at Babylon at least from c. 700 B.c. and perhaps eariier. No other simiiar cases are known, and even with this one it must be observed that the épilogue to the epic states its purpose as being to educate mankind generally in the greatness of Marduk, with which the content wholly agrées, The cultic use does not seem to have been intended by the author. The same can be concluded about Atra-hasïs. The advice it freely offers on marriage and midwifery was hardly intended for the loneliness of some dark cella shared only with a cuit statue. I n this epic there is no express statement of purpose, but the 1
2
1
See the concluding section of the Erra Myth (Iraq 24.125) and the last two lines of the Epic of Création (Enûma EUS) in the fortheoming édition of the first-named author, See S. H . Hooke, Myth and Ritual, and Myth, Ritual and Kingship. 1
2
8
INTRODUCTION
content gives the impression of having been intended for public recitation (note especially the conclusion), and the Homeric poems offer a fair paraliel. Whether a religious aura surrounded the recitation is unknown. Oral performance was necessary since the cumbrous system of cuneiform writing restricted literacy to a small élite of professional scribes, but there is no reason to suppose that only scribes sang epics such as Atra-hasïs to audiences, whether for édification or entertainment. No doubt there was a class of illiterate story-tellers who had memorized their stock-in-trade. We must therefore suppose that an oral tradition existed alongside the copying of texts on clay, but we can only speculate on how the two traditions may have interacted. The existence of widely difFering recensions may be accounted for as arising from oral tradition, which is much more fluid than the written. The story itself begins i n the time conceived by the Babylonians and their Sumerian predecessors when only the gods lived i n the universe, and they therefore had to toil for their daily bread. I n this particular story the three senior gods, Anu, Enlil and Enki, agreed on their sphères of influence (i. 7-16). Under their conception of the universe like a tiered wedding cake we are told that Anu went up to heaven, Enlil (we are left to infer) remained on the earth, and Enki (also called Ea) went down to the Apsû, a body of water believed to lie beneath the earth, from which springs drew their water. Enlil put the junior gods to work digging the rivers and canals (Babylonian has only one word for both), on which, i n historical times the agriçultural prosperity depended. However, forty years of such labour proved too much, and the junior gods decided on a showdown w i t h Enlil, set fire to their tools, and surrounded his house (the temple Ekur i n Nippur) by night. He was roused by his servants and at once convened an assembly of the major gods. A t the suggestion of A n u , EnhTs vizier Nusku was sent out to the rebels to demand an explanation of their conduct. He returned with the anawer that the hard labour was too much, so they unanimously decided to defy authority (1. 33-152). W i t h tears (whether from pity or indignation is not clear) Enlil suggested that A n u should return to heaven and there exact exemplary punishment on one of the rebels, but Anu replied that the grievances were well justified(l. 166-81). At this point the main recension breaks ofF, but i f a fragment of another recension can be taken as the continuation, namely G , column i l , then Enki spoke up and presented the same case for the rebels, but added the praçtieal suggestion that man should be created w i t h the help of the mother goddess to take over the hard labour. The main recension sets i n again at % 189 as this suggestion is being made. The gods generally
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accepted it with alacrity and summoned the mother goddess, variously called Mami, Marna, Nintu, and Bëiet-ilî. While not declining the suggestion she deferred to Enki's superior skill, and so the arrangement was worked out that the two would co-operate in the task. I n efFect, man was to be made from clay, like a figurine, but mixed with the flesh and blood of a slaughtered god. There is much interesting cultic and anthropological content in lines 206-30, which will be discussed in more détail later, The god slain is called either Wê or Wê-ila, but neither name is known elsewhere. The actual stages of the work are not too clear. From line 231 it appears that the clay was at that point of time mixed, and after the gods spat on it the mother goddess talked as though everything was finished and accordingly she received congratulations and the assignation of her name Bëlet-ilï 'Mtstress-of-the-gods' (235-47). However, the work was not over, since i n line 241 Enki and the mother goddess proceed to what i i called 'the House of Destiny* and there set to work in earnest, helped by fourteen birth goddesses. First Enki trod the clay to mix it, then the mother goddess took fourteen pièces from it which the birth goddesses moulded into seven maies and seven females. The latter détail ia taken from the Assyrian Recension (obv. iii), since there is a gap in the main recension. The moulded figures were next put into two groups of seven, the maies in the one, the females in the other, separated by what is called 'a brick*. This was probably not a single builders* brick, but a brick structure referred to i n other Babylonian texts on which women performed their labour, and by bringing in this object the author related the myth to actual births in contemporary society. The next stage in the process is lost, but when the main recension sets in again (271 ff.) the various divine actors are waiting for the end of the gestation period. With the arrivai of the tenth month the womb (the formation of which is lost in the preceding gap) breaks open and mankind is born. A t this point in the main recension, and a little later i n the Assyrian Recension, the mother goddess takes the opportunity to give advice on obstetrics and marriage. After this the text is lost or so incomplète as to give no sensé until line 352. We now pass from myth to legends about early times. The human race multiplied and their noise became such that Enlil—still on the earth— could not sleep. He therefore resolved to reduce their numbers by plague, and Namtara, the god of plague, was commissioned to put this plan into effect. Enki, no doubt fully insulated from the noise in his subterranean abode, and in any case sympathetic to his own création, was petitioned by Atra-hasïs, who, unless he was mentioned in the eariier missing section» ia introduced very abruptly in line 364. To understand the narrative properly
INTRODUCTION
one needs to know that he was king. Enki gave h i m instructions for averting the plague. The normal custom of the Babylonians i n time o f need was to pétition their personal gods, just as i n the story A t r a - h a s ï s approached his personal god Enki. F o r most Babylonians the personal deity was very minor, but i t was his duty, i f suitably provided w i t h offerings by his client, to look after the latter as need arose. However, under the divinely sent plague spécial measures were needed, which were m e d i a t e d by Atra-hasïs to the city elders, and by them to the people. They were ail to direct their dévotions to Namtara i n person, who would be pleased by the unwonted attention and would relax the plague. A i l this happened and, at the beginning of Tablet n , mankind multiplied once more, Enlil again lost his sleep, and having failed w i t h plague, he now tried famine to reduce the human population. Adad, the storm god, was instructed to withhold his rain. This was done and i n the ensuing famine Atra-hasïs once more entreated Enki, who repeated his previous advice, which was again successful, and Adad discreetly watered the earth without attracting Enlil's attention. This second attempt of Enlil covered the first column and the top half of the second column of Tablet 11, and the gap between the preserved portions i n the main recension can be filled from the Assyrian Recension. From this point onwards to the end the difficulty arises that fréquent gaps obscure the development of the story, and especially for the remainder o f Tablet H . The Assyrian Recension is as incomplète as the O l d Babylonian text, and the use of the two Late Babylonian pièces does not fully restore the narrative. The following reconstruction seems reasonably sure to the présent writers. W i t h the relaxation of the drought mankind presumably multiplied (with its noise) so that for the third time Enlil lost his sleep. The only surviving account of what he then ordered is x rev. i , which can be compared with column v of the Assyrian Recension (which contains some of this material conflated w i t h other things) and w i t h backward allusions i n later parts of the story. I t appears that Enlil was now thoroughly suspicious that some god was deliberately frustrating his plans. He d i d not, therefore, think up a third method for diminishing the numbers of the human race, but instituted a rigorous renewal of the drought. Since previously the earth had been watered without his knowledge, he set guards at each levrf of the universe to watch that no b reach of his rules occurred. Anu and Adad guarded the heavens. He himself (one Late Babylonian copy substitutes Sin and Nergal) guarded the earth» while Enki supervised the régions below. Thus the drought was resumed. T h i s much was probably contained i n the bottom half of Tablet i l , column i i ,
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of the main recension, and when, in column iii, we find Atra-hasïs absorbed i n dévotions to Enki, we may be sure that he ia disturbed that the renewal of the drought seemed to imply that Enki no longer cared for the human race. Enki, however, did respond to his pétitions and communicated with him. T h e text is very damaged, and breaks off at this point (n. i i i and x rev. i), and when i t résumes again in n. iv the rigours of the famine are being described. I t is possible that the gap between the preserved parts of columns i i i and iv of the main recension contained an account of Enki's interrupting the famine a second time, but this seems unlikely. For the moment Enki saw no way out and communicated only his benevolent intentions to Atra-hasïs. Just as column iv (and Tablet I of the Assyrian Recension) breaks off i t appears that Atra-hasïs is making a final desperate plea. Enki did then act, though what he did we can only surmise from his explanation when called to account by Enlil in n. v and x rev. ii. I t appears from the Late Babylonian x that a cosmic sea was conceived to exist at the very bottom of the universe, a kind of primeval monster that had been subdued and was held i n place by a cosmic bar. The lines deseribing the actual happening as explained by Enki are broken and very obscure, but perhaps there was some kind of tussle down there and as a resuit the bar was broken. Somehow i n connection with this fish were apparently caught up i n a whirlwind and released on starving humanity. Whatever the exact détails Enki excused himself to Enlil for this escapade, but the latter was far from satisfied with the course of events and held a council of war i n which he laid down that no god must again rescue humanity. Enki's hilarious outburst at this solemn warning ( i l . vi) hardly reassured Enlil, so a new plan was formed. Enki had used water to frustrate Enlil's plan, so now water would be used to further it. The human race was to be wiped out by a flood, and Enki was bound by an oath, against his wishes, to co-operate. A t this point Tablet II ends. Tablet U i contains the flood story and the version known to George Smith from Tablet XI of the GilgameS Epic is in fact largely derived from the account i n Atra-hasïs. One pièce of the Assyrian Recension dealing w i t h the flood also survives, and a few small pièces of uncertain connections, but Ku-Aya's text is the main source. As the tablet begins Enki and Atra-hasïs are i n communication. Apparently the king had received a dream on which he sought more light. (Enki had already found a way around his oath 1) I n reply Enki addressed the reed hut with the instruction to pull down the house and build a boat. We are to conceive Atra-hasïs aa living i n a reed house such as are still found in southern Mesopotamia, where reeds grow to an enormous height. No doubt the wind might
ia
INTRODUCTION
through the reed walls, and Enki seems to have whispered to his devotee i n the same way, since it was no longer himself but the w a l l that transmitted the message, Since reed boats were as common as reed houses, the obvious course was to pull up the bundles of reeds which composed the walls of the house and to fasten them to a wooden framework as a boat. To make it watertight it was thoroughly coated with pitch. The Old Babylonian Atra-hasïs does not have the midrashic élaboration of Gilgames' x ï , where the boat is a véritable Titanic w i t h six floors. Indeed, in Atra-hasîs Enki gives the hero only seven days in which to prépare for the onset of the flood, and, interestingly, sets his water-clock for t h e seventh night. Atra-hasïs now has to explain his actions to the elders. H e told them quite truthfully that Enki and Enlil had fallen out, so he, a protégé of the former, could no longer live on the Iatter's earth. H e must, then, be off in his boat to live with his own god. W i t h this explanation the boat was built and loaded with the hero's possessions, and w i t h animais and b i r d s . Before embarking w i t h his family he held a banquet, i n which he could not participate, being overcome w i t h horror at the impending destruction. Once aboard, the flood came, and save for those inside, the human race was wiped out. I n the event the gods were not pleased. Enki and the mother goddess were sorely grieved at the loss of their création. The other gods began to find the disadvantages of a world without humans. The toil which men had taken over, digging the rivers and canals, for example, was part of the agricultural process, and, w i t h this interrupted, supplies of food and drink were eut off. The mother goddess wondered how she could have consented to such a scheme, and bitterly blamed Enlil. whistle
The flood lasted for seven days and seven nights, and i n the gap at the end of column i v and the beginning of column v the rain must have ceased and the boat corne to rest wherever i t did. This gap is particularly u n fortunate i n one respect, that the Gilgames Epic at this point inserts the épisode of sending out three birds to ascertain i f the waters were subsiding. This is the closest paraliel of any Mesopotamian flood story w i t h the Book of Genesis. I t would be interesting to know i f the O l d Babylonian version already contained this item, but while there is room for i t , there is no certainty that other items did not fill ail the space. On disembarking, Atra-hasïs promptly instituted an offering for the gods, psychologically a good move, since this would powerfully remind them of the advantages of fiving mortals, and i n this condition they would be less likely to take a severe view of the survival of this remnant from what was planned as total destruction. The mother goddess was emphatic ia her condemnation of Anu and Enlil and wished to exclude them from
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partaking of the offering. Using her grief as a pretext, she appropriated some lapis lazuli Aies which had been Anu's and insisted that she would wear them as a perpétuai reminder of the time when her offspring were floating on the surface of the waters like Aies. This is aetiological, to explain actual necklaces of fly-shaped beads around the necks of statues of this goddess i n the author's expérience. When Enlil discovered what had happened he was furious at yet another frustration of his plans. Of course Enki was blamed, but he excusée! himself and in the damaged portion of column vi Enlil was presumably prevailed upon to accept the continuance of the human race. He required, however, that Enki and the mother goddess organize them better, no doubt to spare him the noise. Enki accordingly set forth proposais, in which the mother goddess shared. The only preserved portion occurs at the top of column vii, and this concerna women who do not bear children, that is, certain catégories of priestesses. I t so happens that we know thèse women best from Old Babylonian Sippar, where Ku-Aya probably worked. Save for the concluding épilogue the rest (perhaps nothing very essential to the plot) is missing. Purely as a work of literature the présent writers view Atra-hasïs with mixed feelings. The ancient author nowhere shows any real poetic spirit, and the purple passages of Gilgames that grip the modem reader are absent. I n Tablet n i especially one has the feeling of a second-rate poet. Yet the author has his strengths. There is a simple charm about the way he tells the story of the gods on strike, and there is a real dramatic build-up throughout the story. I t opens by setting the scène i n a time well known to the first hearers, before man was created. After establishing thia common bond the author proceeds to the remarkable épisode about the gods refusing to work, which leads on to the création of man. By insisting on the view that what happened at the first création of man is repeated with every human birth, the author brings home the relevance of his myth. From this he turns to the main thème: Enlil's désire to extirpate humanity and Enki's countering this plan, which is built up step by step until eventually Enlil does his worst and thereby brings the other gods around to sympathy for Enki's cause. So the story ends with the salvation of man and more about social classes and their fonctions. I t should be remembered that the first hearers of this epic were vitally concemed with many of the issues presented. The sociological system described was that which they actually knew, and they conceived that their existence was really dépendent on what Enki and Enlil did. 1
See R. Harris, Journal of the Economie and Social History of the Orient vi. 121-57 and i n Studies Presented to A. Léo Oppenheim 106-35; J . Renger, ZA 5$. n o f f . 1
INTRODUCTION
To appreciate Atra-hasïs as a work of literature a translation and a little understanding of the life and history of the author's times are the essentials for the modem reader, I t can be read just as one reads a play of Shakespeare, but for scholarly purposes something more is needed. The fullest understanding of, say, Shakespeare's Julius Caesar is only possible when the various sources for Roman history available to Shakespeare have been compared, so that one may see how he selected and modified his material, so imparting to it his own stamp. This kind of critical dissection is ail the more important with an ancient text from a milieu that knew no literary rights and had no aversion to plagiarism. The wide divergencies between the Old Babylonian copies illustrate how the scribes and editors could take a free hand in rewriting the text. Was the author of Atra-hasïs merely retelling a traditional story, or was he a créative artist? W i t h so much written material perished and with no surviving oral tradition there can never be a définitive answer to this question, but a review of related materials w i l l at least give some perspective. The Sumerian epic edited by M . Civil on pp. 138-45 cornes closest to Atra-hasïs. Although only about a third of the text remains, this is sufficient to show that i t has roughly the same content. The first column deals w i t h the création of man, the second w i t h the early history of the human race, the third and fourth (which are consécutive) cover the gods' décision to bring a flood and Enki's divulging this secret to his client, the fifth describes the end of the flood, and the sixth and last column tells how the flood hero was made immortal. Despite the similarity i n content, the size is quite différent (some 300 Sumerian as opposed to 1,245 Akkadian lines), and the wording nowhere agrées. Furthermore, the relative dates of composition cannot be fixed. I n its présent form the Sumerian text is hardly much older than the tablet on which i t is written (c. 1600 B.c.), and this i n ail probability is the time that the Akkadian Atra-hasïs was first being written down. I t is possible that the Akkadian author knew the Sumerian text, but this cannot be proved, and the various éléments of the story are suflSciently well known outside thèse two texts that one must say that the Akkadian author did not need to know the Sumerian text to write as he d i d . I t is unknown i f the Sumerian epic survived the fall of the First Dynasty of Babylon c. 1600 B.c. There is a small partly bilingual fragment, CT 46. 5, that cornes from Ashurbanipars libraries and might be a late édition of a missing portion of column i i i , but another possibility w i l l be mentioned below. I t contains the end of a list of antediluvian kings and mentions E n l i l and the noise, which, as we know from Atra-hasïs, led on to the flood. The only other closely related work of literature is Tablet x i of the
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Babylonian GilgameS Epic. This, however, as already remarked, is largely dépendent on Atra-fiasïs, though probably on a lost Middle Babylonian édition, since i n détail it différa widely from the Old Babylonian text, though there ia some identity of wording. For a more comprehensive view of the background of Atra-fcasis the whole range of cuneiform texts must be combed, and the results can be grouped under three heads: (i) the création of man, (ii) the early history of man, and (iii) anthropology and sociology. (i) The Création of Man Since W . G . Lambert has a corpus of Babylonian création myths i n an advanced state of préparation, détails will not be given here, but only a summary of results. The idea that man was created to relieve the gods of hard labour by supplying them with food and drink was standard among both Sumerians and Babylonians, so the author of Atra-hasïs was just following a common tradition in the main thème of his opening sections. Only two aspects are new to us from his text. The first is the gods' downing of tools, and perhaps some récent expérience in actual life suggested this, whether i t was a new composition or something borrowed from an eariier text not available to us. The other original aspect is the author's anthropology, which will be discussed under (iii). (ii) The Early History of Man
1
From Berossus i t has long been known that the Babylonians had a traditional history beginning with a line of antediluvian kings. I n cuneiform the best-known document embodying this tradition is now named the Sumerian King List, and a number of more or less complète copies dating from c. 1800 to 1600 B.C. have been published. It is a list of dynasties from the eariiest times to c. 1800. However, only some of the copies contained the antediluvian section, others lacked it. Had this section been an original part of the compilation there is no explanation of its lack from some copies. Contrariwise, had the original text commenced after the flood, there would have been every encouragement to add the antediluvian section to make the work more complète. When, furthermore, it is noted that there were copies of the antediluvian section quite separate from the King List, the conclusion becomes inescapable that thèse kings were at first an independent tradition only secondarily prefixed to the King List. This conclusion is confirmed by différences i n the way that transference of power
1
F o r the literature on this topic and for extracts quoted see the excursus on pp.
25-7.
INTRODUCTION
from one city to another is described i n the two documents. Unfortunately no single copy of the original, short form of the King List has the opening fines preserved. I t has been suggested that it began w i t h what is now column i , line 4 1 , of the longer édition: 'After kingship had corne down from heaven, the kingship was i n Kish . . .\ T h i s is far f r o m certain, and the importance of this question is that i f this conclusion were accepted the original King List would have contained no mention of the flood. A pointer i n favour of the opposite conclusion, that the opening words were, 'After the flood had swept over the land and kingship had corne down from h e a v e n . . i s contained i n a rival king list. For some reason the kings of Lagas are omitted from the standard list. T o compensate for this, there is a list exclusively of kings of Lagaâ, and this begins : 'After the flood had raged* (egir a.ma.ru ba.ùr.ra.ta). There is one reasonably certain allusion to the tradition of the flood as contained i n the King List, i n a text naming Isme-Dagan, king of Isin c. 1940 B.C.: 'after the flood had raged\ T h i s occurs in a sentence deseribing the appointment of this king, and not only is the wording identical with that of the two king lists, but the context— kingship—is the same. A less certain allusion occurs i n a simiiar text naming Ur-Ninurta of Isin (c. 1900 B.C.). T h e copy seems corrupt, but the sensé can be extracted by comparing a small unidentified Sumerian fragment: In that day, [in that remote] day, In that night, [in that remote] night, In that year, [in that remote] year, When the flood ( . . . Unidentified fragment
I n the primeval day, that day . . . [ . . . n i g h t . . n i g h t . remote [. . . I n the remote year, the year . . [ . . . After the flood had been brought about, Ur-Ninurta
Thèse lines merely speak of the flood as occurring i n the beginning, and though 'bring about* is used of the great flood i n Akkadian texts, nothing here connecta i t , though the allusion no doubt refers to a current version of a flood. A i l the material i n list form just described is f r o m the first half of the second millennium B.C. So far there is no évidence for this tradition o f a great flood among the Sumerians of the t h i r d m i l l e n n i u m . T h i s , however, is an argument from silence, since very little Sumerian literature has corne down to us i n third-millennium copies. Most is now available only in copies from the first half of the second millennium. I t is not u n Iikely that the Sumerians d i d have traditions of destructive floods, since the country is notoriously liable to them, indeed there is some flooding o f the rivers every year. Several ancient sites have revealed flood layers
INTRODUCTION
l 7
separating strata of différent civilisations. Presumably at various sites and on several occasions floods did wipe out the existing culture. What we do not know is whether the tradition of a flood in this part of the world reflects one particularly bad expérience of this kind in a certain year of early times, or i f the literary tradition is more loosely connected with actual events and has telescoped memories of several disasters. (The présent writers do not belong to that school which relates flood stories ail over the world to one prehistoric cosmic disaster.) Thèse problems, however, are not of spécial concern here. T h e antediluvian section lists from eight to ten kings i n several cities ruling for vast periods of time. The best preserved copy of the Sumerian King List, the Weld Blundell prism (W-B 444), has eight kings from five cities ruling a total of 241,200 years. The small tablet W-B 62, an indépendant form of the tradition, offers ten kings from six cities ruling a total of 456,000 years. A small tablet now in California, not quite complète, had either seven or eight kings from four cities, and the seven preserved reigns add u p to somewhat over 186,000 years. The five cities of W-B 444 are also given i n column i i of the Sumerian flood story. Between this second-millennium material and Berossus only one, or two, documents of the same type survive. Ashurbanipal's libraries have yielded one pièce of a related dynastie list: King, Chronicles 11, pp. 143-5. The first column is ail but gone: traces of 'reigned [ . . . years]* are visible. From the second column ail that remains are the second, third, and fourth kings of the first postdiluvian dynasty as known from the Sumerian King List Column i i i is completely gone, but iv has remains of the names of the kings of the First Dynasty of Babylon followed (apparently) by the beginning of the Sea L a n d Dynasty. What survives from column v ia a listing of the small dynasties about 1000 B.C. The sixth and last column has no writing preserved. Quite clearly this document listed kings from before the flood to nearly the time of Ashurbanipal himself, but there is mystery about the first column. I t is possible from columns iv and v to calculate that each column must have contained at least some seventy lines. The missing kings of Babylon from the First Dynasty onwards are known independently. I f the list contained more than the names and lengths of reign, then more than seventy lines a column bas to be assumed. The problem is that the first postdiluvian dynasty d i d not begin until some little way down the second column. I t follows that some eighty lines (or more) wej?e occupied with what preceded this dynasty. I t is impossible to stretch out even ten kings for this length of column space. The Ashurbanipal fragment mentioned above, CT 46. 5, may offer the solution. I t could be part of this dynastie
813153
C
i8
INTRODUCTION INTRODUCTION
list. I t contains the end of a list of nine antediluvian kings, set out i n list form, but then suddenly breaks out into literary style mentioning Enlil and the noise. There would be no difficulty i n fîlling a whole column w i t h a literary version of the flood story, especially as i t is bilingual, and the Sumerian could still have been taken from the source already suggested. I t is misleading to refer to this Late Assyrian copy of the dynastie list as a copy of the Sumerian King Lût on the basis of three names only, but one can consider i t a descendant, brought up to date by the addition o f further material. Berossus, the last witness, i n the second book o f his Babyloniaka, gave a list of ten kings i n three cities reigning 432,000 years. The idea of the flood as a point of time i n world history became generally accepted in ancient Mesopotamia, at least by 1000 B.c., and allusions to i t and to the antediluvian kings are not scarce. Ashurbanipal himself professes to have read 'stone inscriptions from before the flood*. T h e Epic of GilgameS, i n its Late Babylonian recension, has a prologue stating that the hero inter alla 'brought news from before the flood*. A learned compilation of names for philological analysis (hardly eariier than 1400 B.C.) explains one group: 'Thèse are postdiluvian kings, but not i n chronological order*. The names of antediluvian kings occur i n omen texts, lists of divine names, and i n litanies. T h e seventh king, according to W - B 444 and Berossus, Enmeduranna (or Enmeduranki) is named i n a ritual text w h i c h describes h i m as king of Sippar and patron saint (as i t were) o f diviners, so that ail diviners considered themselves his sons. A related bilingual text describes a king (probably one of the Second Isin Dynasty) as 'distant scion of kingship, seed preserved from before the flood'. T h e first king, Alulim, is addressed i n at least one Babylonian incantation as, ' A l u l u , k i n g from before the flood'. Also there survives part o f an apocryphal letter alleged to have been written to h i m by the sage Adapa. T h e 'sages' (apkallu) play an important part i n the Babylonian conception o f early times. F r o m Sumerian literature to Berossus i t is everywhere assumed that the human race was at first and naturally barbarous. Civilization was a gift o f the gods, and that is the way to understand kingship coming down f r o m heaven, as quoted above. The gods gave i t as an institution for regulating society. Works of Sumerian literature express this concept more precisely as the giving of me*. A me was the concept of any one of the numerous aspects of organized human life, from sexual intercourse to gold-smithery, and ail alike were given to man and had to be respected as divine ordinances. T h e Babylonians explained that i n early time the sages had taught the human 1
T h e most interesting expression of this idea occurs in a Sumerian m y t h only partly translated, see RA 55. 186, no. 17.
io
race what it needed to know. Berossus names eight of them and correlates them with the antediluvian kings. The first, for example, Oannes, emerged daily from the 'Red Sea' for a period. He was fish-like in appearance. I n cuneiform Van Dijk has published a list of seven sages (the more usual number) dated by the first seven antediluvian kings. A médical text confirms this picture by stating i n the colophon that it is 'according to the old sages from before the flood'. However, the same basic idea had other expressions. A n exorcistic text offers a quite différent group of seven sages. Only four are named, but not one of thèse occurs in the other lists. The first is attached to Enmerkar, a postdiluvian king according to the King List. T h e second was born i n Kish, of which city no antediluvian dynasty is anywhere recorded. This diversity surely proves that the sages were only fixed i n that they had to appear at the beginning of human history. I t was a tradition not specifically related to the great flood, but only secondarily and i n some cases synchronized with i t . One antediluvian king is named i n a third-millennium document. This is Suruppak, who occurs i n one copy of the King List only, W-B 62, as an extra génération between Ubâr-Tutu and Ziusudra, the flood hero. Suggestions have been made that since this is the dynasty of the town Suruppak the extra name results from a misreading or misunderstanding of an epithet 'man of Suruppak' applied to Ubâr-Tutu. This view, however, is no longer acceptable, since the source of the extra génération has been identified. A literary work, of which copies contemporary with those of the King List are extant, professes to be the teaching of Suruppak to his son Ziusudra. I t consists of admonitions of a quite gênerai kind, and throughout the ancient Near East such moral instruction was often presented as the advice o f a father to his son. Early Dynastie fragments of c. 2500 B.C. have been identified, but here the son's name is not Ziusudra, but TJR.A§.2 I t is uncertain how thèse two signs should be pronounced, but i t can hardly have been Ziusudra, which contains three well known Sumerian roots. There is, therefore, no certainty that Suruppak as conceived by the author of the Early Dynastie version of this text was a king (though this is not unlikely) and no assurance at ail that the son was the flood hero. GilgameS x i . 13 states that before the flood the gods were i n the city Suruppak. This no doubt reflects a local tradition, but i t was not accepted i n the Old Babylonian Atra-hasïs. Here only Enlil remained on earth, and he lived i n Ekur, his shrine i n Nippur. T h e .survey of traditions about early history just given is a necessary 1
2
1
2
H . Z i m m e r n , ZDMG 78. a i ; T . Jacobsen, M. Civil and R . D . Biggs, RA 60. 1-5.
Sumerian King List
75 . 32
zo
INTRODUCTION
background for a study of Atra-hasïs. The account of Berossus and what can be gleaned from Ashurbanipal's libraries might suggest that views about the beginnings of human history were fixed and rigid. I n fact there was (i) a tradition of sages unrelated to the flood» (ii) another tradition of kings which may have begun after the flood, and (iii) still a t h i r d tradition of a succession of kings before the flood. I n Berossus ail three are combined. I n the third tradition as we have listed them (the order has no chronological stgntficance) one would expect the king who survived the flood, Ziusudra i n Sumerian» Atra-ljasïs or Uta-napi5tim i n Akkadian, to be a key figure* Yet curiously i n W - B 444 he is missing, and this cannot be explained as due to scribal omission, since the list is summed up, and no king or reign is missing. There has been much spéculation on this point» and Atra-hasïs seems to offer the reason as w i l l become clear. The loss of most of lines 307-51 from Tablet 1 is most unfortunate i n this connection» since they dealt w i t h the initial organisation of the human race after its création. The only two lines nearly complète, 337-8, show that shrines were being built and canals dug. Presumably the complète text told of mankind's instruction i n the arts of civilization, and probably the building of at least one city was described. Also a king must have been appointed. The acute problems are» which city or cities, and which king? D i d Atra-hasïs name the same five cities as the Sumerian flood story, the same in which kings reigned according to the lists ? A t présent there is no way of finding the answers to thèse questions» though i t is very doubtful if a list of kings was given or alluded to. T h i s follows f r o m lines 352-5, as restored a little from the same passus at the beginning of Tablet 11. W e are toîd that before the end of 1,200 years the population increased and w i t h i t the noise. I t is difficult to conceive that this could be anything b u t the initial growth of the human race, and this excludes anything like eight kings ruling for 241,200 years (as W - B 444 has i t ) , since that was plenty of time both to multiply and to make noise. Even i f i t is supposed that the gap contained a list of kings, and that during their reigns both reproduction and noise were somehow inhibited, the number 1,200 still suggests that we are not dealing with the tradition of the lists. 1200 ia neither a mystical nor a terminal number, unlike 7 or 3,600. T h e two 1,200-year intervais are part of a chronology of the reign of Atra-hasïs. Due to the damaged condition of Tablet n the scheme cannot be followed, b u t one could have expected another 1,200 years to be interposed at each successive reprieve of humanity. Such a scheme would probably have given a total of 4,800, which is on an altogether différent plane from the 36,000 years o f W - B 444 or the 64,800 of Berossus. Certainty w i l l not be reached u n t i l the gaps are
INTRODUCTION
ti
fllied, but at présent it seems that Atra-hasïs had its own version of antediluvian history. One king only, Atra-fyasïs, reigned for a comparativery modest period and he it was who survived the flood. This is the fourth strand that was worked into a common tradition in due course. 1
(iii) Anthrapology and Socfology The Sumerian view of the world provided a stimulus for a compte» hensive view of human society, which has been lacking in many civilizat ions. AU too often thinkers and poets have considered themselves above the world of pots and pans. Tbe Sumerians and their Babylonian successors, as mentioned above, conceived of the human race as originally barbarous, civilized only by the express intervention of the gods. Thus every aspect of civilized life, public or private, important or trivial, was looked on as ideally conforming to a divine pattern. With such a conception there is no such thing as the unmentionable, whether that be an effect of social snobbery or moralizing prudery. Every aspect of society was of divine origin and was worthy of study. This does not of course mean that literature lacks plenty of gods, heroes, kings, wars, and conquests, but even in the traditions of early times the kings are matched by the sages. The former are an aspect of political history, the latter of social history. Atrahasts shows more interest i n anthropology and social forms than any other Babylonian epic. This first shows i n the account of man's création. The author used what was the generally accepted view of this matter among those who wrote in Akkadian, that man was formed from clay mixed with the blood of a slain god. T o understand what the author of Atra-hasïs was achieving i n his account one must know not only this fact, but also ita implications, though no ancient text formally offers a commentary on the meaning of création. 'Clay' i n this context is the material substance of the human body. This can be learn t from a number of passages that speak of death as a returning to clay'. Exactly the same concept is shown i n the Hebrew account of man's création where the penalty for disobedience was laid down: 'You are earth, and to earth you shall return* (Genesis 3:19). The présent writers have not found any simiiar Mesopotamian clue explaining the blood, but this does not mean that spéculation ts out of place. I t is well <
2
A Hittite fragment, Keilsckrifturkunden aus BoghazkSi vm, 63, names an Atra-basîs, son of cjamsa ('Fifty')» who figure i n a story mvoîviag Kumarbi. A translation ts given by H . G . Gûterbock, Kumarbi 3.0-1, who rightly comments on p. 93 that there can be no assurance that this Atra-hasïs is the flood hero. 3 târu ana fiffix BWL xo8. 6; Erra 1. 74; Gtfe. x i . 118 and 133; SENS 117. u . 7. Note also fiftiS êmû/êwûm i n the lexica. 1
INTRODUCTION
known that many catégories of Sumerian and Babylonian texts are i n themselves incomplète» and need to be understood i n the light of explanat k m which in the ancient world were no doubt given by word of mouth. I n explaining the material substance of the human body one has by no means explained the phenomenon of life, and the problem is as acute today as it has ever been. What is the life élément imparted from the parent into its young, whether i n animal or human, and how did it arise in the first case? T h e Hebrew account of création in Genesis 2 ex plains that God imparted "the breath of life into man, and so animation began. T h e iealîty of this is that breathing is an essential accompaniment of life, and at death we 'expire'. N o simiiar doctrine i s known among the Babylonians or Sumerians. Instead we may présume that the divine blood was held to supply life to matter. A Hebrew paraliel is again helpful: the Pentateuchal laws i n a number of respects work on the principle that *the life îs in the blood' (Levrricus 17:11, etc.), and parallels to this idea among other peoples are well known. Hence i n ail probability the Babylonians conceived of man as matter ('clay*) activated by the addition of divine blood. 9
T o this traditional concept the author of Atra-hasïs has added one item, which occurs i n a passage ( l 208-30) full of perplexing phrases. I t was a common Mesopotamian view that man had a spirit that survived death, which could, i f not properly buried and supplied with offerings, trouble the living. I t is this spirit (Bab. etemmu) that the author i s explaining in
INTRODUCTION
23
institutions. O n the assumption that every human b i r t h repeats what happened at the beginriing, the mother goddess lays down i n the story certain norms of ancient midwifery (1. 289-305). The Babylonian conception of society as c o n f o r m i n g to a divine blueprint means that no distinction was made between immutable physiological requirements of the human species and local customs which hardly two «vilizations will share. Since there is no freedom of choice in the physiological aspects of birth, the epic concentrâtes on those matters of local custom which might easily be forgotten : the need to have the birth 'brick' i n place for nine d a y s , the marriage célébration of the same length, and t h e invoking of IStar (goddess of love) under the name Ishara during t h i s period. Enlil's demand for a reorganization of the human race after the flood provided the author with his last chance, but unfortunately most of the section is lost. From what remains i t appears that there was a classification of people by marital status, and that the social structure of the author's âge is being described. I f only i t had survived i t would have been an important document of social history for the Old Babylonian period. Under this heading one may also note that the kind of city organisation présume d for the reign of Atra-hasïs—a king and council of elders—is not peculiar t o this text, but is found in other ancient texts, especially Sumerian. This is one constituent of Jacobsen's theory of primitive democracy i n early Mesopotamia, but i t must be stressed that he uses the term democracy i n its classical rather than modem sensé. 1
addition to the usual material aspects of life. N o other surviving création account from Sumerians or Babylonians attempts to explain this. L i n e s 2 1 0 - n (<£. 225-6) mention the slain god s flesh, as w e l l as his blood. 5
Both aie mixed i n the clay, so that i n lines 212—13 this i s spoken o f as a mixing of god and man. A t first this seems a non sequitur, since m a n does not yet exist, but since 'clay* was the material substance of humanity its mixing with die divine flesh and blood could be so described. T h e statement about the drum i n 214 (cf. 227) is quite obscure, see the note ad l o c , but the following fine is abundantly clear. T h e flesh of the slain god is the source of tbe spirit of man. W e might have preferred the blood, as not being so material and soiid, but i n traditional mythology it seems that blood supplied the purely animal life, that ends at death. L i n e s 216-17 (cf. 229-30) are tantalizingly ambiguous, but they seem to say that living man is a mémorial to the slain god, and his spirit (presumably after death) likewise. T h e technique of finding a continuing aspect of myth i n human life provided the author with his first oppoitunity for dealing with social
Thus Atra-hasïs may be analysed as follows. The plot was traditional, though the author had to choose from variant forms of the tradition, and to blend his sélection into a dramatic whole. The careful build-up of the material used, and the interest shown i n human life and society clearly compels belief i n one author rather than i n a traditional story that was worked up over a period of time by successive générations of story-tellers. T h e freedom of individual scribes to make their own versions does not conflict w i t h this conclusion. I t w i l l be appreciated from what has been written that no précise date of composition can be given. AU one can ask is, when roughly was the text written down i n more or less the form we know ? The eariiest surviving copies are from the seventeenth century B.C.—that they are copies is shown by the scribal note 'broken' found i n two manuscripts of 11. L 12— and from gênerai knowledge of the history of Babylonian literature the text can hardly have been written down more than one, or at the most 1
JNESz.
159-72; ZA 52. 90 ff.
INTRODUCTION
two centuries eariier. There is hardly a scrap of Semitic literature i n cuneiform from the third millennium B.C., and this cannot b e explained as an accident of discovery when so many tablets of other content are known from this millennium. Babylonian literature first developed i n the early centuries of the second millennium, which are rightly considered its classical period. While Sumerian was still taught i n the schools and was used by scribes, Babylonian was the every-day language and despite some literary archaism there is reason to believe that literary idioms and popular speech were doser than at any other time. This was, then, a period comparable with fifth-century Athens, when great poets w e r e competing for the drama prises i n the public théâtre. I t was an âge of much literary creativity. We have considered Atra-hasïs i n Mesopotamia» and i t remains to look at its relationships with other literatures. T h e only certain paraliel occurs m the Book of Genesis. From at least the time o f Josephus i n the first century A.D. the similarity of Hebrew and Babylonian traditions of the early history of mankind has been noted. Josephus had to dépend on Berossus; today with large numbers of cuneiform sources at our disposai the observation is still valid. T h e first eleven chapters of Genesis begin with création, and proceed through ten long-lived patriarchs to the flood, in which only the tenth, Noah, is saved, w i t h his family and birds and animais. As the waters were aubsiding Noah let out of the ark three birds in turn to discover how far the waters had abated. Even f r o m this brief and inadéquate summary i t is obvious that the différences are too great to encourage belief i n direct connection between Atra-hasïs and Genesis, but just as obviously there ia some kind o f involvement i n the historical traditions generally of the two peoples. They were p u t i n w r i t i n g i n Babylonia first, since the O l d Babylonian period ended several hundred years before Moses, the traditional author of the Pentateuch. One possible expianation is that the origin of thèse traditions is to be sought i n the Tigris-Euphrates valley, and they spread to Syria and Palestine i n the Amarna period, c. 1400 B.C. I t has been mentioned above that a pièce o f a Babylonian flood story has been found at Ras Shamra, o n the coast of Syria, written about this time (see the édition on pp. 131-3). However» the question ia very complex and cannot be discussed further here. T h e Graeco-Roman flood story with Deucalion and Pyrrha as ita heroes ia not certainly related at ail. Unfortunately i t is only known from late sources, 1
2
1
I
See the extracts quoted i n tbe éditions of Berossus. T h i s view is advanced by W» G . Lambert, Journal
of Theological Studies, N.s. xvi.
INTRODUCTION
»
s
the fui lest form is that i n Ovid's Métamorphoses from early i n the first century A.D. This portrays a succession of âges getting progressively worse, termed gold, silver, etc., until mankind is wiped out for its sins and the chosen pair, saved i n a boat, started off the human race again. I f one could trace back this story it might of course have antécédents more closely resembling its Mesopotamian counterpart, but in its known forms there is no certain connection. 1
EXCURSUS E A R L Y
H U M A N
H I S T O R Y
(i) T h e Sumerian King List THE standard édition is that of T . Jacobsen, AS 11, who suggested that it was first compiled about 2100 B.C. F. R . Kraus, in ZA 50.29-60, published a little new material and proposed that the date of compilation be in the Isin-Larsa period, c. 1900-1800 B.c. M . Rowton, i n JNES 19. 156 ff., offered arguments i n favour of a date c. 2100-2000 B.C. New material and appropriate discussions have been offered by: M . Civil, JCS 15. 79-80; J. J . Finkelstein, JCS 17. 39-51 ; W. W . Hallo, JCS 17. 52-7. The lastnamed author, loc. cit. 56, has argued that the title nam.lugal in a catalogue of texts from U r ( VET VI/I. 123.25, cf. RA 55. 171) proves that the short form of the King List began with i . 41. I t is difficult to see the logic i n the argument, and the more recently published king list of Lagas (JCS 21) begins w i t h what is i . 40 i n the Sumerian King List. (ii) T h e Sages T h e Late Babylonian tablet giving a list of seven sages correlated with the first seven antediluvian kings is published i n H . J. Lenzen, XVIII. vorlàufiger Bericht ûber die von dem Deutschen Archâologischen Institut und der Deutschen Orient- Gesellschaft aus Mitteln der Deutschen Forschungsgemeinschaft unternommenen Ausgrabungen in Uruk-Warka pp. 44ff.The other, quite différent version of the seven sages is a bilingual text edited most recently by E. Reiner i n Or. N.s. 30. 1-11. The sages are specified ME4F as antediluvian i n a colophon to a médical text: H pi apkallé la-bi-ru-ti sa la-am abubi (a.mâ.ùru), AMT 105. 22. t
(NUNM .E )
(iii) Other Allusions to the Flood (a) [egi]r a.ma.ru tir.ra.ta 'After the flood had raged* (PBS x/a. 9 rev. i . 23 = TCL 15, p l . xx. 27, cf. W . H . Ph. Rômer, Sumerische See art. 'Deukalion* i n Pauly-AVissowa, Real- Encyclopédie. 1
EXCURSUS
26
'Kônigshytnnen' 46. 119-24 for the context). The line occurs in a sentence explaining the appointment of ISme-Dagan by Enlil.
EXCURSUS
(b) I n god list as names of Tammuz: am.m[e.l]u.an.na = dumu.[zi] [am.me.g]al.an.na ~ [MiN] [ am.me.si]pa.zi.an.na ~ [MiN] CT 24. 9, K 11035. 7-9 m CT 24. 19. i i ( + K 15160) 6-7 = CT 25. 7, K 7663+ 7-9 (LA) d
(b) and (c) l ]»[.•• an. en.li'l.bi.da ^ [ n . k i . . . u .ri.ta u .[sù.râ.ri.ta] gig.ri.ta gi .[sù.râ.ri.ta] mu.ri.ta mfu.sù.râ.ri.ta] u a.ma.ru X [. . . STVC 4
d
d
4
u .ul.li.a.ta u . b i ba Si? la [. . . g i UD ri bi ri g i ba su [. . . mu.sù.da m u ba Si [. . . egir a.ma.ru ba.gar.ra.[ta] Sumer x i , p l . x m . 1-4 4
6
4
6
4
87 B
6
(b) is a fragment from the Old Babylonian period not further identified, (c) is the opening passage of a hymn mentioning U r - N i n u r t a of Isin. Both passages are saying in effect 'in the beginning', and on this thème i n Sumerian texts see Van Dijk, Acta Orientalia x x v m 31 ff., where (b) is translated. One may suspect that the text of (c) is corrupt. (d) Ashurbanipal: hi-fa-ku mihilti(gù.sum) ab-ni là la-am a-bu-bi là kak-ku sa-ak-ku bal-lu T study stone inscriptions from before the flood, which are obtuse, obscure and confused' (VAB v u . 256 18-19 = F. Lehmann-Haupt, Samalsumukin pl. xxxv, cf. T h . Bauer, Das Inschriftenwerk Assurbanipals 80). y
(e) GilgameS: ub-la tè-e-ma là la-am a-bu-bi (1. i . 6). (/) Name List: an-nu-tum LUGAL-e là a-bu-bi a-na sa-dir a-ha-mel la sad-ru (v. i? 44. i . 20). (g) Bilingual text related to BBR 24 (below iv d): . . . ] a.ma.ùru.na.an.na.ke li-i-pu ru-û-qu là lar-ru-ti z[e-r]u na-as-ru là la-am a-bu-bi JCS 21, "Enmeduranki and Related Matters" i 8 (iv) Mentions of Antediluvian Kings 4
(a) I n litanies i n which they are equated w i t h Tammuz: am.me.l[û.an.na . . . am.me.gal.an.na [. . . Gros, Nouvelles Fouilles de Tello 211, A O 4346. 1-2 (OB) am.i.lu.an.na am.me.ga[l.an.na] # E x x x 1. i i i . 8 = 12. i i . 15 ( = PBS x/2. 15) (OB) ^m.me.lu.an.fna. . . am.me.gal.an.n[a . . . rfam.me.sipa.fzi.an.na . | f p K 5044. s ff. ( L A )
d
(c) I n omens ('the omen of . . . ' ) : am-me-lu-an-na MAN [. . . KAR 434 rev. (?) 14 (LA) e-me-lu-an-[na . ., CT 30. 10, K 3843+ rev. 8 (LA) (d) I n ritual text: en-me-dur-an-ki làr sippari JCS 21, "Enmeduranki and Related Matters," i i 1 and 23 (LA) kl
(e) I n incantations: én a-lu-lu sarru là la-mu a-bu-bu B M 45686 = 81-7-6, 91, i . 19 and 25, i i . 12. (The continuation has nothing relevant to the king.) én a-lurlu sd-nu-û-um
EGIR
d
d
d
d
Vf
B M 45686 = 81-7-6,91, i . 21. (This is cited i n a ritual section in a broken context.) (LB) (/) I n an apocryphal letter: a-na a-lu-lu qi-bi-ma um-ma a-da-pa ap-kal-um-ma T o Alulu speak, thus says Adapa the sage (STT 176. 14, LA) m
m
Allusions to a flood brought about by Marduk occur i n the Erra Epic, I 132-48 and I V 50. However, every détail referred to is either lacking from, or cannot be reconciled with, the various versions of the story of the great flood. Presumably, then, this is another flood.
A
Q U O T A T I O N O F ATRA-ffASlS ASSYRIAN K I N G
FOR
AN
ONE of the reports sent by astrologers and incantation priests to advise Late Assyrian kings cites our text. The document, K 761, was published by R. Campbell Thompson, Reports No. 243, and was compiled by a Babylonian incantation priest, Bël-lë'î of the Egibi family (rev. 6: ia
EXCURSUS
aS
bël-î>A, mât e-gi-bi ^maà.maâ), as advice on a drought. Its various sections are separated by rulings, ail of which were omitted by Campbell Thompson. The first two sections (obv. 1-2 and 3-5) quote astrological omens with explanatory glosses. Evidently the conditions stated i n thèse omens were then prevailing, for line 6 includes the words: 'Abundant rain will fall for the king, my lord.' ( à è g gap-su-tu ana sarri be-U-ia il-[la-ku]). The following section (obv. 7-10) consists of instructions on 'how to make Adad send rain* ( adad èèg a-na xa-na-n[i])> of which the only preserved détail is the use of 3u.fl.la prayers or incantations. The reverse, save for the last line, which gives the compilera name, is as follows: mà
m
N O T E S
O N
O R T H O G R A P H Y
AND
G R A M M A R
meô
d
1 2 3 4
[(là) ad]ad-ma Si--a bâb-sû bi-li û-p[u-un-tû] *à}-na qu-du-mi-Sû lil-lih-Sum-ma ma-a[S-ha-tû] ni-qu-û ina se-re-e-ti im-ba-ru li-s[d\-a\z-niri\ eqlu ki-i Sar-ra-qu-tu ma-a-mu lis-s[i] d
5 ki-i zu-un-nu ina mât akkadî
ki
1 2 3 4
^ .
i-te-qï-ru an-na-a e[p-sà\
Seek the door of Adad, bring meal I n front of it. The offering of sesame-meal may be pleasing to him, He may rain down a mist i n the morning, So that the field will furtively bear water.
5 When rain has become scarce i n the land of Akkad, do this. The lines quoted are Tablet n . i i . 11-13, 16, and 19 of Ku-Aya's recension with a few variants. up[untu] for e-pï-ta, and ki sarrâqûtu for ki-ma sa-arra-qi-tu are substitutions of more common words and phrases for less common, a phenomenon also noted i n the Assyrian Recension. However, the substitution of 'water' for 'grain* (su-a) i n 4 cannot be explained i n the same way. Bël-lë'î may have made the change by accident, or perhaps deliberately, since his point i n the use of the line is made clearer thereby. I t is similarly uncertain i f the four missing lines were already lacking from the text then i n use, or i f the compiler omitted them to shorten the excerpt. The significance of this direct quotation is that i t reveals the Babylonian priest operating on a principle that is put forward i n the epic itself, though in other connections, namely that what was done on divine instigation i n the beginning can be repeated at intervais throughout history. T h e technique whereby Atra-fcasîs got Adad to send rain could be used again whenever there was a drought. 1
O n Ùm prineiple in Babylonian thought generally, see W . G . L a m b e r t , JSS 104 ff. 1
xm.
SINCE Atra-frasis
is the longest preserved Old Babylonian epic, i t is of course of great value for study of orthography and grammar. This statement must be qualified, however, in that linguistically speaking the epic's extent is inadéquate to provide the basis for a c o m p r e h e n s i v c study of its dialect. Serious linguistic work would have to draw on ail Old Babylonian literary compositions, and be done with a knowledge of the other contemporary and eariier speech-forms of Akkadian. This falls outside the scope of the présent volume, but attention will be drawn to points of interest which occur. Only the Old Babylonian material will be used. A fundamental observation is that the édition of Ku-Aya is not always consistent, especially i n matters of orthography, note the following examples : Sa-ma-i 1. 19; m . i i i . 7, 48 Sa-ma-ii ni. i i . 35
ti-i-ti-iS 1. 339 te-i-tam 11. i . 9 (B)
Normally the syllables qa and pi are written with GA and BI, but examples of the signs qa and pi occur (1. n and n i . vi. 40, see notes). Normally Anunnakku is written a-nun-na, but once a-nun-na-ku (1. 5, see note), and similarly there is one example of naSSïku (the title of Ea) against several of niSSïku (see note on 1. 16). Orthographically the text must be classified as Northern by the rules of A . Goetze, in Neugebauer and Sachs, Maihematical Cuneiform Texts, pp. 146-7, though the syllables ti/te are often written with the Di-sign, a Southern usage according to Goetze. I n a text internally inconsistent a few other individual 'Southern* usages are of no great importance. We have adopted sqr rather than zkr as the root 'speak' (see note on 1.63), and this créâtes a variety of 'Southern* forms such as is-sâ-qar and si-iq*rà. Since thèse are particularly epic words used i n stock formulas they may well have had their own orthographie tradition unrelated to that of Sippar. Mimation throughout is optional. There are two striking sandhi-writings: bâbiSatmâni (1. 69) and lïteddilirtaSa (11. i . 19), on which see the notes. d
d
Several interesting phonological phenomena occur. Twice a doubled consonant is resolved into the glottal stop followed by a single consonant: u'pur (*= uppur, 1. 284) and lïti[lu] (= littï[lu]> 1.300). Examples elsewhere
ORTHOGRAPHY
AND
GRAMMAR
are very rare, but note ma-'-me-tum (DP v i . 37. v i . 3), normally written Mammïtum. The consonant w has not completely disappeared. A t the beginning of words i t may be simply lost, note âlittutn i n n i . v i i . 2. I t is replaced by m i n the following forms: ilmû (1. 113), i-ta-mu (1. 366), (t)umaSier (11. v . 20, vi. 29). Thèse seem to be the eariiest occurrences of this m though it is normal in Middle Babylonian. tisia for Hsia is paralleled in Old Babylonian letters (see 1. 61 and note), but $anitti!![ka], for the normal tanïttù[ka], in m . viiL 14 could be a scribal error, see the nota» I f burra ( n i . vii. 8) is a form of bukra, i t is without paraliel. I n word forms one naturally looks for 'hymno-epic' idiom, on which see W. von Soden, ZA 40. 163 ff. and 41. 90 ff. A detailed study w i l l be included i n W. G. Lambert's forthcoming Babylonian Création Myths so the material is quoted here w i t h little or no comment : d
y
T H E
THE best-preserved édition of the epic, and so the one which is used here as the main recension, is an édition i n three tablets from the hand of K u Aya i n the reign of Ammi-saduqa. One copy of each of the three tablets survives (for détails see the list below), and they are dated as follows: 1
I
iti.bâra.zag.gar ud.2x.kâm mu am-mi-sa-du-qâ lugal.e alam.a.ni mâs.gaba.tab.ba su X ( X ) ù alam.a.ni 5u.silim.ma ab.di'.a
%
Alone:
Ending -U Hkrii n i . iv. 17
Construct: bâbis atmâni 1. 69 ahriâtil ûmï 1. 214 == 227 bubûtiS niH tîitâ [Ui] 1. 339 pûtii nâri 11. i i i . 26 Suffixes: qâtiUa X. 11 bâbiSka I. 113 tërëtii\ka\ n i . viii. 12 ianîttii[ka] n i . viii. 14
Ending -um azoïlum 1. 1 kïma iarrâqïtu I I . i i . 19 m 33 simânu Hmti 1. 305 cf. 280
f
M o n t h Nisan, 21 st day, the year when Ammi-saduqa, the king, a statue of h i m s e l f . . . a kid held at the breast and a statue of himself victorious ( ? ) . . . 2
II
iti.as.a ud.28.kam m u am-mi-sa-du-qâ lugal.e dûx-am-rni-sa-du-qi** ka.id.zimbir .ra.ta in.ga.an.dim.ma.a ki
ba'ûlâtuHu 1. 14
The only unusual thing here is the ending -um w i t h the meaning 'like', see the note on 1. 1. A less common ending is -ia (or -i$a) for -lam (or -Uam) on iamêSa (1. 13, 17, see the note) meaning 'to heaven'. Also i n 111. i . 37 mûHiu seems to have the ending -ht or -iiu = ana. T h e nominative case-ending i n the construct state occurs i n the following passages: nahbalu tiâmtim 1. 15 (acc.) màrû râmânika 1. 94, 96 (acc.) Hpru iiqû I I . iv. 19 (nom./acc.)
M A N U S C R I P T S
ina c&qulàlu samH 11. v i . 30 (gen.) ina birku àlitti 111. v i i . 5 (gen.)
A totally unexpected révélation is that the t h i r d person fem. precative with f-prefix is not lû taprus, but i taprus (see 1. 295 and note o n 1. S i i i . 16). Several difficult uses of the acc. occur, see 1. 5, n i . v i i . 8-9 (perhaps also n i . iii. 33) with notes.
M o n t h Shebat, 28th day, the year when Ammi-saduqa, the king, con* structed Dûr-Ammi-saduqa at the mouth of the Sippar canal. III
iti.gud.si.sâ [ud. X .kâm] m u am-mi-sa-d[u-qâ lugal.e) alam.a.[ni. . . [x]x[..| M o n t h Iyyar [ x t h day], the year when Ammi-saduqa, [the king], a statue of himself [. . .
Scheil i n 1898 {RT xx. 55) proposed to read the name either Ellet-Aya or Mullil-Aya, and the former has been generally accepted. T h i s , however, as pointed out by B. Landsberger privately, has no sound basis. J . } . Stamm, i n Die akkaduche Namengebung {Mitteilungen der vorderasiatisch-aegyptischen Gesellschaft 44) 301 f., commenta that the type kù-f divine name ia Sumerian; and i n the period of the First Dynasty of Babylon one finds not only k u i n this type, but also kù.babbar and once a phonetic writing ka-sa-apiitar ( VAS 8. 22. 4). N o writings *el-le-et-iitar have been noted. T h u s in ail probability the scribe was called Kasap-Aya, but since there is no proof, we have used the Sumerian form. * T h e meaning o f Su.silim.di i s suggested by Erimhus x. 6 ( C T 18. 47, K 214 » C T 1 9 . 8 , R m i l . 587. 6 « KBo 1. 44. 6 ) : su.silim.di = iit-ru-sû in the context of its group and by the meaning of the éléments i n Su.silim.di. 1
THE
3*
MANUSCRIPTS
Tablet I was thus Written (or finished) on the 2ist day of the first month of Ammi-saduqa's I 2 t h year (c. 1635 B.c.), and Tablet n on the 28th day of the eleventh month of the preceding year. The t h i r d tablet is dated i n the second month of a year which cannot be certainly ascertained, since the 5th, i 2 t h , I 5 t h , and one other, unidentified year formula of this king begin with mention of a statue. I t could well be the same year as that of Tablet 1, since they both reached the British Muséum together. The rest of the colophons of thèse three tablets concerna the number of lines and the scribe: 1
dub.l.kâm.ma i-nu-ma i-lu a-wi-lum mu.sid.bi 416 Su kù.4a.a dub.sar.tur
n
dub.2.kàm.ma i-nu-ma i-lu a-wi-lum [mu.S]id.bi 439 Su k&.<*a.a dub.sar.tur
m
aLtil dub.3.kàm.ma i-nu-ma i-lu a-wi-lum?* *'^ *] mu.Sid.bP 390 0
1
r
su.nigin 1245 Sa 3 tup-pa-t[im] Su kù. a.a dub.sar.tur d
I
Tablet 1, 'When the gods like man' Number of lines: 416 Written by Ku-Aya, the junior scribe
II
Tablet 11, 'When the gods like man' Number of lines: 439 Written by Ku-Aya, the junior scribe
m
Finis Tablet n i , 'When the gods like man' Number of lines: 390 Total: 1245 for the three tablets Written by Ku-Aya, the j u n i o r scribe
Tablet m , cited here under the symbol C (see the list below), results from the combination of two pièces, one i n Geneva, the other i n L o n d o n . The way that the two pièces are broken and ail other considérations suggest that they are parts of the same tablet and might just touch i f they were put
THE
MANUSCRIPTS
together. From the first publication of Tablet 11 in 1898 by Scheil (RT XX. 55) i t has been argued that Ku-Aya worked in Sippar. The reason, which has not changed since Scheil wrote (see Finkelstein, JCS 11. 83-4) is that the overwhelming majority of tablets from Arnmi-saduqa's reign corne from Sippar, and the two London tablets, 1 and i n , reached the British Muséum in a collection mainly of such material. The Ku-Aya tablets are written in eight columns of about fifty-five lines each, save for the last one, which is shorter, and each column is numbered consecutively from the top (the wedge for 'ten' is put against each tenth line), then the total is given on the bottom edge under each column. The division of the work into tablets is purely scribal. The author wrote it as an uninterrupted séquence, and other éditions divide it differently from Ku-Aya's. Another copy of Tablet 11 belonging to the same recension is now in Istanbul ( D ) . F. R. Kraus has shown that other tablets in Istanbul which, like this one, bear Nippur numbers, certainly corne from Sippar, and in view of the close resemblance of this to B, Ku-Aya's Tablet n , he has concluded that this too is from Sippar. The two have the same eight-column format, and where both are preserved they are sign for sign identical, except for i i . 18 (B has na-as-Sa, but D na-al-la) and orthographie variants i n i . 9-10, v i i . 48, and viii. 36. Other différences are that the text is not broken into columns at exactly the same points; that D uses ten-marks on the obverse i n the style of Ku-Aya, but neglects to do so on the reverse; and that there is no colophon preserved. I t is true that the bottom of the last column is broken away, but even i f the date was put there and is thus lost, the number of lines and the name of the scribe, which should have followed close o n the last line to conform to Ku-Aya's style, is certainly lacking. 1
2
W i t h B there is a more direct pièce of évidence. Scheil only wrote on its origin that it was 'parmi les découvertes de ma ueptiksnt campagne en Orient' (RT xx. 55» Bévue biblique 7 . 5 ) . However, at the meeting of the Eleventh International Congress of Orientalists held i n Paria, 1897, he had said substantially more. T h e Actes of the Congress conta in nothing by h i m , but reports are given by two British scholars who attended, Sayce and K i n g . F i r s t , A . H . Sayce, in the Préface to his Early History ofthe Hebrews (1897), p. vii, states : At the récent meeting of the Oriental Congress in Paris, D r . Scheil stated that among the tablets lately brought back from Sippar to the muséum at Conatantinople is one w h i c h contains the • . . story of the flood . . . inscribed in the reign of Ammi-zadok. . . .' L . W . K i n g ' s Babylonian Religion and Mythology (1899), p. 114 says, 'It was found during the excavations that were recently undertaken by the Turkish Government at A b u - H a b b a h , the site o f the ancient city of Sippar.' However, somehow the tablet became Scheil's property (cf. C . H . W . Johns, Cuneiform Inscriptions 41), and the informative paragraph i n Sayce's book was omitted from the otherwise unchanged second édition of 1899. 1
1
a
F . R. Kraus,
818168
Altbab. Rechlsurhunden aus Nippur
D
58;
Edikt 12-13.
34
T H E
MANUSCRIPTS
The other Old Babylonian pièces, E, F, G , can be assumed to come from Sippar on the same kind of évidence, but i f so they attest the présence of at least three widely différent recensions i n the one town. E has a text which is basically the same as Ku-Aya's, but w i t h many orthographie variants and one more substantial one i n i . 295. However, this tablet had six, not eight columns, also there are no ten-marks. F is a small fragment with traces from the line-ends of one column and better-preserved beginnings of a second. From thèse one can see that the couplets were written on a single line i n this copy, and its columns must have been very wide. But when allowanoe has been made for the différait format, i t is clear that there were recensional différences from Ku-Aya's édition, and the traces from its first column, which should come near the beginning of Tablet 1, cannot be identified at ail. G also offers a widely différent recension, and again differently arranged. The tablet has only four columns, two on each side, and a ruling is put after each couplet, which is written over two Unes, as i n the majority of tablets from ail periods. T h e first line of G corresponded with I . 157 of Ku-Aya's édition, and the whole tablet must have contained much less material. I f the édition represented by G covered the same ground as the main recension, i t must have consisted of some eight tablets. However, i t may not have contained ail the same épisodes. Even the few words left i n its column i offer variation f r o m K u Aya's text I t is not clear i f its column i i is to be inserted i n a gap i n the main recension, or is something differing recensionally f r o m a preserved épisode. The traces of its column i i i are totally unidentified, which is only explicable as due to its déviation from Ku-Aya's édition. Of the two Middle Babylonian pièces, one from Ras Shamra ( f t ) and one from Nippur (3), i t can only be said that they differed recensionally from Ku-Aya, and J$ covered only the flood. The fourteen Late Assyrian pièces ail come from the Ashurbanipal libraries and are ail i n Late Assyrian script. Even i f some were appropriated by Ashurbanipal from other existing collections there is no reason to suppose that any one is more than a century or so older than he. They are not uniform in any other respect, and they can be divided into three groups. The first, of nine mostly very small pièces (J-R), can be regarded as descendants of Ku-Aya's édition or something simiiar. T h a t is, they often agrée verbally with i t , though offering many orthographie and phonetic variants. They do diverge more seriously i n places, by way of addition or omission, or in other ways. Thus L omits 1. 116-17; before 1. 241 P has some lines not in the Old Babylonian text, and the same copy transposes the coupletJ 301-2 between lines 295 and 296; Q has remains of five
THE MANUSCRIPTS
35
lines covering 1. 413-15; P also has a correction from a paraliel passage: cf. its readings in 1. 241-3 with the main recension at IL vii. 31-3, Only four of the nine pièces seem to be from the same tablets, j and K, and O and P, and in view of the small extent of thèse pièces generally one cannot be sure that their recensional connections have been properfy assessed. Certainly there is diversity among them, and there was no one text, as in the case of Gilgamei, that had been thoroughly worked over and was standard i n the late periods. Old Babylonian orthographies remain unchanged, e.g. the use of -sac i n 1.255 P. Also there is no standard format. M turned from obverse to reverse after 1. 181 ; L (a pièce from the righthand side of the complète tablet) did the same at about I. 150 ; P did so at about 1. 275. Ku-Aya's tablet (A) does so after 1. 227. Thus P could have contained the same number of Unes as A, but M and L must have been only about two-thirds the length of A, so that if they contained ail the material from Ku-Aya's édition they probably formed a séries of four tablets. Q was no doubt Tablet 11 of such a séries, since its obverse covers the end of Ku-Aya's Tablet 1 and the beginning of Tablet n , while its reverse overlaps column i i of Tablet i l . L obverse has a ruling and some damaged signs just above i t that seem to be colophonic. I f this is a correct understanding of the traces, L is derived from a séries of which one (presumably the first) tablet ended with 1.110. The second group of Ashurbanipal fragments is formed by V and W. We lump them together because they seem to be unrelated to Ku-Aya's édition, and they may well be unrelated to each other. V, for the Uttle of i t preserved, seems to have some relationship to the Old Babylonian G. Somewhere among the eleven Ashurbanipal pièces just dealt with there are no doubt remains of one Ashurbanipal recension of the epic in which i t was part of a larger whole. This émerges from the colophon of K 4175+ Sm 57+80-7-19, 184, and 82-3-23, 146 (see CT 18.47 and RA 17. 189): e-tm-ma t<-& a-[me-hm] dub.2.kâm.ma me.me [kûr.kûjr i-li 4
This tablet itself contains the bilingual création myth with the Silbenalphabet alongside, and is given i n this colophon as the second in the séries which begins w i t h the Silbenalphabet itself in its bilingual version. The catch-Une is the opening phrase of Apa-ham? so the epic formed the t h i r d , and no doubt also subséquent tablets, i n this combine d séries. T h e only identified fragment of the bilingual Silbenalphabet from 1
1
See B . Landsberger,
Iraq 4- 33-4-
AfO Beiheft 1 {Festschrift von Oppenheim)
177-8; C . J . Gadd,
THE MANUSCRIPTS AshurbanipaTs libraries is T h 1905-4-9, 26 = B M 98520 (RA 17. 202), and as this could well be from the same scribe who wrote K 4175+» i t is probably from Tablet 1 of this séries. On the same basis of script one may wonder i f V also cornes from the same scribe and so belongs to the séries. The only post-OId Babylonian text of Atra-hasïs o f sufficient estent and of such character to be called a recension is made up by the remaining Ashurbanipal pièces, S, T , and U . George Smith first made the epic known from S, which is now represented under three K-numbers. Smith knew ail three as parts of a single tablet, but after his death they got separated, and only i n 1967 was K 8562 finally joined to the other two. The small pièce T is almost certainly the concluding fragment of the same tablet Script, clay, and content lead to this supposition, and the line of colophon therefore identifies i t as Tablet 1 of Atra-hasïs. Along w i t h the three joined pièces i t covers Tablet 1 of the main recension and the first half of Tablet 11, so obviously i t was a two-tablet édition, and reason w i l l be offered shortly for taking U as the only surviving pièce of the second and last tablet i n this édition. For reasons which w i l l become apparent, this can be called the Assyrian Recension. T h e format of Tablet 1 is one of six columns. 1
2
The most striking feature of this recension, as already observed by Laessoe, îs the occurrence of Assyrian dialect forms (the corresponding word of the main recension, where preserved, is given i n brackets): T h i r d person fem. tS iii. 3 iii. 5 i i i . 5, 6
tam-nu-u (ittanaruti) tàk-ri-is (uktarris) tas-ku-un (iikun)
lu* instead of Ii- i n precatives iii. iv. iv. vi
19 30 48 27
lu-har-ri-sâ lu-sa-bu-u (lisebbû) lu-ti-id lu-ri-id
Vowel harmony, etc. 33 vi. 17
su-hu-rat (sahurrat) e-tar-bu-ma
In his Chaldean Account ©/ Genesis ( 153-6; 1880, 155-8) he refera to the epic as knownfromose copy only, and confuses obverse and reverse of the tablet. He translates the bottom half of column ir.rf K 3399+3934 and then from K 8562 as the last preserved portion. * dub.l.kam.rna ji u[m mui. ':: 1
l
THE MANUSCRIPTS Short form of verbal suffixes iii. 12
37
û-ka-la-la-ti-na Assyrian I I / i
iv. 32 | i ka-i-la Late Assyrian préférence for a (cf. RA 53. 125) iv. 35
kat-ra-ba-ma
Thèse forms certainly resuit from Assyrianization of an underlying Babylonian text, since often the Babylonian form occurs more frequently. For example, as against the one example of the short form of the verbal suffix there are three examples of the longer -UnâU (iv. 11,15,38). Assyrian influence also occurs i n orthography, and some of thèse features are very curious. Single consonants are often written where most scribes would write double, and the tablet is not self-consistent. It contains some glosses, which, however, are of significance for the study of Late Assyrian rather than for Atra-hasïs. A few examples only are given: Unusual writings:
ti-ta
iv. 42, 52
rd-se-e iv. 42, 52 Single consonants: a-li-te (àlitte), li-na-di [linnadi) Inconsistencies:
ta» 15
i-tm-ru/i'-ru iv. 49, 59 it-ta- - [dar]jat-ta-ar* "dar iv. 2,7 pl
Three reasons support the assignment of U to the Assyrian Recension. First, U obv. 5-8 is a pair of repeated couplets like S iv. 23-6 (both are restored a little). They are of a kind not found i n any other text of the epic. Secondly, U rev. 20 and S iv. 30 both use KA (gù) for rigmu (as proved by the main recensions paraliel Unes), something very unusual in Akkadian texts generally. Thirdly, U shows the same kinds of divergence from the main recension as S. For orthography note W-ta-sa-a (ittasâ: rev. 18), and for grammar si-qu-su siq-si-qu (rev. 7), which shows s for a, as is characteristic for many Middle Assyrian literary texts and copies. From internai évidence i t may be suspected that the Assyrian Recension goes back to a Middle Assyrian original. Such Akkadian literary texts as do survive i n Middle Assyrian copies (e.g. AS 16. 283-8) show the same mixture of Assyrian and Babylonian forms (see also BWL 334 on b) and the same orthographie features. Whether this recension had a longer history i n Assyria cannot be ascertained. The use of GI for Ai in iii. 5 is an O l d Assyrian custom, but i t is possible that the correct expianation is
THE MANUSCRIPTS
38
T H E MANUSCRIPTS
grammatical rather than orthographie, that the Geers L a w d i d not fully operate and the word should be read girfu or qirsu. Since i t is known that Tukulti-Ninurta I used his sack of Babylon to acquire literary and other texts (AfO 18. 44. 2-11), and that Tiglath-pileser I had a library of such material (AfO 16. 197 ff.), i t is perhaps more probable that this recension was Assyrianized i n the middle period. So far as can be told from its incomplète state, the Assyrian Recension follows the order of events i n the main recension. There is nothing to suggest that i t differed i n more than détail. For example, its Tablet 1, column i i , offers a fragment of narrative sharing some wording w i t h the main recension, but i t is différent i n détails of the events. Thèse do not, however, affect the gênerai r u n of the story. I n the description of the averting of the first plague the editor has avoided the répétition of the main recension (his iv. 29-36 covers 1. 372-415 î), but conversely his account seems to conflate at each occurrence the events o f the second, t h i r d , and fourth attempts of the gods to quieten the human race, which b o t h obscures the plot and pads out the narrative. T h e biggest différence between the two recensions is i n wording. While there is some phraseology i n common, there is much more of the epic where the wording has been changed quite deliberately on one side or the other. Generally i t seems a reasonable conclusion that the main recension is primary and the Assyrian Recension secondary. This is particularly clear where obscure words and phrases of the Old Babylonian text have been altered: 11. t n (zumSu) li-sa-aq-qi-il = zu-un-na-su lu~td-qir (iv. 44) 11. iv. 14 i-na H-it-ku-ki na-pi-i[i-ti] vi. 15)
= i-na lu-par-ke-e napisti (v. 26 = 1
The same kind of corrections can be observed between Tablet 111 o f the main recension and GilgameS x i . Metrically too the Assyrian Recension is far less consistent than the main recension. I t s lines more commonly diverge from the accepted patterns, and some parts are not written i n couplets even though the corresponding O l d Babylonian lines are, e.g. S 12-26 = v i 1-15 compared w i t h 11. i v . 7-18. I n short, the Assyrian Recension is a reworking of Ku-Aya's text (or a simiiar one) and i t is scarcely an improvement. Whether the éditorial work was done i n Babylonia before the text was taken t o Assyria, where local dialectal forms were inserted, or whether both sets o f changes were
B
rian is at présent an unanswerable question. There is one passage h shows that tfae other Late Assyrian copies could have connections | P b the Assyrian Recension: for 11. i . 5-6, Q has substituted a couplet of
39
roughly the same content but differently worded. This is also found in S iv. 4-5. The two Late Babylonian fragments, x and y, are hardly big enough for their recensional characteristics to be drawn out. But clearly they do ditTer from the Old Babylonian édition in some places quite substantially, and they too may not always keep the Old Babylonian couplet form. However, they do not agrée among themselves on who guarded the 'middle earth\ Our reconstructed text is based on Ku-Aya's tablets where they are preserved, but the text is arrangée! metrically. Lines of poetry spread over two lines of script due to the narrowness of the Old Babylonian columns have been joined and spacing is used to indicate couplets. Tablet I is cited by line only (e.g. 1. 241) since, with the help of the ten-marks (those for 220 and 320 are omitted i n CT 46. 1) and the total number of lines given i n the colophon i t is possible to give a consécutive n umbering throughout. I n Tablets i l and 111 the gaps between the preserved portions of the columns cannot be estimated accurately, so thèse tablets have to be cited by tablet, column, and line number, e.g. m . iv. 17. Where the ten-marks enable i t , the ancient line numbers are used; otherwise the preserved lines are numbered from 1. So far as possible, ail other tablets, both Old Babylonian and later, are cited i n the apparatus. However, where Ku-Aya's édition is déficient, i t has been restored from other Old Babylonian texts without any spécial indication of this fact when it is reasonably certain that they can properly be so used. This applies almost exclusively to E i n Tablet 1 and D i n Tablet 11. Where the Late Assyrian fragments that are descended from Ku-Aya's text, or something simiiar, alone are preserved, they are used to restore the Old Babylonian text, but distinguished by smaller type. T h i s occurs only i n Tablet I, 171 ff. and 251 ft With the divergent texts, the smaller pièces have been inserted, where possible, in opportune gaps i n the main recension. Thus of the first tablet of the Assyrian Recension, the small surviving portions of the obverse are inserted i n the course of Tablet I, but the larger portions of the columns on the reverse are given on their own after the end of Tablet IIL And so with the other divergent pièces. The location of each can be found from the following list o f manuscripts.
LIST
LIST Symbol
O F
Symbol Muséum number K « K 6235
M A N U S C R I P T S
Muséum number
Copy
ZtiVse* preserved1
fi « M L C
1889
C * C i « B M 78942+78971+80385 ( B u 89-4-26, 235 + 266+ B u 91-5-9» 524) and C « M A H 16064 (see JCS 5.18) 2
L
CT 46. 1*
I. 1-50, 52; 57-114; 115-30» 39-7o; 20927; 228-51; 281-308, 319-20, 322, 324-5» 3^7-33; 334-89; 39o~ 416
2
RA 28. 92, 94 7-8 P i s . 1-6
Pis.
D « N i 2552+2560+2564
B M 92608 (Bu 91-5-9» 269)
F G
M
1
RT x x . 56-8 YOR v/3, pis. 1, 11 BRM i v . 1 CT 46. 3
CT 6. 5 PBS x / i , p i s . n i , i v = Le Poème p l . X CT 46. 4
B M 17596a (94-1-15, 310a)
CT 46.
B M 78257 ( B u 88-5-12, 113)
CT
44- 20
22. 421 3 « C B S 13532 *
RS
LATE ASSYRIAN (ail from | « K 10082
CT 46. 1a CT 46. 11 CT 46. 8
K6831
•* K 7 1 0 9 + 9 9 7 9
BE
v.
Ser. D v / i
I. 237-60; 288-306
292
JSS v. 123 07*46. 14 BWL pl. 65
(l. 410-n.i. 13) ; (n. i-ii)
CT 15. 49
(1. 18-40); (1. 170 ft);
1
m . i. 28-50; ii. 28-55; iii. 3-54; iv. 3-28, 3948; v. 8-14, 28-52; vi. 1-27, 38-51; vii. 1-27; viii. 3-19
R — K 4539 S = K 3399+3934+8562
m . i . 11-26; i i . 9-21; vii. 36-41 n. i . 2-23; i i . 8-36; i i i . i-35 ; i v . 1-25 ;v. 1-33; vi. 1-32; vii. 30-535 viii. 31-7 1. 123-46; 188-220; 271-300; traces c. 340
T = K 12000c
m . vii. 10-18?
(3399+3934)» (1.253 #.);(*• 352-n.iV, CT 46. 6(8562) (11. ii-iii);(n. iv). Pp. 106-14 CT 13. 31 (11. iv). P. 114
(T is probably the e n d of the same tablet as S)
U = B M 98977+99231 ( K i 1904-10-9, 6 + 263) V = K 6634 W = D T 42
JSSv.
116
( m - i); ( n i . P p . 122-4
CT 46.
9
(1. 189-91); (1. 360 ff.) (m. i). P. 128
Delitesch,
101,
iv.
Al?
JR 50,
iii).
1
iv. R? Additions p. 9, Haupt,
158-66;
Nimrodepos p. 131, CT 46.
NEO-LATE BABYLONIAN
X5
x = B E 39099
(182-97);
(ii-ni). P.
132
unidentified; P . 126
1804)
v
a
3: S:
Unidentified;
1601)
(11.
ii
m Pl.
(ni. i).
(r. 49-52); 109-11 ?
4, 9-10
(n. v-vi). Pp.
(Photo B a b y l o n
B:
l
Pis.
(Photo B a b y l o n
Ashurbanipars library)
CT46. 7
I. 226-33
(complète) (O a n d P are probably parts o f the same tablet)
unidentified
167
T. I06-22; 169-75 I. l63-8l I. Ï72-9
1
CT 46. 13
y = B E 36669/243 Ugaritica
identified
Pl. 5 BA v. 688 (7816 only)
K 7816+13863
Q *= S m
T h e semicolons separate the material of the preserved columns in séquence of each tablet or fragment, Where a recension widely difîering from K u - A y a ' s is offered, the corresponding line- and column-numbers o f his recension are given i n bracketa. Where the lines concemed have not been used for our main text and are not given adjacent to the corresponding passage, they can be located from the page références given i n the above list. * Collations are given on pl. 11. 1
«
P -
MIDDLE BABYLONIAN $
Lines preserved I. 68-80; 168-77; un-
10'
O « K 14697
24; vit. 37-54Î viii. 33-7
1. 2
Copy CT 46.
N ~ Bu 8 9 - 4 - 2 6 , 97
II. i . 1-20; i i . 8-9, 13-
1. u n i d e n t i f i e d ; 103-24
a
41
(J and K are probably parts of the same tablet)
OLD BABYLONIAN A = B M 78941+78943 (Bu 89-4-26, 234+236)
OF MANUSCRIPTS
5
116-20
( i l . i i - i i i ) , P. 116
PHOTOGRAPHS
RT x x , p l . w i t h 55-9; Johns, Cuneiform Inscriptions, Frontispieçé and p . 11 ; YOR v/3 p i s . v - v i ; BRM i v , p l . 11; Clay, Origin of the Biblical Traditions 223 (enlargements of some signs) RA 2 8 , p l . w i t h p p . 9 1 - 7
BE
S e r . D v/x
Catalogue v , p l . v m (part only) Sollberger, The Babylonian Legend of the Flood,
Bezold,
W : E.
1
Collations are given on p l . u .
p.
37
(42) (43) T A B L E T A
I TABLET
1 i-nu-ma i-lu a-wi-lum 2 ub-lu du-ul-la iz-bi-lu
fu-up-H-[i]k-ka
1 When the goda like men 2 Bore the work and sufTcred the toil
3 lu-up-U-ik i-li ra-bi-[rri\a 4 du-ul-lu-um ka-bi-it ma-a-ad la-ap-Sa-qum
3 The toil of the gods was great, 4 The work was heavy, the distress was much—
5 ra-bu-tum a-nun-na-ku si-bi-it-tam 6 du-ul-lam û-la-az-ba-lu H- gi-gP d
5 The Seven great Anunnaki
r
6 Were making the Igigi suffer the work.
7 a-nu a-bu-lu-nu ia[r-r]u 8 \ni\a-li-ik-Su-nu qû-ra-d[u\ en-lil
7 Anu, their father, was the king; 8 Their counsellor was the warrior Enlil;
d
9 [gu -u]z-za-lu-lu-n[u]
[ni]n-urta
d
5
10 [ù] gal-lu-lu-nu
9 Their Chamberlain was Ninurta; 10 A n d their sheriff Enitugi.
[en]-nu-gi
d
11 [q]a-tam i-hu-zu qa-ti-la 12 is-qd-am id-du-û i-lu iz-zu-zu
11 The gods had clasped hands together, 12 Had east lots and had divided.
13 ^a-nu i-te-liî\a-mé\- e^-Sa 1
x
14 [X x ] x x X W-se-tam
13 Anu had gone up to heaven, 14 [ . . ] . . . the earth to his subjects.
ba-û-la-W-ul-hi
15 [H-ga-ra n]a-ak-ba-lu ti-a-am-tirn 16 [it-ta-a]d-nu a-na en-ki na-ai-H- W d
I
15 [The boit], the bar of the sea, 16 (They had given] to Enki, the prince.
T
17 [ii-tu a-nu-u]m i-lu- û ta^-me-e-la 18 [ù *en-ki a-na a]p-si- P [t]-ta-ar-du r
17 [After Anu] had gone up to heaven
r
18 [ A n d Enki] had gone down to the Apsû, •
19 20
' • ' . ] û X [ï]a-ma-i .] x [e]-lu H-gi~gi
21
•§£»'•] i-fye-er-ru-nhn
22
' . . . n]a-pi-it~ti ma-tim
23 24
. i]-fye-er-ru-nim na-p]i-il-ti ma-tim
25
. idtjglat na-ra-am . . . ] X-di/ki-tam '
4 8
^
1 2 3 4
. . . ] they were digging . . . ] the life of the land . . .] they were digging . , . ] the life of the land
i
n
K
4175+
(see p.
35).
*
*
*
The Assyrian Recension of Unes 19 ff. is offered by K 8562 (S), column i :
. . . ] . . the heavens . . . ] . upon the I g i g i
* I
*
5
. . . ] ^e^-tar-du . . . ma-li-k]u-ut ap-se-e . . . -rfi-du-ma . . .] X ud £#(idim) d
• • ,• - i~her]-ru-iï nàra
6 . . . n]a-pûl-ti mâti 7 . . . ] X pu-ra-na-ta ar-ki-ld 8 . . .] i-na naq-bi 9 ^ .]-fu-nu il-tâk-nu 7-xo
cf.
Gilg.
a.
] went down rulerjship of the Apsû went] down ] • • Ea I I ] ] ] ] ]
were digging the river the life of the land . the Euphrates after it from the deep their [. . . ] they set up
I
ATRA-rJASlS 44
.. . i-na n]a-aq-bi ... S-i\a-ak-nu
jk 28
3° 32
S
f
] the Apsû J . . of the land J . within i t
' ' • J " * qi-ri-ib-iu u!-ï\u-û re-H-su
3
*T-S*;Si ïO~l ; 1 ^
] they set up
.. . ajp-tsa^-a . . . ] X-at ma-tim
29
1
from] the deep
] they raised its head
. . . è]û 33 [sanâtim m-nu-é\ f n
sa-di-i iu-up-H-ik-ki
] X sû-si-a ra-bi-a |35 36 [s'anâtim im]-nu-û ia iu-up-H-ik-ki . . . ] x 40 itfm&tm(mu.hi.a) at-ra-am 37 [ X X db]-iiMeai iz-bi-lu mu-si û ur-ri 3
14 ..] sum'-i/-im*-iikakbu?la 15 traces
J . they surrounded
5
* * * * * J3 • • »] ail the mountains, 34 [They counted the years] of the toit 35 . . .] . the great rnarsh, 36 [They] counted [the years] of the toil 37 Excessive [
] for 4 0 years
38 [. .] they sufïered the work night and day.
8
39 [i-da-bu\-bu-ma i-ik-ka-lu ka-ar-n ¥> [ut-ta-az]-za-mu i-na ka-la-ak-kz 4
1
[ X x ] X - m guzzalâ i [ka-a]b-tam du-ul-la-m
40 Grumbling in the excavation: 41 ' L e t us confront our [. .] ., the Chamberlain,
ni-im-hu-ur-ma li-sa-d-ik el-ni
42 T h a t he may relieve us of our hezvy work. 43 [• •] counsellor of the gods, the hero, 44 Come, let us unnerve him in his dwelling!
43 [ X X m]a-H-ik i-li qu-ra-dam 44 [al-k)/BMdm i ni-is-H-a i-na su-ub-ti-su
45 [Bolil], counsellor of the gods, the hero,
45 [*€*-& m]a-ti-ik i-li qu-ra-dam 46 [al-k]a-mm i ni-is-H-a i-na su-ub-ti-su
46 Come, let us unnerve him in his dwelling!' 47 [• •] • opened his mouth 48 [ A n d addressed] the gods, his brothers,
47 [ X ] X pi-a-hi i-pu-ia-am-ma 48 [is-$â-qa]r a-na i-U ah-U-su 4
49 ' . . . . ] . the Chamberlain of old time
• - ] X GVJA.l Ia-bP-ru-tîm
49
39 T h e y [were œmplaining], backbiting,
r
M4*
50
] KH»1
2
_ _ JE
*
*
*
*
*
K 10082 ( J )
T h e last four lines of Column i , 53-6, are broken away, b u t K 10082 ( J ) probably belongs at this point: 1
j» î
, . J - a i nir^na-ra^-a [i-tu\
2
È&Ê • ] X i ni-ii-bi-ir
m-ra
3 [ . . . pâ-su] i-pu-ia-am-ma 4 [is-sa-aq-qa-r\a ana Us ah-he-e-iu 5 - - J X gazait kt-bi-ru-tim d
2
. . . ] . let us kiU [him] ê # . ] . let us break tbe yokeP
3 [• - •] opened pus mouth] 4 [ A n d addressed) the gods his brothers, % * J « the Chamberlain of old rime
ATRA-tJASÏS 46
6 7 8
. . .] i-sa-ak-ka-na en-lil . . . ia]-né-e i-Sa-ka-an . . .] X X iq-qû-û X X X X d
•
•
1
*
*
57 tna-li-\ik] qû-ra-dam 58 al-k[a]-(nim} V ni-is-H-a i-na hi-ub-ti-su 59 en-lil [ma-li-i]k i-li qû-ra-dam 60 al-[ka]-(nim) i ni-û-H-a i-na Hs-ub-ti-Su
57-84;J 6-8
6 7
. . .] Enlil will appoint . . .] will appoint another
8
. . •]
*
ii 57 The counsellor o f the gods, the hero, 58 Come, let us unnerve him in his dwelling!
d
61 a-nu-um-ma ti-H-a tu-^qtP-um-tam 62 ta-ha-za i ni-ib-lu-la qd-ab-la-am
61 Now, proclaim war, 62 Let us mingle hostilities and battle/
63 i-lu is-mu-û H-qi-ir-Su 64 i-ïa-tam ne-pi-H-su-nu id-du-û-ma 65 ma-ar-ri-su-nu i-sa-ta-am 66 hi-up-H-ik-ki-hi-nu girra d
K
6 7
63 The gods heeded his words: 64 They set fire to their tools,
it-ta-ak-su
68 i-ta-ah-zu-nim i-il-la-ku-nim 69 ba-bi-sa-at-ma-ni qû-ra-di en-lil
71 èfta
/a-«w
mu-ïum i-ba-as-H
M-M/
i-fti
65 Fire to their spades they put 66 A n d flame to their hods. 68 They held them as they went 69 T o the gâte of the shrine of the hero Enlil.
d
70 mi-H-il ma-as-sa-ar-ti
59 Enlil, counsellor o f the gods, the hero, 60 Come, let us unnerve him in his dwelling 1
70 I t was night, half-way through the watch, 71 The temple was surrounded, but the god did not know.
72 mi-H-il ma-as-sa-ar-ti mu-sum i-ba-as-H 73 é-kur la-wi en-lil û-ul i-di
72 I t was night, half-way through the watch, 73 Ekur was surrounded, but Enlil did not know.
74 û-te-eq-qi kal-kal û-te-[H] 75 il-pu-ut si-ïk-ku-ra i-hi-it [ x
74 Kalkal observed it and was disturbed. 75 He slid the boit and watched [. .]
à
d
X]
76 kai-kal id-de-ki [nusku] 77 ri-ig-ma i-h-em-mu-û s [a . . .]
76 Kalkal roused [Nusku], 77 A n d they listened to the noise of [. . . ]
78 ànusku id-de-ki be-[el-hi\ 79 i-na ma-ia-li û-k-et-[bi-hî\
78 Nusku roused [his] lord, 79 He got [him] out of his bed,
80 be-li la-wi bi-[it-ka] 81 qd-ab-lum i-ru-sa a)-\na ba-bi-ka]
80 ' M y lord, [your] temple is surrounded, 81 Battle has come right up [to your gâte].
82 dtft-fiZ fa-fp[f bi-i]t-ka
82 Enlil, your temple is surrounded, 83 Battle has come right up to your gâte.*
d
d
{
83 qd-ab-l[um i-ru]-^ 84 <^-#/
X X X
g75 K S!. [/]f-ift^u-r[a i S f i *
a-na [b]a-bi-ka
û-ïa-ar-di a-na su-ub-ti-ïu 7 1
K :
I*"*
70 K : m]a.a-a-a/ [
73 K :
84 Enlil
to his dwelling.
ATRA-HASÎS
4**
85 ffien-Hlpa-a-su i-pu-sa-am-ma 86 a-na sukkalU
87 mtsku e-di-U ba-ab-ka 88 ka-ak-ki-ka U-qi i-zi-iz
85 Enlil opened his mouth 86 And addressed the vizier Nusku, 87 'Nusku, bar your gâte,
d
ma-ah-ri-ia
89
88 Take your weapons and stand before me.' 89 Nusku barred his gâte,
ma-har en-Ul d
90 Took his weapons and stood before Enlil.
91 nusku pi-a-su i-pu-ia-am-ma 92 is-sà-qar a-na qû-ra-di en-Ul
91 Nusku opened his mouth 92 A n d addressed the hero Enlil,
93 be-K bi-nu bu-nu-ka 94 ma-ru ra-ma-m-ka
nd-m-su ta-du-ur
93 ' M y lord, sons are your . . . 94 W h y do you fear your own sons?
95 ^en-lil bi-nu bu-nu-ka 96 ma-ru ra-ma-m-ka mi-in-su ta-du-ur
95 Enlil, sons are your . . . 96 Why do you fear your own sons?
97 su-pu-ur a-na[m] ti-ie-ri-du- [nim-m]a 98 en-ki\ H-ib-bi-ku-mm a-na m[a-ah-ri-k]a
97 Send that A n u be fetched down 98 A n d that Enki be brought to your présence.'
99 ik-pu-ur a-nam û-se-ri-[du-m-i]s-su 00 *en-ki ib-bi-kti-nim a-na ma-a[h-ri\-hi
99 He sent and Anu was fetched down, 00 Enki was brought also to his présence.
01 wa-si-ib a-nu 02 sar-ri ap-si-i
01 A n u , king of heaven, was présent, 02 K i n g of the Apsû, Enki, was in attendance.
à
d
à
sar-ri \ia\-me-e en- ki A-[me-re-é\k- kP
d
r
r
04 %B-JSF it-bi-ma ia [. . ,]-dijM-rm
03 W i t h the great Anunnaki présent 04 Enlil arose . [ . . . ] . .
05 àen-Ulpi-a-su i-[pu-sa-a]m-ma 06 is-sà-qar a-n[a i-li ra-b]u-tim
05 Enlil opened his mouth 06 A n d addressed the great [gods],
07 ia-a-H-im-ma-a it-te-ne-e[p-pu-us] 08 ta-ha-zae-ep-pu-uiia X X X [(x)]
07 'Is i t against me that it is being done? 08 Must I engage i n hostilities ?
09 *'-«* mi-na-a a-mu-ur a-[n]a-ku 10 qd-ab-lum i-ru-sa a-na ba-bi-ia
09 What d i d my very own eyes see? 10 That battle has come right up to my gateP
03 ra-bu-tum a-mm-\na(-ku) é
w]a-ai-bu
11 A n u opened his mouth 12 A n d addressed the hero Enlil,
11 a-nu pi-a-iu i-pu-sa-am-ma 12 is-sà-qar a-na qu-ra-di en-Ul é
13 rf^ra fa m W-ntu-û 15 U'si-ma *nusku x [ . . .
ba-bi-is-ka
I l Û-IW ma-[ri-ka .'.*,>. 108 L : ] x x x à t i [
15 L e t Nusku go out and [ascertain (?)]. 16 A command . [. 17 T o [your] sons [ . . /
16 te-er-ta X [. . •
X07 F r ^ ^ ^ f
13 'The reason why the Igigi have surrounded your gâte
100 F :
^-slû813153
116-17
om. L
ATRA-tfASlS 50 %!$ *m-Ulpi-a-hi i-\pu-ia-am-ma] 119 is-sà-qar a-na [iukkalli «nusku]
I 11 S-150
118 Enlil opened his mouth 119 And addressed [vizier Nusku],
120 *nuskupi-te [ba-ab-ka] 121 ka-ak-ki-ka l[i-qi. - •
open [your gâte], 121 Take your weapons [. . .
120 ' N u s k u ,
122 i-na pu-uh-ri [ka-la i-li-ma] 123 kz-mi-is i-zi4[z
122 I n the assembly of [ail the gods] 123 Bow down, stand up, [and repeat to them] our [words]
*r
m
124 ii-pu-ra-an-ni [a-bu-ku-nu] a-nu 125 ma-li-ik-ku-nu [qu-ra-du en-l]il
124 " A n u , [your father], 125 Your counsellor, [the warrior] Enlil,
d
126 gu^-uz-za-lu-kur[nu *nw\-urta 127 ù gal-lu-ku-n[u en]-nu-gi
126 Your Chamberlain Ninurta, 127 And your shenff Ennugi, have sent me (to say),
d
128 ma-an-nu-um-nd [
qd]-ab-Um
128 'Who is [the instigator of] battis? 129 Who is [the provoker of] hostilities?
129 ma-an-nu-um»[mi... . . ta-h]â-zi 130 ma-m-nuru\mrnù ig-ra-am {\u-qu-um-tatn 131 [qà-ab-lam
130 Who [declared] war 131 [And battle] ?'
j X X X
132 \irna 133 [ib-ba-
•.] X X ] X X X X
132 [ I n 133 [Bring
en-Ul
â
] .. ] .. .
Enlil."'
134 \il-U4k nusku a-na pur4thrti k]a-la ûU-ma 135 . . . ] X X X ip-hsrur
134 [Nusku went to the assembly of] ail the gods, 135 . . . ] . . . he explained,
136 [ii-pu-ra-an-ni a]-bu-ku-nu a-nu
136 'Anu, your father, 137 [Your counsellor, the] warrior Enlil,
à
137 [morUrih-ktirnu qii-rd\-du
m-[tt]l
d
138 [gu -uz-za-lu-ku-nu rî)fn-urta 139 W \gah-bi-ku-nu ^éfanm-gi
138 [Your Chamberlain] Ninurta, 139 And [your sheriff] Ennugi, [have sent me (to say)],
140 -[an-nu-um-mi. ..jÊ^ . 141 ma-[an-nu-um-mi.,. , . , .
140 "Who is [the instigator of] battle? 141 Who is [the provoker of] hostilities?
d
5
m
qd\-ab-lim .;.ta-ha]-zi t
142 ma- [an-nu-um-mi ig-ra-am tu-qû-u]m-tam 143 qd-a[b-lam . . . . . ] x X
142 Who [declared] war 143 [ A n d . . . . . . . . ] battle?"
144 i-na [ . • 145 ft-&a-[.. .......
144 I [ 145 Bring [. .
# >
,,
J | , , .]x .
146 ku-uLla-a\t ka-la ûli*ma 147 ni4i-ku~u[n x x - w ] ^
n
ni4g-ra-am tu-qu-um-td\m k[a-la-ak-ki]
1 4 9 tu-up-$S~ik-[ku ai-ru id-du-uk-ni-a-ti] *&> ka-bi-it du^[ul-la-m-ma ma-a-ad ia-ap-ia-qum] M * FL'pa-a-fu L : )-n*
n J U < z * a i-x [ 146 E : *-TJO 9
uo L:jrf-le
% v
3• *.. .] Enlil.'
146 'Every single [one of us gods has declared] war; 147 We have . . . our [.] . in the [excavation]. 149 [Excessive] toil [has killed us], 150 [Our] work was heavy, [the distress much].
ATRA-tfASlS
t
151 ti ku-ul-l[a-at ka-la i-li-ma] 152 ub-lapi-i-ni [na-X-X-am
it-ti
1 151-181 151 Now, cvcry single [one of us gods] 152 Has spoken in favour of . . . with Enlil.'
en-lil]
d
153 ^nusku il-q[i ka-ak-ki-Su (. . .)] 1
153 Nusku took [his weapons . . . 154 He went, he . [. . .
154 il-U-ik û-X [. . . 155 be-lia-n[a
ta-ai-pu-ray^an-ni
1
155 ' M y lord to the [ 156 I went [
] X X
156 al-l[i-ik
] X ra-bi-tam ] X X zi
157 ap-su-u[r 158 na-ab-[
G
159 k[u-ul-la-at ka-la i-l]i-ma-mi ni-ig-ra-am 161 n[i-ii-ku-un x ] x-ni i&a ka-la-ak-ki 160
tu-qû-unfl-ta-am
r
164 [d ku-ul-l\a-at ka-la i-li-ma 165 ïpi-i-ni na-X-X-am
it-ti
1
157 I explained [
] great [
158
] . . .
•[
] .
159 ["Every single one of us] gods has declared war; 161 We [have ] our [. . ] . in the excavation. 162 Excessive [toil] has killed us; 163 Our work [was heavy], the distress much. 164 [Now, every] single one of us gods 165 Has spoken i n favour o f . . . . with Enlil.'"
en-lil
d
166 a-wa-tam su-a-ti 167 en-Ul [i]l-la-ka di-ma-lu
166 When Enlil heard that speech 167 His tears flowed.
168 en-Ul i- x -ar a-wa-assu 169 à-rd-g[ar a-na q]û-ra-di a-nim
168 E n l i l . . . his words 169 A n d addressed the warrior Anu,
d
d
II
you sent] me ] •. .
r
162 «*-ra W-du-uk-ni-a-ti M 163 [fcz-W-tï du-u\l-la-ni-ma ma-a-ad Sa-ap-Sa-qum
[K
13
170 e-te-el'U iï-ti-ka a-na ïa-ma-i 171 par-sa-atn ta-ba-al-ma li-ql id-ka
170 'Noble one, with you to heaven i v 171 Carry your authority, take your power,
N
172 While the Anunnaki are présent before you 173 Summon one god and have him done to death.'
172 a£-6u a-nun-na-ki ma-frar-ka d
173 t-fe tf-fe-«i Jwi-m[a
t]i-id-du-M tam-ta
174 A n u opened his mouth 175 And addressed the gods his brothers,
174 da-HM pa-a-su i-pu-ïâ-[am-ma\ 175 [tt-*à]-ag-0ar amz x-tf aJ}-hi-M
176 'What are we accusing them of ? 177 Their work was heavy, their distress was much!
176 mt-fwm kar-si-tâ-nu n[i-ik]-ka-al 177 *a-6# duUla-tû-un r
m[a-a-a]d ïa-ap-Saq-hi-un
178 K-wi-fam.m^^.^-x (. . .)]X-na-a-/ 179 [te^te Ao-ft]iW[(
178 [Every d a y ] . [ ] •• • 179 [The lamentation was] heavy, [we could] hear the noise.
tt
ni}-h-e]mwn-ig-ma
180 181
. . .] X »**Jf
1 8 0
*
*
•
wm
||.].todo . . . assigned] tasks i
*
•
*
I
qar ana a-tf-su a-nu 169 K: en~Ul t-to- X L: [ ] x x x mu x x [ M: -nijfi-mi 177 K: ijs-W-aq-qar ana a-bi-tu a~mê 17© K: e-toi-a û
163 M : fa-ap* 166 M : Ai-tf-W M : ] X : is-sà-aq*
* û
à
M:
^
ATRA-rJASlS
The last eleven lines, obtained from the Late Assyrian fragments, have been numbered and organized as continuing the O U Babylonian A , since they overlap i t where i t is preserved at the bottom of column i i i . Column ii of the Old Babylonian G has a speech assigned to Ea which begins like 176 ff., but then diverges. The différences are recensional, but i t is q u i possible that in the main recension Ea spoke after A n u and repeated some of his words before making the suggestion about the création of man te
S i i ; G ii 1-10
^
^ n f \ « P - * ' where the main recension sels !V * " ) ° ^ i ] " * Assyrian V substantially duplicates the latter part of Ea s speech on the Old Babylonian G, so thèse two portion! are given here. Firtt, however, column i i of the Assyrian Recension S is mterposed, smce this offera a third recension, by which the proposai to slaughter a god is followed by a further trip of Nusku to the rebels I f
8
T
e
e
E
a
r
S
W
e
v
b
t h e
t h e
K 8562 ( S ) , C o l u m n i i 1 trace 2 IK-X
K 8562 ( S ) , Column i i
[. -.
3 * K « ••-
3 You [. . . 4 Take [. . .
4 K-q[i... 5 às-bii-ma [«a-nun-na-ki ma-har-ka] 6 âs-bat be-let-i\W sà-as-su-ru\ 7 isHën H-si-ma i-d[i-su tam-ta] â
5 [While the Anunnaki] are présent [before you], 6 And while Bëlet-ilî, [the birth-goddess], is présent, 7 Summon one and do [him to death].
adk
8 «a-nu pâ-su tpusa** i-qab-bi izzakar (MU) [ana . . . 9 «nusku pi-U bâb-ka: ^ kakJâ -ka [li-qi . . . 10 i-napuhri sa item* * rabûti : ki-m[is . . . n qi-ba-su-nu-ti [. . . 12 is-pu-ra-an-ni a-[num abï-hi-mt] 13 ma-Uk-ku-nu q[u-ra-du «en-IS] 14 traces u
0
tne5
mei
d
*
*
*
*
*
B M 78257 ( G ) , C o l u m n i i
8 9 10 11 12 13
Anu opened his mouth to speak, addressing [ . . . 'Nusku, open your gâte, [take] your weapons [ . . . I n the assembly of the great gods bow down [. . . Speak to them [ . . . " A n u [your father] has sent me, Also your counsellor, [the warrior Enlil],
*
*
*
*
*
B M 78257 ( G ) , Column i i
1 «é-apa-a-su P-[pu-ia-am-ma] 2 is-sà-qar a-na t S ™ a[h-ki-su]
1 Ea [opened] his mouth 2 A n d addressed the gods [his brothers],
3 mi-nom kar-si-su-nu n^i[k-ka-aT\
3 'What are we [accusing] them of ? 4 Their work was heavy, [the distress was much]!
r
1
4 ka Mît
du-ul-la-hi-u[n
ma-a-ad sa-ap-sa-qum]
5 u^-mi-ia-am-ma ir-si- x [. . . 6 tu-uk-kum ka-b[i-it. /.
5 Every d a y . . . [ . . . 6 The lamentation was heavy [. . .
7 i-ba-as-H x [.
7 There is/was . [. . . 8 While [Bëlet-ilî, the birth-goddess, is présent],
8 tca-ai-ba-at «[be-U-et-i-U ià-as-su-ru] 9 U-îb-ni-ma lu-u[l-la-a 10 ab-ia-nam H-bi-i[l
a-wi-lam]
9 Let her create Lullû-[masï] . 10 Let h i m bear the yoke [.
B I B U O T H E Q U E BiôLHjUfc
wÈÊÊÊÊÈm
ATRA-tf ASlS 56
u
[ab-S\a-n[am
I 188-207j O i i u - i S j V obv.
l]i*U4[l...
i a [iu-up-U\-h* * [X X ] x x
[*-«*~ X [
n
*. a]W*-*[<w*
1 7 - 1 8
•
11 Let him bear the yoke [. . . 12 [Let man carry the] toil of the gods.
*****
lum
1 4
traces.
•
broken
away.
*
*
*
is
t r a c e
*
K 6634 ( V ) , Obverse 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 g
të-bat *be-fa*t-i-U sa-as-[su-ru] sa-as-su-ru lû.u .l[u-a U-ib-ni-ma] tu-up-8-ik-ku i-U W-[me-lu lii-H] U-ib-ni-ma lûJu \\hi-a a-me-lu] fàb-iâ-a?-nam U-bi-i[l. . . [aWtf-a-»]am K-bt4[l. .. trace
1
a 3 4 5 6
x
•
*
*
. . .] X X b[e-le-et-i-U ià-as-s]û-ru
188 189 wa-af- ba-af r
A
*
*
*
K 6634 ( V ) , Obverse
x
•
*
*
While Bëiet-ilï, the birth-goddess, is présent, Let the birth-goddess [create] LuUû. [Let man carry] the toil of the gods, Let her create Lu/M- [man]. Let him bear the yoke [ . . . Let him bear the yoke [ . . .
*
*
*
*
*
189 While [Bëlet-ilî, the birth-goddess], is présent,
190 [f]d-o^Mi-ni U-gimi-mai-a HiMb-ni-tna 191 s'u-up-H-ik itim a-wi-lum li-ii-H
190 Let the birth-goddess create offspring (?), 191 And let man bear the toil of the gods.'
192 il-ta-am is-sû-û i-ia-hi 193 tai-xii-irt ttf * e-rùii-tam
192 They summoned and asked the goddess, 193 The midwife of the gods, wise Mami,
m
ma-mi
1
194 at-ti-i-ma ià-as-sû-ru 195 U-ni^ma hi-ul-la-a 196 ab-ia-nam li-bi-il 197 su-up-H-ik itim
A
ba-ni-a-^af a-wi-lu-ti li-bi-il ab-ita-nam 6
H-pi-ir en-Ul a-wi-lum li-ii-H d
198 «mn-tu pi-a-ia te-pu-[S]a-am-ma 199 is-sà-qar a-na iU ra-bu-ti miA
200 it-H-ia-ma £2
a-na e-pé-H
201 t M I ^n-fe-ma i-ba-ai-H H-ip-ru
194 'You are the birth-goddess, creatress of mankind, 195 Create LuUû that he may bear the yoke, 196 Let him bear the yoke assigned by Enlil, 197 Let man carry the toil of the gods/ 198 Nintu opened her mouth 199 And addressed the great gods, 200 T t is not possible for me to make things, aoi Skill lies with Enki. aoa Since he can cleanse everything ;. ^ 203 Let him give me the clay so that I can make h / :
202 fn-ti-ma ^-«T-iï-fa]/ ka-la-ma 203 fi-it-fa-am li-id-di-nam-ma
a-na-ku lu-pu-uï
204 **n-ki pi-a-fu i-pu-ia-am-ma 205 is-sà-qar a-na *& * ra-bu-H
204 Enki opened his mouth 205 And addressed the great gods,
me
206 i-na a r - # w-6ti-fï à ïa-pa-at-H
207 te-ti-il-tam lu-fa-al-ki-in
ri-im-ka
206 'On the first, seventh, and fifteenth day of the m 207 I will make a purifying bath.
ATRA-HASlS
s
2 0 8 iêm B*4e-m K-if bm km ma 2 0 9 h-t^-fc-h sim^ i-na îi^P-hi
I aat-Sfi
208 Let one god be slaughtered 209 So that ail the gods may be ckansed in a dipping.
210 i-na n-ri-su ù da-mi-sn 211 ^nzn-tu b'-ha-al~li-il ti-if-fa Swk ta al B-bt
pm-ku-ur i-na
w
214 mk-ri-a-ti-éS u^-mi 215 HM Jt-t-àr î-fi 216 bmml §m it-ta-m 217
*$-J* It
210 From his flesh aod blood 211 Let Nîntu mix day, fs-it-ti
mp-pa 1 mi iT bm
214 So that we may hear tfae drum for the rest of time 2 1 5 L e t there be a spirit from the god*s flesh.
e-té-rm mm H-sb-U K-se-és^su^ma
mu-vs-sï-s
e-te-em-mu
ra-Av-im
218 I n the assembly answered Tes' 219 T h e great Anunnaki, who admîmster desdniefc.
si-ma-fi
4SN
HM
216 Let it prociaira living (man) as its sign, 217 So that tins be not for gotîen let there be s wpkaJ
fcib-si
218 HM pm-mk-ri i-pm-Im a-an-na pa-qi-éu
219
2 1 2 That god and man 213 M a y be thoroughfy mixed i n the day,
22.1 *r-J* se-bm-ii m sa-pa-at-ti 222 te-U-U-tam m-sa-as- kf-in rti
221 O n the farst, seventh, and fifteenth day of the month 222 H e made a purifying both.
T
223 %e € - * i a IM r - » - i P te^-e-tma r
223 Wê-Da, who had penooshty, 224 H i e r slaughtered i n their assembly.
224 HM pat-wA-ri-im-mm d-fa-ah-hu fo^S H M g-f*-Jg » I226 é^fà^baNS-S
MiM ntt-SM
W/K/XJ *ï-MH*]-if
flè-f**^[t-f?
227
225 F r o m fais flesh and blood 226 N i n t a mixed day.
ti-ii-îa
1228 HM J*-MT ihB
JTO
229 ba-aî-ta it-ta-ht
é4*-éi-s[m-ma]
230
o£-!a Je
231
û-tu-ma ib-bi-la
232 ifrsr
«K-uf-i-f
4M-MHHM
233 H-gi-ps. i-iu
227 For tiie rest [of time they heard the drum],
r
e-te-em-mu
T 228 From the âesh o f tfae god [there was] a spirit. 2 2 9 I t proclaiœed fiving ( n ) as te sign, 2 3 0 A n d so that dûs was not forgottea [there was] a spirit.
[ib-n\
231 After she had mixed that day 2 3 2 She summoned the Anunnaki, tbe great gods.
p-fà^Ba^M^-
S-JI
ra-èii- l!p r
2 3 3 T h e Igigi, the great gods, 2 3 4 Spat upon the cby.
ra-bu-twn
am td-du-é e-èu
fi-if-fi
2 3 5 M a m i opened her mouth 2 3 6 A n d addressed the great gods,
HBBÉ^HM" p*-o-$&
te-pu-ia-om-ma 2 3 6 [is-s]a-qor a-na i-b ra-bu-iim
3TJ7 W*jhrm ta-aq-bi-a-tà-im-ma 239 irlam ta-af-bu-ka qd-du fe -im-su
237 'You commanded me a task, I kave œmpkîed k ; 239 Y o u have sfcrngktraed a god together with h» persoaali
é-ia-ak-b-il
t
240 I have removed your heavy work, 241 I have imposed your toâ on man.
1740 Mtha&-tamt tÈu-ui-La—tcu-nu u-sa-as —ss-tk pgl
•
h*-up-U-ik~ka-ku-r.u
H
K
Ni
a-wi-[l\am
e-mi-id
a i l EiBhm&M mm IsâfnHM **7 * ; W9r§^€m-mm0k- a r t O: aay O t é f c rfwffi 228 Ozom,
215 B : * * * » 8
ATRA-tfASÏS
6 o
1 242-260; s iii i-^7
f 242 ta-ai-ia-i-fari-ig-ma a-na ^a-wi-luMi 243 ap-fû-ur ul-la an-du-ra-[ra ai-ku-u]n
242 You raised a cry for mankind, 243 I have loosed the yoke, I have established freedom.'
244 ii-mu-ma an-ni-a-am qd-ba-ïa
244 They heard this speech of hers, 245 They ran together and kissed her feet, (saying,)
245 id-da-ar-ru-tna û-na-ai-iï-qû iê-pi-fa 246 pa-na-mi ma-mi ni-ia-si-ki 247 i-na-an-na be-k~[et] ka-la i-li d
248
lu-û
246 'Forrnerly we used to call you Mami,
S[u-utn]-ki
247 Now let your name be Mistress-of-AU-the-Goda (Bëlet-kâla4H).'
249 i-te-er-bu a-na bit ïi-im-ti 250 »fWW[f-A«] é-a e-ril-tu ma-ma
249 They entered the house of destiny 250 D i d prince Ea and the wise Mami.
251 i[à-a]s-su-ra-a-tum pu-ûb-bu-ra-ma 252 [fwQ'"' i-kab-ba-sa-am ma-ab-ri-ia
251 W i t h the birth-goddesses assembled 252 He trod the clay i n her présence.
253 [Jï]- f H-ip-ta it-ta-na-an-di 254 iP-ïam-na-H é-a a-H-ib ma-ab-ri-ia
253 She kept reciting the incantation, 254 Ea, seated before her, was prompting her.
255 ii-tu-ma ig-mu-ru H-pa-as-s[a^\
255 After she had finished her incantation 256 She nipped off fourteen pièces of clay.
d
d
a
r 1
x
d
256 [A]t«£r-
257 Seven she put on the right, 258 Seven on the left.
257 *7*1 ki-ir~si a-na i-mi-it-t[i] 258 ki-ir-si a-na ïu-me-li iï-k\un\
259 Between them she placed the brick 260 . . . ] . . the umbilical c o r d . . .
259 » [W - Û ô]i'-n-iftt -ww it-ta-di li-bit-t[t\ 260 . . .] X X a-bu-un-na~ti u[§] X ( x ) r
1
*
*
•
•
•
*
*
*
*
*
There is a gap i n the main recension and the related late copies, but the Assyrian Recension fills this gap and overlaps a little at beginning and end. K 3 3 9 9 + 3934 (S), Obverse i i i K 3399+3934 (S), Obverse iii 1 [^nin-H-kù ]é-a is-sà-qar 2 ...]x ù-lânh' -na-H 3 . . . tatn]~nu U-ip-ta ii-tu-ma tam-nu-ù U-pa-sa 4 [qd-sa ta-at]-ta-di eli tl-i\-\i-ià 5 [14 M4r]-fi tàk-rUq 7 kUir-fi ana imittifag) tai-ku-un 6 [7 M]-ir-fi ana iumlli(gixb) tai-ku-un i-na be-ru-iu-nu i-ta-di libitta d
am
Seven she put on the right, 6 [Seven] she put on the left, Between them she placed the brick. 7 [. . ] . . hair ( ?), she . . . the cutter of the umbilical cord.
7 [. • p -d]a-a ap-pa-ri ba-ti\-iq a-bu-un-na-te l
l
^
ï
tep-te-H
^ * # ; Qà-d]H-um fè-mi-su 244 P: qa-ba-ia 246 P: *47> 248 P: •Ijetp lu fum-hi 250 P: [ nin]-Ji-kù 7 T a b l e t : ba^i-iq p
1 [Prince] Ea spoke 2 • . . ] • he was prompting her 3 • • • she] recited the incantation After she had recited her incantation 4 [She] put [her hand out] to her clay. 5 She nipped off [fourteen] pièces of clay,
P
û
ATRA-HASÏS
I 271-292; S iii S-21
8 [pah-r]a-ma er-Se-te mu-îe-ti 9 [7] ^ 7 fà-sit+m-ti 7 û-ba-na-a zikarî^niti"**) 10 [7] m-ba-na-a sinni$âti 11 [s]à-su-ru bc-na-at si-im-tu 12 n-na-ionr**-** û-ka-la-îa-H-na 13 B-na-sànt^' û-ka-la-la mah-ru-sà 14 m~n*-ra-te sa nisï ^^-tna û-sa-ar ma-mi r
8 The wise and leamed 9 Twice seven birth-goddesses had assembled, Seven produce d maies,
meè
10 [Seven] produced females.
11 12 13 14
90
d
15 i-na bH a-li-îe ha-ris-ti 7 «n•** li-na-di tibittu 16 f tuk-ia-bii bëlet-i^dmgii.màh) e-ris-ta 17 îab-su-tu-um-ma ina Mt ha~rU-H li-îh-du 18 ak-kî a-li-it-tu ù-la-dii-ma 19 ummdsèr-ri bt-har-ririd ra-ma-an-[hi] 20 \x\^ka-n ^a-na [ordaté] 21 [ x ] x d fi x [ . . .
ma-mi
à
*
x] 272 273 274
273 ...J-3f ? zi-iq-nu 274 . . j X B-à et-b' *75 276
275 276
îb}-ra-ti ù su-li-i
]-4I-£I as-sa-tum i
mu-us-sâ
a-ûs-sjû-ra-tœn pu-uh-hu-ra-ma 278 [«M-al-Aa]-tf/ «nsn-tu \i-ma\-an-nu m
[JI-JM-JW] H-ma-ti
ar-H
*
*
. . . ] her breasts . . . ] . beard . . . ] . the cheek of the young man . . . ] open air shrine and street . . . ] . . wife and her husband.
283 W i t h a beaming, joyful face 284 A n d covered head she performed the midwifery.
283 [«Jtf-am-rtt-nw ha-du-û pa-nu-la 284 ii-p&m ka-aq-qà-as-sà fa-ab-su-ta-am i-pu-us 2 $ s
286 She girded her loins as she pronounced rhe blessing, 288 She drew a pattern i n meal and placed the brick,
P286 \g}a-ab-li-ia i-te-zi-ih * irha-ar-rarob 288 a-fMr 9?-j!uz â K-bi-it-ta id-di 289 a-na-ku-mi a6~m
*
280 [ A t the] destined [moment] the tenth month was summoned. v i 281 The tenth month arrived 282 A n d the elapse of rhe period opened the womb.
is-sù-û es-ra arha 281 es-ru arku il-li-ka-am-ma 282 [ $ ] * - & M f p pa-le-e si-U-tam ip-te
2
*
277 The birth-goddesses were aasembled 278 A n d Nintu [sat] counting the months.
277
280
The birth-goddess, créâtress of destiny— They completed them in pairs, They completed them in pairs in her présence, Since Mami conceived the régulations for the human race.
15 I n the house of the pregnant woman in confinement Let the brick be i n place for seven days, 16 That Bëlet-ilî, the wise Mami, may be honoured. 17 Let the midwife rejoice in the house of the woman in confinement, 18 And when the pregnant woman gives birth 19 Let the mother of the babe sever herself. 20 The man to [the young lady] 21 [ . ] . . . . [ . . .
1
271 . X x [x 272 . . .] i-ir-ti-sa
6g
7
289 ' I have created, my hands have made it* 290 Let the midwife rejoice i n the prosotute's house.
i-pUrta qà-ta-ia
290 ia-[ab]-sû-tum I-M fa'-à qà-di-is-ti li-ih-du 291 a-ti OrU-it-tum û-ul-la-du-ma 992 um-m se-er-ri û-k\a-ar\-ru~u nhma-an-ia
291 Where the pregnant woman gives birth 292 A n d the mother of the babe severs herself,
14 cf. R | 2S5 B: *tf(error far iàyeb^e^'ta\-am 289 P : qd-to-e-'* é& E ; Ué~$à~twn . S91 P: }-ta<Ju~û-m[a] 293 B: é~ba[r}-ru~û P : ra-ma-an-Ià 1
ATRÂ-HASÎS
64 AEP 294 9 f]i-Ù9-H42-di li-hi-it-tum 295 1 tm-*k-t[m) èi it mm-tu sa-a$-$à-ru
1
294 Let the brick be in place for nine days, 295 That Nintu, the birth-goddess, may be honoured.'
é
296 mthm[i x ] X -of-** i-ta-ab-bi 397 i-t[++d sje-assû-ra i-ta-ad ke-$a 4
2 9 6 Without ceasing proclaim Mami their [.] .
298
297 Without ceasing praise the birth-goddess, praise Kesh !
299 HM [. i i %] X HM A e e-er-$i [301 i-«r-»w! <M-»a> â f i [ » - £ t ]
1}
[li-ti-sja-kwiî ki-du-tum fait «iJ-fuj-ra
3 0 5 HM [
. ] x - / i H i d - i w h'-im-tî
306
. . . ~î]a-ab-bi-x
3°7
. • . ] X ir x
308 trace
*
*
301 When, to institute marriage,
i-ia-i-duif-tar
303 9 * -»w 304 tfcar 4
2 9 9 When [ . . . . ] . the bed is laid 300 Let the wife and her husband lie together.
mu-tu-ti
302 HM Infr [HMI m - i e J - V
**f-3jS
3 0 2 They heed lltar in the house of [the father-in-law], 3 0 3 L e t there be rejoicing for nine days, 304 L e t them call IStar Ishara. 305 . . [ . . . . ] . . at the destined moment
X [. . .
*
*
3 9 x i . . .
3»
ffî&ï
322
.,
333 * x
3*4
»s x
IM
' H * € 328 W*-ÀM 3 2 9 sru-uk-ki mu-sa-[ab . . . ; 3*7
r
33°
«w-mO-JM
33»
X giS
A man [ . . . 329 Cleanse the dwelling ( ? ) [ . . . 330 The son to [his] father [. 328
a-in-[iu....
33* > • 332 They sat and . [. . «' 333 H e was carrying . [. v i i 334 He saw and [. 335 E n l f l . ( . . ] - . [ . . . 336 Were becoming stiff «|L.[.] . 337 W i t h picks and spades they buih the shrines,
x
r
333 334
«a-Js x 1
l*ê£k
—« Mi-imr [.
335 ^oMB X £ x X]-«r | | m ^ ^ l a q d - t i x X [{X)]X 337 «~à ma-nr-ri &-*»*é et-[re]-*i g p B î-fc* ibmm m ra-bu-t[im]
338 They built the big canal bardes. 301-a P :
296B:infidMî
JMs £ : mm?*****
9» B : -t}ak èiùHe-U-et-i-U
**-T[A]-«WI-DI5 I-PW-ZC
298 P : *#HP-*I^A: Jùt T * b k t ( A ) :
209 E P : g * - * *
(-*)«-«-t», -d\* itiwprmib) ^
»
bttwem *95
3*3 P*
IM*
2* oo A
ATRA-tfASlS
339 bu-bu-ti-U ni-H ti-i-ti-ii 340 . . .] X H [
341 a-[. . . 342 . . .] X X [ 343 .. 344 . . .] 345 346 347 348 349 350 350a
[i-li] ]
339
F o r f o o d for the people*, for the sustenance of [the gods]
] pa X .]iu-X-[t]im iu-[(x)]-nu
*
. . .] H X X j . . ] x X Si • • • d]ijk]i-il . . . ] Ii X X [X ( X ) ] X-am-na . . . ] X ka-an [x ( x ) ] X-Sa . . ,]-na-an-na . . . ] x la x
1
351
...
339-369;V rev.
1
*
*
*
*
s]e-er-ra
352 [û-ul il-li-ik-ma 600].600 mu.hi.a 353 [ftia-tum ir-ta-pi-if\ ni-$u im-ti-da
352 Twelve hundred years [had not yet passed] 353 [When the land extended] and the peoples multiplied.
354 m[a-tum M-ma li]- i i-Sa^-ab-bu 355 t-na [hu-bu-ri-M-na] i-lu tP~ta^a'-da~*-ar
354 The [land] was bellowing [like a bull], 355 The god got disturbed with [their uproar].
356 [ en-Ul ti-te-me] ri^gi-im^-H-in 357 [is-sà-qar a]-na i-li ra~*-bu-tim
356 [Enlil heard] their noise 357 [And addressed] the great gods,
358 [ik-ta-ab-ta] fri-gi-m* a-wi-lu-ti 359 [i-na hu-bu-ri-H]-na û-za-^am^-ma ii-it-ta
358 'The noise of mankind [has become too intense for me], 359 [With their uproar] I am deprived of sleep.
r
r
d
r
360
. . . Su-r]u-up-pu-û U-ib-^iP
361
. . . ] X X H-n[a]
. J | •. 363 H-X [. ... 362
X
[.
.] X
X
X
67
XXX
[. . . ]
360 361
. . . ] let there be plague -..]
362 • [ ]...[..-] 363 . . [ . . . ' 364 Now [Atra-hasïs] 365 Was informing his god Enki.
364 ù Su-[û at-ra-am-ffa-si-is] 365 U-hi en-ki û-ba-[as-sa-ar] l
d
366 He spoke [with his god] 367 And his god [spoke] with him.
366 i-ta-mu i[t-ti i-li-Su] 367 ù hi-û il-iu it-t[i-$u i-ta-mu] 368 at-ra-am-fu2-si-is pi-a^-[iu 1369 is-sà-qar a-na be-[li-§u] l
[
i-pu-ia-am-ma]
368 Atra-hasis [opened] his mouth 369 And addressed [his] lord, m
e
Note: the remains at the right of the column between lines 340 and 350 show one more line than the ten-marks at the left of the column permit, so that one of thèse 'lines' must be an overrun. Since the overrun cannot be identified, the numbering is consécutive' and 350a accounts for the extra 'line' 1
[; ] &-*-X
a t n i 1-8 A diflering recension from this point onwarda ia offered 352-9: restored from 11.1. 1-8. * £ * f ^hup^u [; n-fjwsby S , see pp. 106-14. 3 • *' W
1
H-na ki-m[a\ £]u-rH*up-pu-u [
1
n
y
v
r c V > :
ATRA-rJASÎS
68
1370 a-di-nta-nu w - l . . • 371 mu-ur-sa i-im-mi-du-ni-a-ti a-[na da-ri]
I 370-406
370 '9o long as . [. . .
372 en-ki pi-a-hi i-pu-Sa-a[m-ma] 373 is-sà-qar a-na ar-di-[$u]
371 Will they impose disease on us [for ever] ?'
d
374 i\i]'bu-ti 375 W?-[r]ai
372 Enki opened his mouth 373 And addressed his slave,
st-[m]a-m- P ni-a qi-ri-Hb bi-ti mil-k[a] r
374 'The e l d e r s . . . . 375 . . . . counsel in the house,
1
376 [qi-b]a-ma-mi li-i[s-s]u-û na-gi-ru 377 ri-[ig]-ma li-[$e]-eb-bu- û i-na ma-tim r
378 e t[a]-ap-la-ha 379 e tu-[sa]-al-li-a
376 "[Command] that heralds proclaim, 377 And make a loud noise in the land,
1
f-li-ku-un [i]S-ta-ar-ku-un
r
378 'Do not révérence your gods, 379 Do not pray to your goddesses,
380 nam-ta -r[a] si-a ba-ab-Su 381 bi- la e-pi-ta a-na qu-ud-mi-Su r
1
r
380 But seek the door of Namtara 381 And bring a baked (loaf) in front of i t
1
382 U-il-li-tk-hi ma-as-ha-tum ni-q[û-û] 383 li-ba-al-ma i-na ka-af-[re-e] r
3 8 4
li-sa- aq-qi-il qd-as^-sû v
385 at-ra-am-ha-si-is il- qi-a? te-er-tam 386 si-bu-ti û-pa-ah-hi-ir a^na ba-bi-hi ï
382 The offering of sesame-meal may be pleasing to him, 383 Then he will be put to shame by the gift and will lift his hand/ "
Y
385 Atra-hasïs received the command 386 And gathered the elders to his gâte.
1
387 at-ra-am-ha-si-is pi-a-su [i]-p[u-$a-am-ma] 388 [wj-jd-^ar fl-«a £-&tt-[rï] I
387 Atra-hasïs opened his mouth 388 And addressed the elders,
1
389 H-bu-tt' si-[m]a-ni- P 390 [ii ? a-ni-a qi-ri-ib bi]-ti r
389 'Elders . . . . 390 [ . . . . ] counsel [in] the house,
mil-ka
r
1
39 [qi"ba-ma li-is]- su?-û na-gi-ru 392 [ri-ig-ma li-ïe-e]b-bu-û i-na ma-tim
391 [Command] that heralds proclaim, 392 And make a loud [noise] i n the land,
393 [* ta-ap-la-hd] *i-Urkù)-un 394 [g tu-sa-al-T\i-a i[ï-tar-k]u-un
393 " [ D o not révérence] your gods, 394 [Do not] pray to your [goddesses],
395 [nam-ta-ra si-a] ba- aP-su 396 [it-Za e-pi-ta a-na q]û-ud-mi-ïa
395 [But seek] the door of [Namtara], 396 [And bring a baked (loaf)] in front of it.
397 [li'i]l'li-ik-hi ma-as-ha-tum n{i-qû-û] 398 [li]-ba-aS-ma i-na ka-at-re-e [li-S]a-aq-qi-il
397 The offering of sesame-meal may be pleasing to him, 398 Then he will be put to shame by the gift and wiB lift his hand/'
1
v
r
399
400 [ & - % - t a m ii-mu-û
si-q[i-ir-hi]
401 [n]am-ta-ra t-na a-[#
402 {jb. ^ nu
403 [iq]-bu-ma is-su-û [na-gi-ru] 404 [ri-t]g-ma û-te-eb-b[u-û i-na ma-tim] 4^5 [406
[û-ui]ip-la-hui-[li-iu-un] \û-ul]û-se-el-lu-û[ii-tar-hi-un]
bi-[is-sû]
qà- as-su) x
400 The elders hearkened to [his] words, 401 They built a temple for Namtara in the city. 403 They commanded and [heralds] proclaimed, 404 They made a loud noise [in the land], 405 They did [not] révérence their gods, ^ 406 They did [not] pray to [their goddesses],
ATRA-rJASÎS
I 407-416
70
4°7 Y «ought [the door] of Namtara 408 And [brought] a baked (loaf) in front of [it].
A 407 [nam-ta]-ra H^-si-^û [ba-ab-Su] 408 [ub-hî] V-pi-tam a-na qû-ud-m[i-su]
B
1
u
t
t h e
409 [i-il-li-ï\k-su ma-as-ha-tum ni-[qû-û] 410 [i-ba-a$-m]a i-na ka-at-r[e-e û-sa-aq-q]i-U qà-as-su
409 The offering of sesame-meal was pleasing to him 410 [He was put to shame] by the gift and lifted his hand.
412 [ht-ru-up-pu-û i-te-z]i-ib-H-na-ti
412 [Plague] left them 413 . . . ] . they returned.
4 1 1
413
. . ,]-na it^tu-ru
1
414 ...]... 415. . . . [ . . . ] . [ . . . ]
414 . . .] X r u X 415 X am k u X [.. .] X [. . .] 416 [û]-ul il-(U)-ik-[ma] Qi yqilqa-as-su n-gtm-h-na; J tt-tu-ru;
411
416 Twelve hundred years had not yet
600.600 m[u.hi.a]
4 » Q : -z]i-ib-Si-na-a-ti ] u ne-e-ii; ] x - m «ir-rt.
413-15 Q : ] *MJD-™. l 416 Q : ] x fà-na-a-tim
y
passed
731 T A B L E T
I I T A B L E T
I I
C o l u m n i : B i-ao» D 2 - 2 3 , Q 1-13 1 à-wl 0JV^k-m$*]
r
Column i
6oo.6oo »u~hLa 1
4 r*-«r* *»4»-#t-&-M
-<**-«
1 T w c h e htmdred years had not y et passed 2 When the land extended and the propfcs niuMpaed. 3 The Und was b e u o m g like a bull, 4 The god got chsturbed with their uproar.
r
5 E r i i l beard their noise
4» ànsà^nw <MM t-Jf M-fcMMI 7 AV ât
n i *t g* An *
6 A n d addressed the great gods,
M ât
7
T b e noise of mankind has become too intense for sac
8 Wrth their uproar I MS deprried of sleep. 9 C u t ofi suppbes fer the prnpics» 1 0 L e t there be a s u a u t j of phnf hfe M sansry their hunçcr l » I ^ M » â # H U ^ i 14 f - J 4 M l i » - f »
g
u
Jb f
11 Adad should wrthhold his rain. i a A n d below, the flood should aot corne up from the abyss.
MKAI MM mm**f-èi
14 L e t tbe wind biow and parch the g r e i d . 16 L e t tke douds thîckec bn* not release a downpOM,
ft mB-**r-ri
18 L e t tbe fields dirnànsh theàr yiekis, 1 § *Bêt*iéP>ëir m mmAUià
19 L e t X k a b a stop up her breast.
êmêm ^mmèm
ao T h e r e m e t be no rçoicing among Aem, 21 [. . • .] must be ni|l|ni HT rt
m S11 i l f [ — ]
22 May there net t .
tr
-ir -
m»
•
Sr
T i r i r a * s n » fines o f C o h a n s B are a b o HÙMiiif, firxm tike O B tabkts, M d fc. |
••%rfCoi^
m Mttfe wfecwîfae O B crôkaoe « n s i i H Ë é ^ mi Q . jj. j i f k
î f r r t ^ w » ^
SQ i w *
9
te
i mm
2
1
1
^
Jàià'J*******
1S-19 c£ S ïr-
, T é w i i » : r « i
ATRA-HASÎS
74
Column i i : B 8-9, 13*$$
D
8
-3 ^ Q 6
f**M
mm . . . ] x rMM" .. .] ~^ ~k* . . .] be-U-su . , . - j ana ha-la-qi . . . ] X 8p-r»&-na - . .] X -ri-im-ma X * . . à\i-ia-si - ] X -^-ata - -Êiîfa • p}u-uh-ru «1 «a-*»-*»
* * ^
Column i i
r
3
mxk a
3
ff Y g' 9'
Io' II' 12'
a
% 1 , 5
4
ï 5
1 1
13 ' p» t » lî û-Wia\mé-e 14' [*?-«? i l ?•"•*?-*? §*-n& &*-**]«
r
9 " D o not révérence your goda, 10 Do not pray to your [goddesses],
r
ifï-tf ba-ab]-iû e-pi-ta [a-na qù-ud-mi-s\û
11 But seek [the door of] Adad 12 A n d bring a baked (loaf) pn front of it].
13 b-il-b-ik-iu \ma-m-ha-tum m-qû-u] 14 B-ha-aë-ma [i-na ka-djjt-re-îé
1
1 5
.%$ ima se-re-ti ib-ba-ra U-sa-az-m-in 17 b-S-ia-ar-ri-iq i-na mu-H-im-ma
20 i s adad i-na a-ti é
-..].. '•'•§•] assembly
15' '[Command that] heralds [proclaim], 8 [And make a loud] noise in the land,
9 e ta-ap4[a~hd\ .f-ii~ku-zm 10 e J*-£a^-4£-&-[
19 «fia fc-m ïa-ar-ra-qi-tu
g - . . ] I shouted
13' [ - . ] . . [elders] *4' [• ] counsel [in the house].
!$* Jf*-A*-*** IHV-W-S] na-gi-ru 8 ri-[ig-ma b-it-eb-bu-u] m ma-ti
11 12
—3 • • -] to go - • . ] his lord • • .] to disappear '..** -] . their work
H-ia-aq-qi-[iI]
1 8
li-ïa-az-fd-m
iu-a fi-d-Ji
ib-nu-û U-ù-su
21 iq-bu-ma ù-su-û na-gi-ru 22 ri-ig-ma u-h-ét-èu-é i-na ma-tim
qd-as-su na-al-la
13 [The offering of sesame-meal] may be pleasing to him, 14 Then he will be put to shame [by the] gift and will hft Us hand. 16 H e may rain down a mist i n the morning 17 A n d may furrively rain down a dew in the night, 19 So that the fields wiîi furtxveiy bear grain.*** 20 They built a temple for Adad i n tbe dry. 21 They commanded, and the heralds proclaimed 22 And made a loud noise in the land.
23 û~tâ ip~la~fei î-k-w\-un 24 [é*d\ ^û-se-eT-h-éU-tar-iul-m
23 They did not révérence their gods, 24 They did [not] pray to their goddesses,
H
25 But they [sought] the door [of Adad], 26 [And brought] a baked (loaf) in front of it.
[ adad i4%-u ba-ab-su 4
26 [«MB] e -pi-ta a-na qû-ud-mi-hi r
1
^
ATRA-tfASÏS
I I U 27-iii 22
27 [i-iI-U-i]k-$u ma-as-ha-tum ni-qû-û 28 [i-èa]-aS- ma i-na ka-at-re-e [û-$]a-aq-qi-il qd-as-su
27 The offering of sesame-meal was pleasing to him, 28 He was put to shame by the gift and lifted hit hand.
30 [i-n]a fsei-re-tiib-ba-ra û-ia-az-ni-in 31 fiS-ta-ar-ri-iq i-na tnu-H-im-ma
30 I n the morning he rained down a mist, 31 And furtively rained down a dew in the night.
r
]
2 9
1
33 [eqlu ki-ma 34 35 36
3 2
[«-/]a-a [ar-in-*]* na-al-Sa
33 [The fields] furtively bore grain, 34 . . . the famine ( ?)] left them. 35 . . . ] their [. .] they returned.
fa-ar-r]a-qt-tu iu-ati-h ... i-t]e-zi-ib-si-na-ti . . it-tu-ru . . . ] X û ri X X X •
Remainder o f column lost • • •
*
•
*
. . .] X i ki/di
2
. . . ] i-li-Su
2 . . .] of his god 3 [ . . ] . . he set his foot.
3 [t-na] X -U ie-ep-hi iî-ku-un
4 Every day he wept, 5 Bringing oblations i n the morning.
4 [u*\~mi-sa-am-ma ib-ta-na-ak-ki 5 [m]u-ul-$a-ak-ki i-za-ab-bi-il [i-n]a ïe-re-ti 6
7 He swore by [.] . . of the god, 8 Giving [attention] to dreams.
7 [ x ] x-a i-li ta-mi-ma 8 [inr-fia] i-Sa-ak-ka-na i-na
hi-na-a-ti
9 [ X X - n ] en-ki ta-mi-ma 10 [uz-na i-f\a-ak-ka-na i-na
9 He swore by [. . .] of Enki, 10 Giving [attention] to dreams.
hi-na-a-ti
11 ia
d
12
IJ&L * ] i W - a 6
3
1
*4
ib-ta-ak-ki
13 14
. . . ] X X à*-<£"i r
. . . ui-i]a-ab
5 *-[• • • p | • - | f . . . ] X
l
ib-W-ak-^kP
15 . [ 16 I n [
la-hu-ut-ra-at
17 A-if*/?- . 18 û-id-^for a-na
. . ] x û-am-rw ] na-ri
19 # - # f [ t ? 20 g ^ j ï ? - , . . ,
. li-b)i-il na-ru
|
Column iii
Column iii ( D ) 1
*
. . .] the temple of his god . . . ] seated, he wept. ...].. . . . ] seated, he wept. ] . was still ] . . . finished
17 . . [ ] . seen 18 Addressed [. . . .] of the river, 19 'Let the river take (?) [ . . . ] and bear away, 20 Let i t . [
] • •
21 T o . . [ ] my [ 22 May he see [
_
21 a-iw ï * ^ a * - [ . . . . . . . . . . . ] x - f a
33, x rev. i . 15» Y *3
17-33
c f
-
x
] ]•
*
-
ATRA-tfASÏS
as « • [ • i f e * - • • •/ • -3 24 a-na-ku mu-tfi...
11 «i »3-iv 16
x
23 May he [. . . 24 I n the night I [. .
a s â-tu-ma i[S-... a6 />*-**•** na-ri [...
25 After he [. . . 26 Facing the river [. . .
a7 t - * * AiMfr-n X [ . . .
27 On the bank [. . . 28 T o the Apsû he [. . .
a 8 a-na ap-si-i û-[ .. 29 ii-me-r-ma *m~k[i a-toa-as-su]
29 Enki heard [his
3 0 a - M la-ah-mi û-[. . .
30 And [instructed] the water-monsters [as follows],
31 a-wi-lum ïa X [. . .
31 'The man who . [. . . 32 Let this being . [ . . .
3 a « - f w * - i t - » w &-«/-[. . .
33 al-ka-ma
te-er-t[a...
33 Go, the order [ . . . 34 Ask . [. . .
x [. . .
34
words]
Remainder of column missing • * * • •
*
*
Column iv ( D )
3
mi-lu i-na
1 Above . [ . . . 2 Below, the flood did not [rise] from the abyss.
na-aq-b[i]
4 û-ul ul-da er-fe-tum re-e[m-ia]
4 The womb of earth did not bear,
5 ia-am-mu û-ul û-p-a [. .]
5 Végétation did not sprout [ . . ]
6 ni-fu û-ul am-ra-[(a)-ma]
6 People were not seen [. . ]
7 $a-al-mu-tum ip-çu-û û-g[a-ru] 8 se-ru pa-ar-ku ma-li id-r[a-na]
7 The black fields became white, 8 The broad plain was choked with sait
9 iî-ti-ta ia-at-tam 10 ïa-ni-ta ia-at-tam
9 For one year they ate couch-grass (?); 10 For the second year they suffered the itch.
i-ku-la la-a[r }-da ?] û-na-ak-ki-ma ! n a - a A - & 2 - a m - * [ a ]
11 The third year came 12 [And] their features [were altered] by hunger.
i t ia-h-ul-tum la-at-tum il-li-k[a-am-ma] 12 i-na bu-bu-tim xi-mu-H-na [it-ta-ak-rt^\
13 [Their faces] were encrusted, like malt, 14 [And they were living] on the verge of death.
13 AMM bu-uq-li ka^-at-[mu pa-nu-H-in] 14 i-na U-it-ku-ki na-pi-i[ï-U ba-al-fa] {
15 [Their] faces appeared green, 16 They walked hunched [in the street].
i f ar-qû-tum am-rw /w-w [M-JMW] t 6 q&-ai-&4i T
i-il-la-ka P-[na
Ï*É1*VL L^É7-« cf. S iv. 57b-58a 3
r
3
7
T
a
W
e
t
*» v. 6b~7«
*
Column i v
1 e-le-nu-um mi-[. . . 2 ia-ap-ti-iJ û-ul i[l-U-ka]
*
su-q{] 4-* cf. 8 I * . 5 8 b - 5 9 *
10 Tablet ( D ) ; û-na-ak-ki~ X [
t* 7^-8
10-12 cf. S
•
g
ATRA-rJASÎS
o
17 ra-ap-iu-tum bu-da-H-na [is-si-qd] 18 ar^ku^tum ma-az-za-zu-H-na [ik-ru-ni]
U i iv 17-v a i
17 Their broad shoulders [became narrowl 18 Their long legs [became short].
19 H-ip-ru Hl-qû-û [ ( x ) ] X X [. . . 20 qi-ud-mi-ii ta X [ x ] i X [. . . 21 iz-za-az-zu-ma pa/û [ x ] an [. . . 1
22 23 24 25
te-re-et X X [. . . [fl]ii-«
19 20 21 22 23
The command which they received r 1 r Before . . [ . ] . . [ . . . " ' They were présent and . . . [ . . . The decree [. . . Before [. . . J
Column v (D)
L
Column v
About the first 25 Unes of the column missing 1 x za? X [. . . 2 iq-bu-û X [ . . . 3 ed-lu-tum if-fo?-[. . . 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 n 12 13
2 They commanded . [. . . 3 Barred . . [ . . .
û-X [ x ] X X X [. . . i-na 5 [ x ] X X X [. . . x x [x] X x [... ed-lu-[t]i[m] i-za- x [ . . . sa-a[b-4*] x [. . . ed-l[u- . .. i-ba-a-ar x [ . , . x-la-te Û-[. , v " ar-ma-na i-te- x [ . . . li-ib-ba-ti ma-l[i ia H-gi-gï\
14 ra-bu-tum-mi a-n[un-na
8 ..[..]•[.. • 9 Barred [. . . 10 Was firm/Rebelled . [. . . " l i l é 12 A pomegranate ( ? ) . . . [ . . . 13 He was filled with anger [at the Igigi]. 14 ' [ A i l we] great Anunnaki 15 Decided together [on a rule].
ur-tam]
16 if-fû-ur a-nu [adad e-le-e-nu] 17 a-na-ku as-sû-ur er-§[e-tam
16 A n u and [Adad] guarded [the upper régions],
d
r
1
ia-ap-li-tam]
d
an-du-ra-ra
ii-ku-un]
20 He let loose [abundance for the peoples], 21 He established . [ . . in/from the . , & o f the sun].
20 û-[m]a-ai-ï[e-er a-na ni-H mi-ie-er-tam] 21 ii- [k]u-un x [ x -taro
*-na ai-qu-la-lu iv
19-22
cf. S vi.
16-18
17 I guarded the [lower] earth. 18 Where Enki [went] 19 He loosed the yoke [and established freedom].
18 û-fo-ar # ï - & [iMi-Au-ma] 19 ip-fii-ur ul-l[a
..[.]...[...
5 I n the fifth/five [ . ] . . . [ . . . 6 ..[.]..[... 7 Barred...[...
ka-lu-ni]
â
15 ub-la pi-i-ni ii-ti-[ni-ii
4
ia-am-H] 818163
O
ATRA-tfASÏS
0
I I v aa-vi 18
22 *en-tilpi-a- iu p*{pu-ia-am-ma] 23 a-na Htkkalli *nusku [is-sà-qar] r
22 Enhl [opened] his mouth 23 [And addressed] the vizier Nusku,
24 J c ? n a X [ma-r]i U-ib-[M-ku-nim] as U-[ie-ri4i]u-ni a-na ma-ah-r[i-ia]
24 Let them bring [to m e ] . . . [ . ] . 4
25 L e t them [send] them into [my] présence.'
26 se? na X $na-ri ib-bi-ku-n[i-iS-iu] 27 is-sà-qar-hs-nu-H qû-ra-du [en-U]
26 T h e y brought [to him]
d
28 ra-bu-tum-mi *a-nun-na 2 9 ub-lapi-i-m
iï-ti-ni-ii
3 0 i$-sû-ur a-nu adad 31 a-na^ku af-$û-ur 1
28 '[AH we] great Anunnaki 29 Decided together on a rule.
ur-[ta-am] e-le-[e-nu] er-se-tam
d
27 And the warrior [Enlil] addressed them,
k[a-lu-m]
32 a-ia-ar a[t]-ta ta-a[l-ti-ku-ma] 1' [ta-ap-fé-ur ul-la an-du-ra-ra 2' [tu-ma-ai-ie-er a-na ni-H 3' [ta-ai-ku-un X X -tam
•
•
30 Anu and Adad guarded the upper [régions], 31 I guarded the lower earth.
W-afy-H-tam]
32 Where you [went]
ta-ai-ku-un]
mi-ie-er-tam] i-na aî-qû-la-lu
*
•
1' [You loosed the yoke and established freedom].
!a-am-H]
•
2' [You let loose abundance for the peoples], 3' [You established . . . in/from the . . . . of the sun].'
*
*
Column vi (D) About the 1 2 3 4 5 6 7
8 9 10
first
[
f|§t.] im-ïhP-û û-ga-ra 12 [«? erî-p]él-tum û-ka-la-la X X X 1 1
13 [la tu-k^-ka-la-ïnim 14 [à la t]e-ep-pi-ra-nim
1
15 [i-k]-ma i-ta-hi-ui 16 [i-n] pu-ty-ri a
17 [<**«-&] i-ta-hi-ui 18 \i-na pu-tfft-ri
te-m-ie-hi nu-hu-ui ni-H
&ifatum si-ih-tum
1
. . . ] sea
2
. . . ] . . to . [.)
3 4
§P * *1 • •••]
5
t n e m
. . . ] . . Jr. . them
6
. . •]
"de
7
...J..Â...
g
. • •] •
9
g
ï
. - • } -M
M -§ -
10 Adad [sent down] his rain n . . . ] filled the fields ^
13 [Do not] feed his peoples, 14 [And do not] supply corn rations, on which the
nisaba
d
i-tm-ul-ht
a-ia-ba-am
ia i-li
*
Column vi
12 [And] t h e c l o u d s ( ? ) covered.
a-ïa-ba-am
ia i>H
*
25 Unes of the column missing
. . . ] ti-a-am-tim . . . ] x Si a-na un-[x] . . . ] X hi-nu-ti . . .] X ir x X X . . . ] ur-ri x X X W-nu-H . . . j X mu X X X ur-tu . . •] X pa W X X X r [ i ] . . . ] u5 x x x am-ma * . .] X i X [ X X ( X ) ] r a [û-Sa-az-rri-i]n adad zu^-un-ni-hi d
*
i-ku-ul-hi
15 [The god] got fed up with sitting, 16 [In] the assembly of the gods laughter overcame him. 17 [Enki] got fed up with sitting, 18 [In] the assembly of the gods laughter overcame him.
ATRA-y
ÀSlS n vi 19-vii 47
9 20
• • 1 slander in his hand . . .]
ai aa
• . •] of the gods . . . . . . ] . Enki and Enlil,
x
r * -I
21
X x ud
fa
M [ra-bu-tmm *a-nun-n]a \hà-bê^m\ 24 [«*-&] ^pi-i-m a-tP-[m-a 5 f£Ht&' * °^ ^ 26 [a-n}a- lm ûs-m ur 2
ur
a
nu
r
à
a
L
ur-ta-am]
23 ' [ A i l we great Anunnaki] 24 [Decided] together [on a
e-le-e-nu er-fe-tam §a-ap
Iv-tam
J
2$ [ta~a)p-tû-uT ul-la
an-du-ra-ra
25 A n u and Adad guarded the upper régions, 26 I guarded the lower earth.
ta-ai-ku-un
27 Where you went 28 [You] loosed the yoke and established freedom.
20 \tu-m\a-aï-le~er a-na m-H mi-ie-er-tam to [ta-al-ku-un]
12
X X -Usm
HM aï-qu-la-tu * la-am '--H §Mw»- #
*
#
q]û-ra-[du]
*
C o h i m n vii : B : 37-54,
eti~' hl •
f:i
* D
* :
29 [You] let loose abundance for the peoples 3 0 [You established] . . . in/from the . . . . of the sun.' 3* 32
!>.] . . . ] the warrior Enlil
*
*
3^53
31 $? 33 34 35 36 17
[&-up-H~i\k-ka-ku-fm [a-m-lam e-mi-id) [la-ai-fyh'i-fa ri-ig-m[a a-na a-vn-lu-ti) («/o»! t]a-at-bu-ha qd-d[u fe -mi-fu} { r ^ ^ ^ « a i - t e - ^ ta-ar-x [ X ] X JW-*w 1 ( « M } * * * » k - i b - b a - k u - n u u [ r - t a * * «• ' U-tu-ur a-na ufc\*. . é
§i k-ié^ÊF ana i~[h
[ia-am-ma]
47
*
afy^iu)
0^à:mHém tu-ta-am-mu-n[i,
«MHWNW fa i:';;:, * - * # - J *
«-sa A»
««.aWiÏw
31 [She( ?) imposcd] your toil [on man], 32 [You] raised a cry [for mankind], 33 You slaughtered [a god] together with [his personality], 34 [You] sat and • * • [ . . .
35 36 37 38
[.] bring [. Y o u determined on a [rule . . . Let i t t u r n to . [. . V Let us birtd prince E n k i . . [ . . ] by an oath.'
40 E n k i opened his mouth 41 A n d addressed the gods [his brothers], . .]
43 é-*b-ba-al qà-ti «HM w [ i ma] 44 a-huim la ta-qà-ab-b[a-m-t*-m] 41
*
|àu.] x x I * . *
40 *m-*pt-*hiip+ 0
*
C o l u m n vii
T h e first 29 lines of the column are missing 30
rule].
42 *Why w i l l you bind me with an oath [ . . . ] ? 43 A m I to lay my hands on [my own peoples] ? 44 T h e flood that you are commanding [me], 45 Who is it? I [do not know]. 46 A m I to give b i r t h to [a flood] ? 47 T h a t is the task of [Enlil].
ATRA-tfASlS
86
11 vii 48-viii 37
4 8 B4b-te-ru fu-û [. . . 4 9 su-ul-la-at A [ha-tii-i$] 6
à
51 ta-ar-ku-ul-U ^-[ra-kal 5 2 U-il-li-i[k mn-urta] d
54
X
5 0
5 3
li-il-U-ku i-na
4 8 Let him [and . . . . .] choosc, 4 9 Let Sullat and [Hani§] go [in front],
[ma-ah-ri]
li-na-si-ih] *¥-tr-[<# mi-ih-ra]
51 Let Errakal [tear up] the mooring pôles, 52 Let [Ninurta] go and make [the dykes] overflow.
[...
One or two lines missing t o the end o f the column * * * * Column v i i i : B : 33-7, D :
31-7
Column v i i i
The first 30 lines of the column missing 31
X
X
X
[...
3 2 pu-uh-ra X X [. • . 3 3 e ta-ai-mi-a a-na f r - K U -
X
[...
3 4 i-lu iq-bu-û ga-tne-er-t[am] 3 5 H-tp-ra le-em-na a-na m-H i-pu-uS 3 6 at-ra-am-ha-si-is pi-a-hi 3 7 is-sà-qar a-na be-U-su l
48 D : h-ib-te-e-r[u fa-a[m}-ma]
32 The Assembly . . [ . . . 33 D o not obey . . . [ . . . ' 34 T h e gods commanded total destruction, 35 Enlil d i d an evil deed on the peoples.
e[n-liï]
d
36 Atra-hasïs opened his mouth 37 A n d addressed his lord,
i-pu-sa-ma
4 9 - 5 3 cf. U rev. 14-15,
Gilg. x i .
99-102
36 B :
i-pu
*7
(88) (89)
T A B L E T
III T A B L E T
III
C t h r o u g h o u t unless o t h e r w i s e s t a t e d ; i 1 - 2 f r o m B D i
1 at-ra-am-ha-si-is pi-a-hi
i-pu-ia-ma
l
i
2 is-sà-qar a-na be-li-hi
*
•
•
10
•
•
1 A t r a - h a s ï s opened his mouth 2 And addressed his lord,
* §*
• . •] X X
11 [ ai-ra-am-ka-si-is] l
pi-a-su
i~ pu-sa)-am-ma x
11 12 13 14
13 [la hi-ut-ti w]u-ud-di-a qi-ri-ib-sa 14 [X X X ] X -di lu-ui-te-e si-ib-ba-as-sà 15 [ en-ki p]i-a-hi i-pu-ia-am-ma 16 [is]-sà-qar a-na ar-di-iu d
hi-us-si-ir
1 9
Atra-hasïs opened his mouth A n d addressed his lord, 'Teach me the meaning [ofthe dream], [ . . . ] . . that I may seek its outcome/
17 'You say, "What am I to seek?** 18 Observe the message that I will speak to you:
at-ta
20 i-ga-ru si- ta-am-mi-a-an-ni 21 ki-H-su su-us-si-ri ka-la si-iq-ri \-ia
20 Wall, listen to me ! 21 Reed wall, observe ail my words t
22 û-bu-ut bi-ta
22 Destroy your house, build a boat, 23 Spurn property and save life.
bi-m e-le-ep-pa
23 ma-ak-ku-ra zé-e-er-ma 5
2
na-pi-ii-ta
bu-ul-li-it
[ê]-le-ep-pu ia ta-ba-an-nu- û - [H] T
26
2
2 4
*
Élt-J
8
x
u
r
29 [k]i-ma ap-si-i hi-a-ti 30 a-U-i-mu-ur samai d
(. .)]
*
P
a ? t i
25 The boat which you build 26 . . . ] be equal [(. .)]
1
. , . ] mi-U-h[u-ra-at
*
X X
*
*
•
mm
ia-ap-li-ii
4
Gilg. X i . 21-31 «g. AI. ^gjj
Gifr cf.
e-mu-qd hi-ur-U
si-iq-zi-ia
*
34 I w i l l rain down upon you here 35 A n abundance of birds, a profusion of fishes/
û-ia-az-na-na-ak-ku bu-du-ri nu-ni 21 T a b l e t ( C ) :
*
32 The tackle should be very strong, 33 Let the pitch be tough, and so give (the boat) strcngth.
32 lu-û du-un-nu-na û-ni-a-tum
34 a-na-ku ul-li-ii 35 (u-ts-at ï$-su-ri
*
30 So that the sun shall not see inside it 31 Let it be roofed over above and below.
qi-ri-ib-sa
33 ku-up-ru lu-û da-a-an
*
29 Roof i t over like the Apsû.
sû-ul-li-il-H
31 bi-û fû-ui-bs-la-at e-U-ii ù
*
15 [Enki] opened his mouth 16 A n d addressed his slave,
ta-qd-ab-bi
18 H-ip-ra ia a-qd-ab-bu-ku
*
t
12 [is-sà-qar] a-na be-li-hi
17 [m]a-hi-um-ma lu-ui-te-i
*
3 3 cf. W 3
34-
ATRA-HASÏS
9 0
36 ip-U ma-al-ta-ak-ta
hi-a-ti
111 i 36-it 29
û-ma-al-li
37 ba-a-a* a-bu-bi 7 mu-H-Ht iq-bi-iu
36 He opened the water-clock and filled i t ; 37 He announced to him the coming of the flood for the seventh
38 at-ra-am-lta-si-is il-qi-a te-er-tam 39 ïi-bu-ti û-pa-ah-hi-ir a-na ba-H-Su l
38 Atra-ljasïs received the command, 39 He assembled the elders to his gâte.
4 0 at-ra-am-ha-si-is pi-a-Su i-pu-Sa-^'am-tna l
1
40 Atra-hasïs opened his mouth 41 A n d addressed the elders,
41 [i]$-$à-qar a-na H-bu-[H] 42 [ t j M i i-H-ku-nu i-K iP-|W ma-gi-ir] r
44 [if]-fa-ar-du-ni-in-ni
42 ' M y god [does not agrée] with your god, 43 Enki and [Enlil] are angry with one another. 44 They have expelled me from [my house ( ?)],
i-na [ X X X ]
45 [if\-tu-ma ap-ta-na-a[l-la-hu 46 [a-w]a-tam mi-ni-[tain iq-bi]
en-ki]
d
45 Since I révérence [Enki], 46 [He told me] of this matter.
47 i^nl] û-ul-la-ab i-na ![a-. , . 48 [i-na] ir-fe-et en-Hl û-ul a-[ia-ak-ka-an d
49 [it]-tii-Kû-x l.. 50 [an-ni-ta]m iq-bi-à -a[m r
47 I can[not] live in [your . . . ] , 48 I cannot [set my feet on] the earth of Enlil.
ie-pi-ia]
49 W i t h the gods . . [ . . . 50 [This] is what he told me [ . . •'
...
]
Four or five lines missing to end o f column * ii
*
*
*
Four or five lines missing to end of column
*
9 i[k-, Jâ? 10 fi-bu-[tum.
i i 1 0 The elders [ . . ,
na-ga- [ru na-H pa-as-su] 12 at-ku-up-[pu na-H a-ba-an-hi]
n The carpenter [carried his axe], 12 The reed-worker [carried his stone].
13 ku-up-ra [it-ta-H ie-er-ru] 14 la-ap-nu [fyi-HIt-ta ub-la]
13 [The child carried] the pitch, 14 The poor man [brought what was needed]. 1
. [. . .
5
16 He/They . . [ . . i . [ . . . 18 Atra-hasïs [ . . v 7
*
*
*
*
*
*
28 me? [. >1|| 29 H^uJhb[a-al, 47-8
29 Bringing [. 13-14 ci
ATRA-tfASlS
02
» 30-iii 10
1 1 1
30 mi-im-ma P-[iu-û . . . 31 mi-m-ma i-i[u-û . .. v
30 Whatever he [had . . . 31 Whatever he had [. . .
32 el-lu-Hit-[ 33 ka-ab-ru-H [.
32 Clean (animais). [ 33 Fat (animais) [
• H
34 i-bi4r-[ma ui-te-r]i-ib 35 mu-up-pa-a[r-ia i$-$û-ur\ ia-ma-U ] X ] X fwt
36 The cattle (?) [ 37 The wild [créatures (?)
ul]-te-ri-ib
39
, . . ib-ba-b]i-il
40 41
38 • [ 39
ar-hu
. . .] fd-H-iu iq-ri . ».] V - i w qé-re-H
42
. . . ] X kP-im-ta-hi
4 3 [fl-fe'-/]t* i-ik-ka-al
j
#
] he put on board • • •] the moon disappeared. . . . ] he invited his people . . . ] to a banquet.
45 But he was i n and out: he could not sit, could not crouch, 47 For his heart was broken and he was vomiting gall.
ti-u/ û-ui-ia-ab û-ul i-ka-am-nù-is i-ma-d ma-ar-ta-am
4 6
j
42 . . . ] . he sent his family on board, 43 They ate and they drank.
i-!a-at-ti
4 4
45 i-ir-m-ub ù û-us-d 47 he-pi-i-ma ti-ib-ba-hi
40 41
ui-te-ri-ib
r
i
34 He caught [and put on board] 35 The winged [birds of] the heavens.
36 6»-W-[«r? 37 na-[ma-ai-ie-e (?) 38 X [.
i
48 The appearance of the weather changed, 49 Adad roared i n the clouds.
48 M -mti ii-nu-û pa-nu-û-iu 4 9 ii-ta-ag-na adad i-na er-pé-H 4
à
50 As soon as he heard Adad's voice 51 Pitch was brought for him to close his door.
50 *-4a ii-mu-û ri-gi-im-iu 51 [À}i!-fg>-n* ba-bi-il i-pé-efe-ki ba-ab-hi
52 After he had bolted his door 53 Adad was roaring i n the clouds,
52 ii-tu-ma i-di-lu ba-ab-iu 53 adad i-ia-ag-gu-um i-na er-pé-H d
54 The winds became savage as he arose, 55 He severed the hawser and set the boat adrift. • * * *
54 fa-ru fur-su-*» i-na te-bi-iu 55 tp-m-it ma-ar-ka-$a
*
*
e-le-ep-pa ip-tû-ur
*
*
*
Three lines missing
T w o lines missing 3
•
4
x x x •..]
5
ii
[. . .
d
1 0 [fe'-ma
8
ka-ar-pa-H r]i-gi-im-ia
ÉJÉI
w e r e
ih-pi 9 - 1 0 cf. Gtfe. xi.
ea
9 [He ] the land 10 A n d shattered its noise [like a pot].
[ti-fa-ar-rtW/] Sa-ma-i
rev. 16-19
.*.]...
•? * * & e stonn 6 Ss&ô y°k * 7 [Zû with] his talons [rent] the heavens. 5
pu-ra-i
. . . ] x-en me-hu-û
7 [ * u - t i i-na f]ii-w/)-n-fu
4
1
0
*
ATRA-tfASÏS
ïn
94
11 r . . . ù-ta-$a-a] a-bu-bu 1 [ki-ma qd-ab-l]i Wi ni-H i-ba-a> ka-Su-Su
iti n - 5 0
11 [ . . . . ] the flood [set out],
2
12 I t s might came upon the peoples [like a battle array].
13 [û-ul] V-fM-ur a-hu a-ha-Su 14 [û-ul] û-te-ed-du-û i-na ka-ra-H
13 One person did [not] see another, 14 They were [not] recognizable in the destruction.
15 [a-bu-b]u ki-ma li-i i-Sa-ab-bu
15 [The flood] bellowed like a bull, 16 [Like] a whinnying wild ass the winds [howled].
16 [ki-ma p]a-ri-ina-e-ri
[X X (x)-ni]m
17
Sa-ru
18 [Sa-pa-at e]-tû-tu samas la-aS-Su jç . . . ] x -Su ki-ma su-ub-bi 20 . . . -i]n*? a-bu-bi d
• • •] X
21
22 23 24
18 The darkness [was dense], there was no sun 19 . . . ] • • like . . . 20 . . .] . of the flood 21 ...].[.].. 22 . . .]. 23 . . . ] the noise of the [flood] 24 I t was trying [ . . . . ] . of the gods.
[(X )]-*--*«
ai* - ] " . . . ] ri-gi-im a-[bu-b]i . . .]-W i-ô" uS-ta^ka-an b u
1
25 [ *n-& t^-ta-M te^é^-em-Su 26 [ x ] ma-ru-Su ub^bu^-ku [a-n]a ma-ah-ri-Su
25 [Enki] was beside himself, 26 [Seeing that] his sons were thrown down before him.
28 [«WJn-fci be-el-tum ra-bi-tum 29 [&tt-u]/-$j-ta ù-ka-la-la Sa-ap-ta-Sa
28 N i n t u , the great lady, 29 Her lips were covered with feverishness.
30 [ ]a-ntm-#ta i-6* ra-bu-tum 31 [a;a-a£]-A[i*] i-na fii-mt à bu-bu-H
30 The Anunnaki, the great gods, 31 Were sitting i n thirst and hunger.
32 i -mu-Kr-ma il-turn i-ba-ak-k[ï] 33 ta-ab-su-ut i-li e-ri-iS-ta ma-m[i]
32 The goddess saw i t as she wept, 33 The midwife of the gods, the wise Mami.
34 u -mt*-ttm &-tt* -da- î -[fm] 35 ti-tu-ur li-ki-[il]
34 (She spoke,) 'Let the day become dark, 35 Let i t become gloom again.
d
27
d
r n
d
7
4
r 1
36 a-na-ku i-na pu-ûh-ri Sa * - [ f i ] 37 fo'-iaj-fW] it-H-Su-nu ga-me-er-ta-a[m]
36 I n the assembly of the gods 37 How did I , with them, command total destruction?
39 en-lil id-pi-ra 40 &-ma ri-m-rw
39 Enlil has had enough of bringing about an evil command, 40 Like that T i r u r u , he uttered abominable evil.
r
n
38
d
û-Sa-aq-bi bi-i-[Sa] fa-a-*[i] û-Sa-as-hi bi-i-S[a] 4 1
42 a-na ra-ma-rù-ia ù pa-ag-ri-i[d\ 43 i-na se-ri-ia-ma ri-gi-im-H-na eS-me
42 As a resuit of my own choice 43 And to my own hurt I have listened to their noise.
44 e-le-nu-ia ki-ma zu-ub-bi i-aw-ti li-il-li-du 46 à a-na-fe* fe-i a-ia-W ? ^ «-i* di-im-ma-ti sa-hu-ur-ru ri-ig-mi
44 M y offspring—eut off from me—have become like Aies! 46 A n d as for me, like the occupant of a house of lamentation
48 e-te-el-li-i-ma a-na sa-ma-i
48 Shall I go up to heaven 49 As i f I were to live in a treasure house?
4 5
4
49 to-fa wa-aS-ba-a-ku s° ^ 11*14
cf. Gife. » . 1 0 9 - i a
|||
na-ak^ma)-H
2 3 - 7 cf. U rev. 2 0 - 2
36-7
M y cry has died away.
ATRA-rJASIS
I I I iii 51-iv 42
51 e-Sa-a a-nu il-U-kam be-el fe^mi 52 i-lu ma-ru-Su ii-mu-û d-qi-ir-iu
c i Where has Anu the président gone, 52 Whose divine sons obeyed his command?
53 ia la im-ta-al-ku-ma ii-ku-^nu a~*-[bu-ba]
53 He who did not consider but brought about a flood 54 A n d consigned the peoples to destruction?'
54 m-K ^ik-tnisu a-na ka-[ra-H] One line missing to end of column * * • * • 1
One line missing to end of column *
*
*
*
•
First three lines of column missing
First two lines of column missing iv 3 . . J X X [. . . 4 û-na-ab-ba ^[tn-tu . ..
iv
4 N i n t u was wailing [. . .
5 a-bu-ma-an ul^da g[al-la-ta ( ? ) ] ti-a-am-ta ki-ma ku-li-li itn-la-a-nim na-ra-am
5 'What? Have they given birth to the [rolling (?)] sea? 6 They have filled the river like dragon Aies!
8 ki-ma a-mi-im i-mi-da a-na s[a-pa]n-[nt]
8 Like a raft they have put i n to the edge, 9 Like a r a f t . . . . they have put in to the bankl
1
6
7
9 ki-ma a-mi-im i-na se-ri i-mi-da a-na
ki-ib-ri
1 0 I have seen and wept over them; 11 I have ended my lamentation for them.'
10 a-mu-ur-ma e-K-H-na ab-ki 11 û-qd-at-ti di-im-ma-ti i-na se-ri-H-in
12 She wept and eased her feelings; 13 N i n t u wailed and spent her émotion.
12 ib-H-i-ma li-ib-ba-ia û-na-ap-pi-ii 13 û-na-ab-ba *nm-tu la-la-la is-ru-up 1 4
15 The gods wept w i t h her for the land, 16 She was surfeited w i t h grief and thirsted for beer.
15 i-hi it-ti-ia ib-ku-û a-na ma-tim 16 ii-bi td-is-sà-tam sa-mi-a-at H-ik-ri-iS 1 7
18 H-i a-sar ui-bu ki-ma im-me-ri
18 Where she sat, they sat weeping, 20 Like sheep, they filled the trough.
i-na bi-ki-H ui-bu-ma im-lu-nim ra-fa-am 10
2 0
21 Their lips were feverishly athirst, 22 They were suffering cramp from hunger.
21 sa-mi-a ia-ap-ta-Su-nu bu-ul-hi-ta 22 H-na bu-bu-ti i-ta-na-ar-ra-ar-ru 1
2 3
24 For seven days and seven nights 25 Came the déluge, the storm, [the flood].
24 7 u -mi 7 mu-i[i-a-tim\ 25 04nk ra- du? me-ku-W [a-bu-bu] é
r
26 Where i t . [. . . 27 Was thrown down [. . . Twenty-five or twenty-six lines missing to end of
26 a-iar is-r\i27 sa-ki-i\p . | | f 28 fa-x §pf; M
*
*
*
*
*
•
*
*
*
39 $ f . , y 40 » - x 42
2 4 - 5 cf. G * , x i .
x a 7
-«
^
818168
H
*
ATRA-rJASÏS
98
III
iv 43-v 51
X [• ' • «H- • • i-n[a . .. ftf-X [• « •
43 44 45 46 47
•'
4 8
Five or six lines missing to end of column
X
•
*
*
*
*
First seven lines of column missing v
8 X [. . . 9 X [.. . 10 àî-[. .. 11 *-[• • • 12-14 traces 28 29 30 31 32
•
x [... i-raJsi-[,.. a-na ia-a-f[i.. [i\t-ta-di [... i-za-an-nu-un
33
•
*
*
* First twenty-nine lines of column missing v 3 0 T o the [four] winds [ . . . 31 He put [. . . 32 Providing food [ . . .
• [... . . . ]X
X
33
...]..
34 [i-si-nu i-l]u e-re-ïa 35 [ki-ma zu-ub-b]i e-lu ni-qi-i pa-ah-ru
34 [The gods sniffed] the smell, 35 They gathered [like Aies] over the offering.
36 [ù'tu-m]a i-ku-lu ni-ql-a-am 37 [ nin]-tu it-bé-e-ma na-ap^-ha-ar-Su-nu
36 [After] they had eaten the offering 37 N i n t u arose to complain against ail of them,
d
38
[
ut-ta-az-za-am
39 e-ia-a a-nu il-li-ka-am be-el fe^-e-mi 41 en-lil if-fei-a a-na qu-ut-ri-ni
39 'Where has A n u the président gone? 41 Has E n l i l come to the incense ?
42 ia la im~ta-al*ku~ii-ma is-ku-nu a-bu-ba 43 ni-H ik-mi-su a-na ka-ra-H
42 They, who d i d not consider but brought about a flood 43 A n d consigned the peoples to destruction?
44 ub-la pi-i-ku-nu ga-me-er-tam 45 el-lurtu[m] z[i]-mu-H-na V-a-ad-ru
44 You decided on total destruction, 45 N o w their clean faces have become dark.'
46 ù H4 if-fe-e-ma a-na su-bé-e ra-bu-ti 47 ia a-nu i-(pu)-iu-ma ùpa-an-qd-l[u]fa[l]
46 Then she approached the big Aies 47 Which A n u had made (?) and was carrying,
4S ia-a-at-tum nU$-$à-$\û\ lu-û H-im-ti i-ba-[a] 50 li-ie-fa-an-ni-ma i-na ni-el-m[e-nï\ « pa-ni-ia li-ip-t[t]
48 (She said), 'His grief is mine! Now détermine my destiny! 50 Let h i m get me out of this distress and relieve (?) me.
40
â
49
^5^.,
X I
-
46-7 cf. Gtfe.
'55
s&^és
3 4 - 5 cf.
Gilg.xi. 139-61
4 2 - 3 cf.
GUg.
99
ATRA-tfASÏS
too
52&-*2zi£iaMALX
[Xjmu?
X
X
X
nïv
X
[X
X ]
52 Verily
(Probably no Une missing) i
3
2
- v i 42
[. .] (Probably no line missing)
i-na ma- X [ . . • \£ , gu-ub-bu-û a[n-nu-tum] hs-û uq-ni ki-sa-di-i[a-a-mà\ 4 lu-uh-su-ûs-m u -mi [...]»[.. .]
vi
[.]
5 2
A
5 ma-qu-ra i-ta-ma-ar q[û-ra-du en-lil]
vi
In 2 Let [thèse] Aies be the lapis around my neck 1
4
That I may remember it [every (?)] day [and for ever (?)].'
6 H-ib-ba-ti ma-U sa ^P-gp-gï]
5 [The warrior Enlil] saw the vessel, 6 And was filled with anger at the Igigi,
7 ra-bu-tum ^nun^-na rkd*-h-n[ï\ 8 ub~la pi-i-fd ii-ti-ni-ii ma-mi-tam
7 ' A i l we great Anunnaki 8 Decided together on an oath.
é
9 a-ia-a-nu û-si na\-pil-ii-tum 10 ki-itb-bi-ut a-wP-lum i-na ka -[r]a-H
10 How did man survive i n the destruction?*
11 a-nu pi-a-su i-pu-ia-am-ma 12 is-sà-qar a-na qû-ra- dP en-Ul
11 A n u opened his mouth 12 A n d addressed the warrior Enlil,
r
r
r
9 Where did life escape?
1
à
13 ma-an-nu an-m-tam ia la en-ki 15 [ x ( x ) ] ul? û-ia-ap-ta si-iq-r[d\ 1 4
r
1
i-ip-pu-us
d
13 'Who but Enki could do this? 15 [. . . ] I did not (?) reveal the command,'
16 [^en-kilpi-a-iu i-*pu -ia-am-[ma\ 17 [ff-sà-gor] a-na i-U ra-bu-ti
16 [Enki] opened his mouth 17 [ A n d addressed] the great gods,
18 [lu-û e]-pu-us i-na pa-ni^hP-uln] 19 [û-us-t]a-si-ra na-pi-i[s-tam [ ( - . ) ]
18 ' I d i d i t [indeed] i n front of you! 19 p am responsible] for saving life [ . ] • • • [ . . ]
{
20
| § J
X
X
X
X
[X
X bi?
. . . a-H\fSrba | | . . ] x-ku-un
2 1
22
3 É^.-dwW»-*^ 24 j w | - ] â ru-um-mi 25 [be-el ar-n\tm hi-ku-un ie-re-et-ka 26 [ i ] V-àt-if & i^fa-a [r] -xà-Ai< a-zca-at-ka 2Tj „ . ,]^nupu-ûh-ra [..„ About tel lines missing
X ]
20 21 22
2
24 25 26 27 38 39 40
41 l^en-Ulpy-a-su i-pu-ia-am-ma 42 [i*-sà}-qar a-na *m-H m-ig-Si-l *~4 <£ r j % ,
XL 164
. . . ] . gods [ . . . ] . . . . . ] the flood . . . ] your heart . . . ] and relax Impose your penalty [on the aiminal] [And] whoever disregards your command . . . ] . the assembly [. About ten lines missing . . . ] her/it jjjÉ - •] he/she/they put [ I have] eased my feelings. 9
41 [Enlil] opened his mouth 42 A n d addressed Enki the prince,
ATRA-tfASlS
102 43 [ga-na sa-a]s-sû-ra *nin-tu H-si-ma 44 [at-t]a ù H-i mi-it-li-ka i-na pu-uh-ri 45 [ en-ki pi]-a-hi i-pu-ia-am-ma 46 [is-sà-qar] a-na nin-tu sa-as-sû-ri d
d
47 [at-ti sa-a]s-su-ru ba-ni-a-at si-ma-ti 48 . . . ] a-na ni-H 49 . . . -l]i-ti 50 . . . l]i-ib-H 51 . . .] X Probably one line missing to end of column * * * * * 1 [a]p-pu-na ia-lu-uS-tum li-i[b]-H i-na ni-H 2 i-na ni-H a-li-it-tum-ma la a-li-it-tum 3 li-ib-H-ma i-na ni-H pa-H-it-tu 4 K-is-ba-at ie-er-ra i-na bi-ir-ku
a-li-it-ti
5
6 Su-uk-ni û-uk-ba-ak-ka-H 8 lu-û ik-ki-bu H-na-ma
e-ne-H à e-gi-si- a-ti a^-la-da-^am pu-ur*siï 7
9
r
10 [ x ( x ) ] ni s[i?] x X X X X-tam 11 [ ] ù [na-pt]-i$-tam 12 . . . ] ra ma [ x X ] X na 13 . . . j b i l i ? [. .]-H-in 14 . . . ] X [ . . . , . ] x-mi-iu *5 . . .]-tum [. . . ] x *6 X [ ] x 17 ..
H
18 i l 19 x X [. . . 20 a-l[i- . .. 21 r < W - t f [ / . . . aa x x [ . . . 23 x [ . . . . 24 ma-x [,.. 25 me-bu-x [.. . 26 ma-to [. ^. 27 X { . . . 28-35 nus8ing
1
I I I vi 43-vii 35 tes
43 44 45 46
'[Come], 8ummon Nintu, the birth-goddess, [You] and she, confer in the assembly.' [Enki] opened his mouth And [addressed] Nintu, the birth-goddess,
47 '[You], birth-goddess, creatress of destinies, 48 • • •] for the peoples 49 50
•••]•• . . . ] let there be Probably one line missing to end of column * * * * * vii 1 I n addition let there be a third category among the peoples, 2 (Let there be) among the peoples women who bear and women who do not bear. 3 Let there be among the peoples the PàHttu-dtmon 4 T o snatch the baby from the lap of her who bore it. 6 Establish Ugbabtu-vjomen, Entu-womm, and igtfflu-women, 8 A n d let them be taboo and so stop childbirth. 10
[. • ]
11 [
] and life (?)
*
*
*
*
*
ATRA-HASlS
I f I vii
104
yiii
I O
j n
«es
36 X [. . • 37 b ~ * h f rel="nofollow"> 38 ma- [• • « u
39 i-l - • 40 urflU"l* 4.1 /fa * A late recension of the above damaged section is probably contained in K 4539 (R), cf. it» 9-10 with 17-18 above:
A late recension of the above damaged and untranslated sectior contained in K 4539 (R) :
t 2
K*)J
3
.j x ra a i ba li a X 4 5 6 7 8 9 10
4 !a -am-ni [*$ËM 5 û-pi-ta-at ni-H X [< é zi-ka-ru [.. „ 7 a-na ar-da-ti [. 8 ar-da-tutn [.,, 0 a-na ar-d[a-tt .. » ïo ^IP-U-qi a[r~da-tum. r
vm
]
3 4 S 6 [
Oil [ . . . Régulations for the human race [ . . . The maie [, • . T o the young lady [. . . The young lady [ . . . The young man to the young [lady . . . Let the young [lady] take [. •
•
•
..*] X • * »\-da
7 [
'\nu a-bu-b\a •/[w z-na ka-ta-H bu-tt] »ab-H qd-a[b-la]
12 té-te-
na\ an-m-a-am za-ma-\rà\ gi~g[u] li-is-H-ru na-ar-bi-ka %
m
17
18 a-bu-ba a-na ku^uUla-at ni-H
19
û u-za-ant-me-er H-tnê-a 9
viii
9 That we brought about [the flood], 10 But man survived [the destruction]. 11 You, the counsellor of the [great] go 12 A t [your] decree I set battle m mou 14 For your praise let the Igigi hear 16 This song and extol your greatneas 1 18 I have sung of the flood to ail the p< Hear it
•
( io6)
THE
A S S Y R I A N
( 107)
R E C E N S I O N
T H E
A S S Y R I A N
K 3 3 9 9 + 3 9 3 4 ( )> Reverse iv s
R E C E N S I O N
Reverse iv
i [ul il-li-ka 1200 Sanâtu) * ïmâtu ir-ta-pi[S ni-Su im-ti-da]
1 [Twelve hundred years had not yet passed] When the land extended [and the peoples multiplied].
2 [i-na] rif'^-me-H-na it-ta- -[dar] 3 [i-na] fyu-bu-ri-H-na la i-§a-ba-su [H-tu]
2 He got disturbed [with] their noise, 3 [With] their uproar [sleep] did not overcome him.
4 [ e]n-lil il-ta-kan pu-hur-S[u] 5 [iz-z]a-ka-ra a-na ilâni * mâr^-Su
4 Enlil convened his assembly 5 A n d addressed the gods his sons,
6 [ik]-tab-ta-tn[a r]i-gi-im a-me-lu-te
6 'The noise of mankind has become too intense for me,
me
1
rn
d
me
7 [i-na r]if' \;]-me-[H-n]a at-ta-a- " dar 8 [i-na h]u~[bu]-ri-H-na la i-fa-ba-ta-ni H-tu g
di
ir
7 I have got disturbed [with] their noise, 8 [With] their uproar sleep does not overcome me.
9 [qi-b]a-ma hi-ru-pu-u lib-H io [li-S]ak-B-fi ri-gim-H-na nam-tar
9 Command that there be plague, 10 Let Namtar diminish their noise.
11 [H-m]a me-he-e li-zi-qa-H-na-ti-ma 12 [mur]-$u di-u hi-ru-pu-u a-sa-ku
11 Let disease, sickness, plague and pestilence 12 Blow upon them like a tornado. '
13 [iq-b]u-ma Su-ru-pu-u ib-H 14 [tf-riS*** f-ft ri-gim-H-na nam-tar
13 They commanded and there was plague, 14 Namtar diminished their noise.
15 [ki-m]a me-ffe-e i-zi-qa-H-na-ti-ma 16 [mwr]-ftt di-u Su-ru-pu-u a-sa-ku
15 Disease, sickness, plague and pestilence 16 Blew upon them like a tornado.
17 [bel t]a-Si-im-H a-tar-fiasts(ge$tu) amëlu 18 [a-na te#]-fe
17 The discerning one, the man Atra-hasïs, 18 Kept an open ear [to his lord], Ea.
19 [i-t]a-mu it-ti ili-Su 20 [àf]*4tf-a it-ti-Su i-ta-mu
19 [He] spoke w i t h his god, 20 [And] Ea spoke with him.
m
ZI [ ]a-tar-basïs(g&tu) pâ-Sû ipuSa' 22 [izzakar] a-na é-a bëli-Su m
i-qab-bi
4
d
21 Atra-frasïs opened his mouth to speak 22 [And addressed] Ea his lord,
23 [ma] 6# ut-ta-za-ma ta-ni-Se-ti 24 [mur-f]i-ku-nu-ma e-kal matu
23 ' L o r d , the human race is groaning,
25 [^-Û te/ ut-ta-za-ma ta-ni-Se-ti 26 [ffwr~f«] & Uâni *ma e-kal mâtu
25 Ea, lord, the human race is groaning, . . . 26 [The disease] from the gods is consuming the lanû.
tu
tDtl
tu
24 Your [disease] is consuming the land.
X . , |S Z
10S
ATRA-riASlS
27 [iS-t]u-ma te-eb-nu-na-H-ma 28 [ta-pa-ra]-sa mur-fa aH-a hi-ru-pu-u
8 iv 27-53
I00
27 Since you created us 28 [ W i l l you] remove the disease, sickness, plague and pestilence ?'
a-sa-ku
29 [*é-a pâ-su ipusa i]-qab-bi a-na a-tar-hasïs(gést\x)-me izzakar(mu)-Su iâ
29 [Ea opened his mouth to] speak And addressed Atra-hasïs,
m
30 [qi-ba-ma li-is-su-û nâg]iru rigma(KA) lu-Sd-bu-û i-na mâti
30 '[Command that] heralds [proclaim] A n d make a loud noise i n the land,
a
31 [e ta-ap-la-ha ilâni -ku-un] V tu-sa-pa-a istar(u.dar)-ku-un 32 . . . ] X X ka-i-la pàr-si-Su 33 . . . mas-$\a-tu m^(siskur) 34 . . . a-n]a qud-me-sà 35 . . , ] X kat-ra-ba-ma 36 . . . ] x -m/ ka-at-r[e-e iU-t]a}-kdn ' qat-su mdk
d
ha an
37
il-ta-kdn pu-hur-su izzakar{va\i) a-na ilâni * mârê -su [ #ï-#/]
37 [Enlil] convened his assembly A n d addressed the gods his sons,
d
me
me&
38 X -ra-me e ta-àS-ku-na-H-na-H 39 [ni-S]u la im-ta-a
a-na là pa-na
31 " [ D o not révérence your gods], do not pray to your goddesses, 32 . . . ] . . observe his rites 33 . . .] the offering of sesame-meal 34 . . .] in front of it 35 . . . ] . speak a bénédiction 36 . . . ] . . gift [ . . ] . his hand."'
i-ta-at-ra
38 'Do not them, 39 The peoples are not diminished, but have become more numerous than before !
40 [i-/w] rig-me-H-na at-ta-a-dar 41 [z-»a h]u-bu-ri-H-na la i-sa-ba-ta-ni H-tu
40 I have got disturbed [with] their noise, 41 [With] their uproar sleep does not overcome me.
42 p[ur]-sa-ma a-na ni-ïe-e ti-ta 43 'ï-iw kar-H-H-na M-me-su Sam-mu
42 Cut off food supplies from the peoples, 43 Let plant life be i n short supply in their stomachs,
44 ^e^-liS adad zu-un-na-hi lu-Sd-qir 45 HP-sa-kir Sap-liS ia iS-Sd-a me-lu i-na na-aq-bi
44 L e t Adad above make his rain scarce, 45 Below, let (the river) be blocked up and let it not raise the flood from the Abyss.
46 HP-Sur eqlu iS-pi-ke-e-Su 47 HP-né-' irta-Sâ nisaba
46 Let the fields diminish their yields, 47 Let Nisaba t u r n aside her breast,
salmûti lip-su-û ugâru 48 séru paJ-ku-û lu-li-id id-ra-nu
Let the black fields become white, 48 Let the broad plain produce sait,
1
d
d
meé
49 HP-bal-kat ersetu re-em-Sd Sam-mu ia é-fa-a Su-û ia i-im-ru 50 l[U]-Sd-kln-ma a-na niSê"** a-sa-ku 51 râi!*i(arhuS) r
ku-$ur-ma
ia û-Se-Sèr Sèr-ra
52 ip-t[ar-s]u a-na nirSe-e ti-ta 53 i-na kar-H-Si-na e-me-su Sam-mu
49 Let the earth's womb rebel, Let no vegetables shoot up, no cereals grow, 50 Let pestilence be laid on the peoples, 51 That the womb may be constricted and give birth to no child/ 52 They cut off food supplies from the peoples, 53 Vegetables were i n short supply in their stomachs,
j
BIBLIOTHEQUE
BiBUQUE
ATRA-tfASlS S rr 54-7 16
lie
m
e-Us adad xu-un-na-iu û-sd-qir 55 is-sa-kir sap-Us ul is-sd-a mi-bs ina na-aq-M d
5 4
54 Adad above made his rain acarce, 55 Below, (the river) was blocked up and did not raise the flood from the Abyss. U I U
56 H-sur eqlu ii-fn-ke-su 57 i-né- iria-sd *nisaba
56 T h e fields diminished their yields, 57 Nisaba turned aside her breast,
udmûti*** ip-su-u ugâru 58 sëru pal-ku-é û-U-id id-ra-na
T h e black fields became white, 58 T h e broad plain produced sait,
y
ib-bal-kat erseiu re-em-sd 59 sam-mu ul û-sa-a iu-û ul ï-ru
Earth's womb rebelled, 59 N o vegetables shot up, no cereals grew,
60 S-U-kin-ma a-na «we * a-sa-ku 61 rému m-sur-ma ul û-ie-Ur Ur-ra me
•k
*
60 Pestilence was laid upon the peoples, 61 S o that the womb was constricted and gave birth to no child.
*
*
*
*
Reverse v
*
*
*
*
Reverse v
1 si-g[a-ra na-ab-bal tam-tim} a h-ptr qa-du sam-me-iu]
2 [ E a ] guarded [together with his plants],
3 e4S [adad zu-un-na-iu u-id-qir] 4 is-sa-kir iap-[Bs ul ii-id-a mi-lu i-na na-aq-bi]
3 [Adad] above [made his rain scarce], 4 Below, (the river) was blocked up [and did not raise the flood from
1 T h e boit, [the bar of the sea],
â
the Abyss],
5 fii-sur eqî{u ii-pi-ke-su] 6 [i-mé- irta-id\ msaèa
5 T h e fields diminished [their yields],
1
9
6 Nisaba [turned aside her breast],
â
[sabnûti™* ip-su-u ugâru] 7 [séru pal-ku-û û]-ti-id id-[ra-na]
7 [ T h e broad plain] produced sait,
[ib-bal-kat ersetu re-em-fd] 8 [sam-mu ul û-sa}-^ iu- iF
[Earth's womb rebelled], 8 [No vegetables] shot up, no cereals [grew],
1
( T h e black fields became white],
[ul i ' - n i ]
r
9 [ù-id-kin-ma a-na mië°** a-sa-ku] [rêmu ku-asr-ma 1 0
p
—
-
-
—
ul û-s\e-[ièr Ur-ra] —
-J J ï t
:
:
È•
9 [Pestilence was laid on the peoples], | [So that the womb was constricted and gave] birth [to no child],
10
[ . . . . . . . - * 3
11 [ ~ . ^ . . . . . t ] u ? X { ( X ) ]
11 [
12 [2 lorxtt(mu) i-mz ka-id-di] [û-na-ak-ki-ma] na-kâm*t\a] 13 Î3 * # M m i L a n . n a ) i*a] ka-id-di H [**~iu i-na bu-bu-te zi-mu-H-na] 15 [4 iatîuimu) i-na ka-id-di] \pr-ku-tu ma-za-z^-su-nu ik-ru-ni 10 [rap-ia-tu bu-da-H-na] is-n-qa
1 2 [When the second year arrived]
frtak-ru
n
[ T h e y suffered] the itch. 1 3 [When the third year] arrived 14 [ T h e peoples's features] were disterted [by hungerj. 15 [When the fourth year arrived] T h e i r [long] legs became short, 1 6 [ T h e i r broad shoulders] became narrow.
ATRA-tfASlS
,7 [gardai* it-ta-na-la-ka
S v 17-vi u
ni-S]u i-na su-qi
17 [They walked hunched] in the street. 18 [When the fifth year arrived] Daughter watched the mother's [going in], 19 [But the mother would not] open her door [to the daughter! [The daughter] watched [the scales (at the sale) of the motherl 21 The mother watched [the scales (at the sale) of the daughter! 22 [When the sixth year arrived] [They served up] the daughter for dinner, 23 They served up [the son for food]. 24 [. . . were filled ] One [house] consumed another, 25 Their [faces] were overlaid [like dead malt]. 26 [The peoples] were living [on the edge] of death.
18 [5 sattu(mu) i-na ka-id-di] [e-reb] ummi mârtu i-da-gal 19 [ummu a-na marte ul i-p]*-te bâb-M 20 [zi-ba-ni-it ummi màrt]u i-na-fal 21 [zi-ba-ni-it marte] W-na-tal ummu 22 [6 iattu(mu) i-na ka-id-di] [U-tàk-nu] a-na nap-ta-ni tnàrta 23 [a-na kurummate(SvK) bu-na] U-tàk-nu
2 0
te
24 [im-la-ni ma- X J [bïtu i]l-ta-nu ianû* i-re-ha-ma 25 [ki-i i«tffi(se.DiM ) me-te pa-nu-i]i-na 26 [ni-hi i-na su-par-k]e-e napiiti bal-fa-at
kat-mu
4
27 [bel ta-H-im-t]i a-tar-hasïs{gestu) amêlu 28 [a-na bëli-U *é]-a uzun-hi pi-ta-at
27 [The discerning one], the man Atra-hasïs, 28 Kept an open ear [to his lord], Ea.
29 [i-ta-m]u it-ti ili-iu 30 [ù Su é]-a it-ti-M
29 [He spoke] w i t h his god, 30 [And] Ea spoke w i t h him.
m
d
i-ta-mu
31 [i-ie] bab ili-iu 32 [i-n]a pu-ut nâri il-ta-kdn 33 ty me-ed-ra-tu Su-hu-rat
31 [He sought] the gâte of his god, 32 He placed his bed facing the river. 33 The stream was quiet
ma-a-a-al-hi
1
•
•
•
•
• Reverse v i
Reverse v i 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 to n
[2] fa«tt(mu].an.n[a) [irna ka-id-di û-na-ak-ki-ma na-kdm-ta] 3 &i#»(mu.an.na) [i-na ka-id-di] ni-hi i-na [bu-bu-te zi-m]u-H-na it-tak-ru 4 iattu(mu) i-na k[a-id-dt] [ar-ku-t]u ma-za-zi-Su-nu ik-ru-ni rap-id-tu [bu-da]-Si-na is-si-qa qa-da-nii i[t-ta-n]a-la-ka ni-iu i-na su-qi s iattu{m\x) i-na ka-id-[di] e-reb ummi mârtu i-da-gal ummu a-na marte ul i-pa-te bâb-S[d] zi-ba-ni-it ummi mârtu i-n[a-faf] zi-ba-ni-it marte i-na-fal [ummu] 6 iattu(mu) i-na ka-id-di U-tàk-nu ana nap-t[a-ni mârta]
r
n
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11
[When the second] year [arrived they suffered the itch]. [When] the third year [arrived] The peoples' [features] were distorted by [hunger]. When the fourth year [arrived] Their [long] legs became short, Their broad [shoulders] became narrow, They walked hunched i n the street. When the fifth year arrived Daughter watched the mother's going i n , But the mother would not open her door to the daughter. The daughter watched the scales (at the sale) of the mother, [The mother] w atched the scales (at the sale) of the daughter. When the sixth year arrived They served up [the daughter] for dinner,
818153
I
ATRA-tfASlS
l f 4
S vi 12-23; T
12 a-na kurummate(Sv%) bu-na U-tàk-nu tê
im-la-ni ma- X [. . . 13 bïtu il-ta-nu iamf i-[re-ha-ma] 14 M-i buqU($e.T>m ) me-te pa-nu-H-n[a kat-mu] 15 ni-iu i-na ht-par-ke-e [napiiH bal-fa-at] A
16 17 18 19 20
HpruQun) U-qu-[û . .. e-tar-bu-ma [... te-er-ti ^a-tar^-hla-si-is ma bel mâtu^". .. [it]-ta ia-a [... 21 X ma X [. . . 22 [ ( x ) ] X ma [ . . .
16 17 18 19 20 21 22
n
23 u . t . . .
...
[(x)î X [ . . . (Probable continuation, on K 12000c)
24 25 26 27
X kii-mai X [. . . ia-e M bi-la x [. . . ii-tu-ma x [ . . . lu-ri-ii a\p- . ..
28 1 &ifttt(mu.an.na) [ . . .
*
"5
12 They served up the son for food. . . [.] were filled [. . . 13 One house consumed another. 14 Their faces [were ovcrlaid] like dead malt. 15 The peoples [were living] on the edge of [deathl. The command which they received [ . . . They entered and [. . . The message of Atra-[hasïs . . . 'Lord, the land [. . . A sign . . [ . . . ...[.. . [.]..[...
—"
(Probable continuation, on K 12000c (T)) 24
[...
25 t n 26 After . [. . . 27 Let me go down [to the Apsû . . .
*
*
•
*
28 One/The first year [ . . .
*
*
•
•
*
(n6)
BE 3 9 0 9 9
F R O M
("7)
P H O T O
B A B Y L O N
1804 <
BE
Reverse i
Reverse i [Enlil opened his mouth to speak], 1 A n d addressed [. . .
[ en-lil pa-a-tà i-pu-uè-ma i-qab-bi] d
1 2 3 4 5
iz-z[a-kar a-na . . . ïk-t[ab-ta ri-gim a-me-lu-H] ina }?u-bu-[r]i-Hnî W-[za-am-ma Ht-tû] qi-bal-maî W-if-su-ru [ a-num u adad e-le-nu] <%m(3o) u nergal(u.guT) li~i§-[§u-ru er-se-tim qab-li-tim] 1
d
3 9 0 9 9 (x)
2 3 4 5 6 7
â
é
6 H-ga-ru na-afyJbiï-l\u ta-am-H] 7 *é-a li-is-$ur qd-d[u iam-nd-hï]
' [ T h e noise of mankind] has become [too intense for me], W i t h their uproar I [am deprived of sleep]. Command that [Anu and Adad] guard [the upper régions], That Sin and Nergal guard [the middle earth], That the boit, the bar [of the sea], Ea may guard together with [his plants]/
8 iq-bi-ma is-su-ru *a- nunfl u [adad e-le-nu] 9 ^ ( 3 0 ) u nergal(u.gut) if-fu-ru er-§e-titn q[ab-li-titn] 10 H-ga-ru na-ah-ba-lu ta-am-[ti] BE 36669/24^1, Photo Bab. 1601 1 H-ga-ru na-ah-ba-lu [. . . 11 é-a if-pir qd-da tam-m\Uh£] 2 ^ - a HP-is^siP-ru [. . . 12 é at-ra-f}a~ri~i[s .. . 3 ^-ô[*-m]a [. . . 13 u^-nii-iam-ma ib-ta-a[k-ki. , . 4 ù adad [. . . 14 mal-lak-ka^i-zab^-bi-X X [. 5 en-lil [. . . 15 e-nu-ma mid-ra-tum ? X [.. . 16 mu-hi i-zuruz-ma [... 6 is-sû-ru [. . . 7 H-ga-ru na-afy-[b]a-l[u . . . 17 5[i] X X X | . . 18 iz-zak-kar a-na [.. . 8 é-a i$-§û-ru [... 19 lil-qé-e-ma X [. • # 9 # I t f ^ at-ra-fy[a-si-is . . . 20 Ui-id-km tu-pu-ul [. 10 H-a-ma [. . . 21 li-mur é-a x [ . . 11 [u -m]i-tam-ma [... 22 a-na-ku èia 'rrturH x [• • • 12 [maï-f]ak-ka i-za-ab- [... 23 il-tu-m\a . 13 ^é^-nu-ma tn$-id-r[a-. . .
17..-..[... 18 He spoke to [. . . 19 M a y [. . . ] take [. . . 20 May i t be established under [ . . . 21 L e t Ea see . [. . . 22 I n the night I . [. . . 23 After [ . . .
24 25 26 27 28 29 30 |i
24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31
Facing the [river . . . Facing [. T o the Apsû [. . -, [Ea] heard [. A n d brought the [water monsters (?) * T h e man who . . . [. * . [Let] this being [ . . . Come . . [ . . .
3
M
T
d
d
r
d
1
d r
d
d
d
d
A
32
*-na ^tt-tt* w [ 5 r t j , .• ; i-na pu-ut {<,. a-na a/vf [ „ , . U-[m]é-e-ma [é-a f-bMkl[âJi~mi(?). ., am£/w U n a x X [..« v an-nu-û [. g<**na\\x x K x ab f . , , d
r
8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16
2
He commanded, and Anu and [Adad] guarded [the upper régions], Sin and Nergal guarded the [middle] earth, T h e boit, the bar of the sea, Ea guarded together with [his] plants. N o w Atra-hasïs, [whose god was Ea], Every day he wept [ . . . He used to bring offerings . [, When the river [(. .) was quiet], T h e night was still [ . . .
E- *
||^v
34 *'X pM 35 x [... 36 li-X [. . . 37 at-ta x X [ . . . 38 a-na apst x [. . . 39 ù-mé-ma [é-a . .. 40 ù an-na-a x [. . . 41 X X X A N X [ . . . 42 mi-nom i-na x [. . . 43 «/ X x x [... 44 a-na x x [...
35 36 37 38 39 40
d
41 [••• 42 What in . [. . . 43 . . . . [ • • • 44 T o j . [. . . Reverse i i
1
• [• • • L e t . [. . . You . . [. . . T o the Apsû . [. . . [Ea] heard [. . . A n d this being . [.
Reverse ii
•] X AN X X X X [. . . ]
[(• •) aq-bi-ma Y
2 ' [ ( . . ) I commanded that] Anu and Adad should guard [the upper régions^ 3 [That Sin and Nergal] should guard the middle earth, 4 [That the boit], the bar of the sea, 5 [You should] guard together with your plants. 6 [But you let loose] abundance for the peoples!' 7 . . . ] the wide sea 8 Repeated [the message of] Enlil to Ea, 9 l [ . . I commanded] that Anu and Adad should guard the upper régions, 10 [That Sin and Nergal] should guard the middle earth, 11 [That the boit], the bar of the sea, 12 [You should] guard together with your plants. 13 [But you let] loose abundance for the peoples F 14 [Ea] opened his [mouth] to speak 15 A n d [addressed] the messenger, 16 ' [ . . ] . you commanded and
24 [ . . .d\d-du- hi rel="nofollow"> ma-af-fa-ru tam-ti
24 [After ( ?)] I had killed the guards of the sea
2
d
d
à
u
Um
me
d
d
d
d
d
meô
d
l
d
d
1
6
m c ï
x
9 Tablet:
if-fû-ru
ATRA-fJASÎS
Ï 2 C
25 26 27 28
[ X X X df\-kun-$u-nu-ti-ma [ii-tu-ma] e-ni-nu-su-nu-ti [û-tir-ram]-ma sèr-ta e-mi-id [ X X X ] il-qu-û ter-ta
29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40
e-(te)-nin-iu-nu-ti
[ . . .] ta-ma-tû ra-pa-di-tû [il-li-k]u-ma û-sd-an-nu-û [ter-ti é]- a d}-na qu-ra-di en-lil [. . .] X taq-bi-ma a-nu u adad is-su-ru e-le-nu [^#(30) u n]ergal(n].gar) is-su-ru er-se-tû qab-[l]i-tû [H-ga-ru n]a-ah-ba-lu ti-am-ti [a-nà]- à} i-ku as-su-ra qd-du iam-mi-ia [. . .] ki-i û-sa-an-ni [. . ] K U 1 ïdr nûnï" '* I ïdr"-*" id? p i x ME§ 6 û-gap-pi-iam-tna ih-liq-ma p i i H-ga]-ru U-bi-ru mi-Ul-bi [. . .] ad-du-ka ma-as-sa-ru tam-ti d
r
d
d
2 rev. ii aj~ g 4
25 26 27 28
I laid [. . .] on them and punished them. [After] I had punished them [ I repeated i t ] and imposed a penalty.' [. . •] took the message
29 [. • . ] the wide sea 30 [Went] and repeated 31 [The message of] Ea to Enlil,
~
"
"
—
d
41 [x x ] X d$-kun-$u-nu-ti-[m]a e-te-nin-Sû-nu-ti 42 [if\-tu-ma e-ni-nu-hi- (nu)-ti 43 [u]-tir-ram-ma Ur-ta e-mi-id
32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43
' [ . . . ] . you commanded and Anu and Adad did guard theupper régions [Sin and] Nergal did guard the middle earth, [The boit], the bar of the sea, [ I ] did guard together with my plants. When [. . . ] escaped from me [ . . ] . . a myriad of fish, one myriad . . . [ . . ] . . I got together and i t disappeared A n d they broke half of [the boit]. [After (?)] I had killed the guards of the sea I laid [. .] . on them and punished them. After I had punished them [1] repeated it and imposed a penalty.'
44 45 46 47 48
44 45 46 47 48
Enlil opened his mouth to speak A n d addressed the assembly of ail the gods, 'Come, ail of us, and take an oath to bring a flood.' A n u swore first; Enlil swore, his sons swore with him.
d
T
6
me5
[. .] KU
1
1
[ en]-lil pa-a-su i-pu-us-ma i-qab-bi [a]-na pu-hur ka-la ilf ** iz-za-kàr [a]l-ka-ni ka-la-ni a-na ma-mi-tû a-bu-bi a-nam i-na pa-ni Hcfi-mu-ni en-Ul it-ta-mi mârê^-sû it-ti-H ta-mu-ni d
0
d
d
(i*a)
T H E
A S S Y R I A N
R E C E N S I O N
T H E
ASSYRIAN
B M 98977+99231 ( U ) , O b v e r s e B
1 [ éy a bele-re-ba-ka [di-me-ma] 2 [û-t]e-qi-ma Hkna ki-ma Hkin !ëp[ë ™*-ka] d
f
l
ggg
îlj
3 [ a-tar-ltasù] ik-mis ut-kin i-ta-zi-iz 4 [pâ-Hi] ipulat'-ma izzakar(mu)
X [X (x)]
m
ar
5 [ma bel] e-re-ba-ka di-me-ma 6 [û-te-q(]-ma Hkna ki-ma Hkin
RECENSION
98977 + 99^31 ( U ) , Obverse
M
1 Ea, lord, [I heard] your entry, 2 [ I ] noticed steps like [yourj footsteps.' 3 [Atra-basîs] bowed down, he prostrated himself, he stood 4 H e opened [his mouth] and said, 5 ' [ L o r d ] , I heard your entry,
$ëpë -k[a]
6 [I noticed] steps like your footsteps.
llmti
7 [àé-a bê]l e-re-ba-ka dï-me-m[â] 8 [û-te-q]i-ma Hkna ki-ma Hkin lêpë -[ka]
7 [ E a , lord], I heard your entry, 8 [ I noticed] steps like your footsteps.
îlme&
9 [x X ] X ki-i 7 SanâH(mu) [^] 10 *, .] X -ma-ka û-se-mi kai-ha-[îd]
10
. . .] your . . has made the feeble thirsty
11
, . , ] X**"* °*~**-ka
11
. . .] . (
12
. . . ] X -ru-ku-nu qi-ba-a ia-a-S[i]
12
. . .] tell me your (pl.) . . { . . ] *
9 [. .] . like seven years
m
1
a-ta-marpa-ni-k[a]
n c w b r e f t k
) . I have seen your face
13 [*i-ap]â-ht ïpuia i-qab-bi 14 [iz-za-ka]r a-na ki-ki-H
13
15
15
\ . .] Reed-hut! Reed-hut!
16
. . .] pay attention to met
ia
, .] ki-kii
16 1
[ E a ] opened his mouth to speak
14 [And addressed) the reed-hut,
ki-k[H]
4 ; . H]-ta-ma-ni v
|ɧ •] X biS x [. .]
7
1 8
19 20
*
I f * •] X ia § .] l i l . ] X i ta [. .] . . .] X X X [. .]
•
*
*
•
*
*
* Rev
Reverse 1 traces
2 [Mit\-ta-di ri*x [ x (x)3 3 [i-ru-u]m-ma ip-fra-a ^eleppa] 4 [i]a-ru**< ^ -a-ma ib-bak me-h[u-û]
2 [. . . he] put . . [ • • ] 3 [He] entered and shut up the [boat]. 4 T h e wind ( «
û
5 adadi-na làr ertem'(im.limmu.ba) ir-ta-kab 6 Su-û-tu il-ta-nu Sadtf a-mur-[ru] d
pa-re-V^ht]
w b r e a k
) . and brought the
5 Adad rode on the four ttinds, [his] as 6 T h e south wind, the north winu, tne
*
*
r
*4
ATRA-tfASÏS
7 8 9 10 11
U rev. 7-aj
ri-qu-bi siq-si-qu me-hu-û râô/(aga[rj) im-hul-lu ad ma hu lu te-bu-û JtàriT^*] ur&^-qù-da tt-ba-a id-Sû su-tu [i]-zi-qu a-na idi-lù a-mur-ru [ x ] X [ X ] X i-ba- k i Si X
12 [ x x]&E-ri fu-ku-ub ilàni * muS-Su- X [X 13 [i-r]a>-£ri-i$ i-da-ak i-da-di [ x X X ] me
7 8 9 10 11 X]
14 [U]-lak nin-urta mi-ih-ra [û-Sar-di] 15 èr-ra-kal û-na-sa-ha t[ar-kul-li]
The The The The [.] .
storm, the gale, the tempest blew for him Evil Wind . . . . the winds arose. south wind . ( ) . . arose at his side, west wind blew at his side, [.] . reached . . . break
12 [ • • ] • • the chariot of the gods . . . [ . . ] 13 [ I t ] sweeps forward, it kills, it threshes [. . .]
d
d
16 [ z]u i-na su-up-ri-hi $amê ^-[iar-rif] 17 [X X m]àta ki-ma karpati mi-lik-sd is-p[u-uh] à
e
18 [x X X ] V-ta-sa-a a-bu-bu 19 [ki-ma qab-li eï\i ni-ie i-ba-a ka-su-hi 20
. . . ]a }-nu rtgim(KA) a-bu-bi
21
. . . ilàm\
22
. . .] X mârû -Sd ub-bu-ku a-na pi-ld
23 24 25
d
mQl
ul-ta-dar m
. . .] X la-hi-id i[s-ru-u]p . . .] ma li" [. . . ...] X [. . . r
m e l
1
14 Ninurta went on and [made] the dykes [overflow], 15 Errakal tore up [the mooring pôles]. 16 [Zû] with his talons [rent] the heavens, 17 [He . .] the land like a pot, he scattered its counsel 18 [. . . ] the flood set out, 19 Its might came [upon] the peoples [like a battle array]. 20 21
. . .] Anu ( ? ) [ . . .] the noise of the flood, . . .] set the [gods] atremble.
22
. . .] . her sons were thrown down at her own command.
23
.] . spent her émotion
(ia6)
CBS
(«27)
13532
CBS
13532
(3)
Obverse i . ] X - W 3« ] X i-ba-as-su-û 5. i-b]a-aS-bi-û Reverse 1
S . ] x « ? B x i ?
[x
X ]
X-ka
2 . . .] a-pa-aS-ïar 3 | ^ • . ] fai-fo m-&" ù-te-nti i-sa-bat 4 ., la-am a-bu-bi wa-se-e 5 . . .] X -â-m ma-fa i-ba-aS-hi-û lu kin ub-bu-ku lu pu-ut-tu hu-ru-hi 6 . . . ] **eleppa ra-bi-tam bi-ni-ma 7 . , .] qd-ne-e gdb-bi lu M-nu-us-sà 8 . . . ] j t - i l u ^m<2^^urruffr(mâ.gur.gur)-ma hm-Ia lu na-si^rat na-pii-tim 9 . . . ] x pi-lu-la dan-na sù-ul-lil 0 . . .] te-ep-pu-hi x • . rel="nofollow">] x û-ma-am st-rim is-ptr la-me-e 2 | | | | . ] ku-um-nd-ir{\ tablet -m) 3 * . - ] X u kin? ta X 4 (trace) T h e Middle, not Old, Babylonian date of this fragment has been argued by G . A . irton, JAOS 31. 37-46, and E . L Gordon, Journal of Biblical Literature 75, 336. 1
2 . . .] I will explain 3 . . . a flood] will seize ail the peoples together 4 . . . ] . before the flood sets out 5 . . . ] . . . ail that there are 6 . . . ] build a big boat* 7 Let its structure be [ . . . . . ] entirely of reeds. 8 . . . ] let it be a maqurqurrum-bozt with the name, The Life Saver. 9 . . . ] roof it over with a strong covering. 10 [Into the boat which] you will make 11 [Send . . . ] . wild créatures of the steppe, birds of the heavens 12
• . . ] heap up
( 129)
DT
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 S 9
42
(W)
DT
[ x x x ] x tu-u x [ . . . [ X X X ] X ki-ma kip-pa-ti [. . . [ku-up-ru] ht da-an e-lis u i[ap-lif} [ X ( X ) ] X tpi-b* *[eleppa] [û-sur] a-dan-na Sa a-lap-pa-rak- [ka] f^eleppa] e-ru-um-ma bâb **eleppi tir~[ra] [su-liana]lib-M~sduttat(se.bar)-ka bu$â(nig.su)-kaumakkûr(nig.g3,)-[ka] [a$sat-k]a ki-mat-ka sa-lat-ka u mari*** um-m[a-ni] [bu-ul\ sêri û-ma-am sërima-la urqëtu(û.sim) me-er-['i-sun] g
10 [a-sapj-pa-rak-kum-ma i-na-as-sa-ru bâb-k[a] 11 12 13 14 15 16 17
[ at-r]a-ha-si$pa-a-hb ipu$(du)-ma £gaife*(dug .g[a]) [i-zak\-kar ana é-a be-iï-[su] [ma-t]i-ma-a ^eleppa ul e-pu-us X [ x ] [ina qaq]~qa-ri e-sir û-\jur-tii] [û-sur]-tu lu-mur-ma **eleppa [lu-pu-uQ [«yj-V ma qaq-qa-ri e-[&r û-sur-tu] [ X X ( X ) b]e-U« taq-ba-W [. .. m
4
é
42
(W)
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9
[ . . . ] . let i t . [ . . . [ • • • ] • li^e a circle [. . . Let [the pitch] be strong above and below, [ . . ] . . caulk the [boat]. [Observe] the appointed time of which I will inform you, Enter [the boat] and close the boat's door. [Send up into] i t your barley, your goods, your property, [Your wife], your kith, your kin, and the skilled workers! [Créatures] of the steppe, ail the wild créatures of the steppe that eat grass, 0 [ I ] w i l l send to you and they will wait at your door/
1 2 3 4 5 [6 ij
Atra-hasïs opened his mouth to speak A n d addressed Ea, [his] lord, ' I have never built a boat. [.] Draw the design on the ground That I may see [the design] and [build] the boat Ea drew [the design] on die ground. ' [ . . ] my lord, what you commanded [ . . .
*
813153
*
*
*
K
*
9
( I3i )
T H E
F L O O D
S T O R Y
Ugaritica
THIS small fragment,
FROM R A S
v. 167 « RS
2 2
.
4
3
SHAMRA
I
J.
that was announced by Noueavrol in a des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres, Comptes RendJ , r X T ! ? Him in : v pèsent. J ^ ^ X S S C .H , .tory found outtide Mesopotamia so far. Unlike Atr asl, it covered only the flood itself, not the création of man and Enlil's attempts Z diminish their numbera. I t was written on a single tablet, of which the beginning and end only survive, and it dates from about the fourteenth century B.C. Atra-hasïs himself begins to speak in obverse 6, and it sounds as though he is going to tell the story, as happens in Gilgamel xi, where the immortal flood hero explains to Gilgames how he escaped death. The first five lines contain no simiiar explanation for use of the first person here. The orthography and grammar of the tablet mark i t out as having been written i n the West, but what little of the text remains suggests a good Babylonian work of literature, not a Syrian composition. b
y
f
T
H
1
T H E FLOOD
I 3 2
STORY
FROM
*33
Obverse
Obverse
i V-nu-mailânu * im-ta$-ku mil-kd i-na a-bu-ba is-ku-nu i-na ki-ib-ra-ti m<
R A S S H A M R A ($)
mâtâti
2
mtAti
3
1 When the gods took counsel i n the lands 3 And brought about a flood in the régions of the world,
4 X X X X i-se[m]-me [(. .)] 5 t- X X X [ ]-bit-ti é-a ina libbi-f[u]
4 . . . . hears [. . ] 5 ....[••••]••
6 at-ra-am-ha-si-sum-me a-na-ku- [ma] 7 i-na Ht é-a bëli-ia a$-ba- [ku] 8 û-X-X-ma i-X [x]
6 ' I am Atra-hasïs, 7 I lived in the temple of Ea, my lord,
d
m
d
9 i-de mil-kd
ïa ilâni * me
i
10 i-de ma-me-et-Su-nu A
ra-ab-bu-ti
ù û-ul i-pa-at-tu-û n
12 a-ma-te-Su-nu a-na ki-ik-ki-[H] 14 [i]-ga-ru-ma si-m[e- . .. 15 [ x ] ki? ma i-[. . .
*
8
a-na ia-a-si
[J
o I knew the counsel of the great gods, 10 I knew of their oath, though they did not reveal i t to me. 12 He repeated their words to the wall,
i-sa-an-[ni]
13
i n his heart.
14 " W a l l , hear [. . .
*
•
•
• Reverse
Reverse 1 [ . . . . ] X ilâni™?*] ba-l[a-fd . . . 2 [x X ( X ) ] X-tacûlsat-ka X [. . . 3 [ X ] X-atuk-la-atù X [. . . 4 ki-i ilâni™* ba-la-td lu-û [. . .
1 2 3 4
5 6
5
Written by Mudammiq-Nergal
6
Property ( ?) of
Su sig . nè.iri .gal X ( X ) an.Su.Sâ.ku?.na m
s
d
x
[ . . . . ] . the gods life [. . . [ . . . ] . . your wife . [. . . [. . ] . help and . [. . . Life like the gods [you will] indeed [possess]/
( 134)
BEROSSUS
BEROSSUS was a priest of Babylon,
who, at some time i n his life, settled on the island of Cos and opened a school. He calls himself a contemporary of Alexander the Great, but since the latter died young Berossus outlived him and his work i n Greek, Babyloniaka, was dedicated to Antiochus I , who reigned either as co-regent or as sole monarch from 292 to 261 B.C. The purpose of this book was to présent Babylonian history, w i t h its vast antiquity, to the Greeks. Despite the considérable interest i n that kind of material i n the Hellenistic world, incredibly few people read the book, and i t is now lost. For the flood (and most other things) we have to dépend on Alexander Polyhistor, a Greek of the first century B.c., who quoted Berossus extensively. This work too is lost, but i t was i n t u r n quoted by Eusebius, especially i n his Chronicles, which survives i n an Armenian translation. However, the passage relating to the flood is quoted from Eusebius i n Greek by the Byzantine chronicler Syncellus. Another writer who gives a briefer account of the flood ultimately derived from Berossus is Abydenus. His date is uncertain, but since he seems to dépend on Polyhistor and is quoted in turn by Eusebius (his work is no longer extant) the limits between which he must be put are fixed. T h e relevant section is quoted by Eusebius twice, i n his Chronicles and i n his Praeparatio Evangelica. With such a devious tradition one must ask how reliable it is. There are différences between Polyhistor and Abydenus. According to the former the second group of birds returned to the ark i n a muddy condition, but the third group according to the latter. T h e former states that pitch from the remains of the ark i n Armenia was used for amulets, but the latter asserts that wood served this purpose. I f i t is accepted that Abydenus depended on Polyhistor (the évidence is plausible), then obviously the excerpts from Polyhistor are to be preferred. However, Abydenus records that the first group of birds were let out three days after the rain stopped. No simiiar time period is given by Polyhistor as we know his version. This raises the question of whether Eusebius quotes Polyhistor i n full, or is using a digest. Josephus, Antiquities of the Jews, 1. i i i . 6, also quotes the sentence about use of the pitch (not wood !) as amulets, and there is a considérable amount of verbal agreement between his and Eusebius' version, especially if one allows that Josephus literary helpers may have touched up Berossus style. However, a more serious problem is raised i n the account of création where Eusebius, professing to quote Polyhistor, gives a con9
9
BEROSSUS
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flated version made up of two separate accounts, the one undoubtedly Berossus, the other a combination of Babylonian and Hebrew éléments. Détails will be given i n the first-named author's forthcoming Babylonian Création Myths. At whatever stage in the line of transmission this conflation took place, it throws doubt on the integrity of the whole tradition. Fortunately there is no simiiar objection to any major part of the story of the flood. The Greek text of Berossus, with a German version of excerpts from the Armenian, can be read both in P. Schnabel, Berossus und die babylonischhellenistische Literatur, and in F. Jacoby, Die Fragmente der griechischen Historiker (FGH) 111 C, pp. 364 ff. The only English translation of at least the major fragments is that of I . P. Cory, Ancient Fragments (best édition, 1832). The flood came i n the second book of Berossus Babyloniaka after the ten kings and the related sages. The last two of the kings are given as Otiartes (or Ardâtes), a corruption of Ubâr-Tutu, and Xisuthros, i.e. Ziusudra. They are said to have reigned in Larak. 9
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BEROSSUS, ACCORDING TO POLYHISTOR The same Alexander, going still further down from the ninth king Ardâtes as far as the tenth, called by them Xisuthros, reports on the authority of the Chaldean writings as follows: After the death of Ardâtes his son Xisuthros ruled for eighteen sars and in his time a great flood occurred, of which this account is on record: Kronos appeared to him i n the course of a dream and said that on the fifteenth day of the month Daisios mankind would be destroyed by a flood. So he ordered him to dig a hole and to bury the beginnings, middles, and ends of ail writings in Sippar, the city of the Sun(-god); and after building a boat, to embark with his kinsfolk and close friends. He was to stow food and drink and put both birds and animais on board and then sail away when he had got everything ready. I f asked where he was sailing, he was to reply, T o the gods, to pray for blessings on men.* He d i d not disobey, but got a boat built, five stades long and two stades wide, and when everything was properly arranged he sent his wife and children and closest friends on board. When the flood had occurred and as soon as it had subsided, Xisuthros let out some of the birds, which, finding no food or place to rest, came back to the vessel. After a few days Xisuthros again let out the birds, and they again returned to the ship, this time with their feet covered in mud. When
BEROSSUS BEROSSUS
i_* t f the third time they failed to return to the boat, and they were l e t £ " ° a r e d . Thereupon he prized open Xisuthros m f e r ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ portion of the sea ^ his daughter, and his on some mountain n ^ aitar and sacrificed o r
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Daisios is a Macedonian month correspondis with the R K , • the second month of the year. I t is not clear if t h k V 7 % cise chronology of the flood, like that in Genesis I f ! " " ^ ° * P " with some other, perhaps cultic, significance. 8eCH^TA ail writings i n Sippar is known from Berossu!, Z ï^"V* ginnings, middles and ends', meaning simply 'air L * „ a
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!lTk^ When Xisuthros and his party d i d not come back, those who S d s ^ y e d b t h e boat disembarked and looked for h i m , calling him by nam Xisuthros himself d i d not appear to them any more but thare ZIvoie* out o f t h e air instructing them on the need to worship the Ids seeing that he was going to dwell w i t h the gods because of his S S and that his wife, daughter, and pilot shared m the same honour. S e t l d them to return to Babylon, and, as was destined for them, to "escue the writings from Sippar and dissémina* them to m a n k i n d Also L told them that they were i n the country of Armenia They heard this, sacrificed to the gods, and journeyed on foot to Babylon A part of the boat which came to rest i n the Gordyaean mountains of Armenia, still remains, and some people scrape pitch off the boat and use i t as charms. So when they came to Babylon they dug u p the writings from S.ppar, and, after founding many cities and setting up shrines, they once more established Babylon. Jacoby, FHG m C, pp. 378-82 BEROSSUS, A C C O R D I N G TO
ABYDENUS
After whom others ruled, and Sisithros, to whom Kronos revealed that there would be a déluge on the fifteenth day of Daisios, and ordered him to conceal i n Sippar, the city of the Sun(-god), every available writing. Sisithros accomplished ail thèse things, immediately sailed to Armenia, and thereupon what the god had announced happened. O n the third day, after the rain abated, he let loose birds i n the attempt to ascertain i f they would see land not covered with water. N o t knowing where to alight, bemg confronted with a boundless sea, they returned to Sisithros. And similarly with others. When he succeeded w i t h a t h i r d group—they returned with muddy feathers—the gods took h i m away from mankind. However, the boat i n Armenia supplied the local inhabitants w i t h wooden amulets as charms. Jacoby, FHG 111 C, pp.
401-2
Berossus départs from ail known cuneiform sources i n only two respects. '
h e
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Particular month and day for the beginning of the flood.
r l ^ ^ t t ^
a Babylonian text which prescribes'the saying 'the beginning of the inscription and the end o f T
^
«*• % l W «" this connection surely implies a local tradition of Sippar, which is interesting because Berossus' list of the ten kings is plainly altered, as compared with second millennium examples in favour of Babylon. The ten kings are spread over three cities, the first Babylon, replacing the eariier Eridu, the second and third being Badtibîra and Larak, both completely unimportant places in the first mulemùum. Evidently there was no version of the flood which set the scène in Babylon, so a Sipparian version was employed, though this is not used either m Atra-hasïs or GilgameS x i . The apotheosis of the flood hero could have been contained i n the damaged ending of Atra-hasïs. I n addition to Berossus and GilgameS x i , another attestation of this item occurs on the Babylonian Mappa Mundi, where under the name Ut-napiistim the flood hero is described as living i n a remote corner of the universe [CT 22. 48 obv. 10). T
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THE
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S T O R Y
by M. CIVIL THE Sumerian flood story is preserved i n CBS 10673, the bottom third, approximately, of the complète tablet, apparently from Nippur. I t was published by Arno Poebel in 1914 (PBS v, no. 1, and pis. [photos]). Poebel himself gave a complète study of the text i n PBS IV/I. 7-70. The text aroused considérable interest and a certain number of studies, most of which by now offer little except historical interest, followed PoebePs publication. The only serious attempt to bring Poebel's work up to date can be found in S. N . Kramer's translation i n ANET 42 ff. I n the philological notes, références to Poebel and Kramer without further spécification are to PBS iv/1.7 ff. and ANET 42 ff. respectively. So far no duplicates of CBS 10673 have turned up. A few isolated fragments might belong to the same text: the bilingual G T 4 6 . 5 (see pp. 14 and 17) could belong to the missing part of column i i i ; STVC 87 B (see pp. 16 and 26) also could well belong to this story. However, nothing more positive than a similarity of content recommends their attribution to this text. The présent édition follows Kramer's line numbering, which gives a good idea of the extent of the gaps, though i t does not take indented Unes into account. I n the absence of a colophon, a tablet can be dated only by palaeographic, orthographie, linguistic, and other internai criteria. Cuneiform palaeography, i t is sad to say, has hardly made any progress i n the last forty years, and little could be added to PoebePs conclusions (PBS IV/I. 69), which are still valid. I t must be stressed, however, that generally a literary tablet cannot be dated by a simple comparison of its sign forms w i t h those of tbe administrative texts. Différent calligraphie styles coexisted, and served for différent genres of tablets. I n any case CBS 10673 is not eariier than Late Old Babylonian.
LXXXVI-LXXXVI
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Pœbel'g hand-copy is reproduced i n S . N . Kramer, Sumerian Mythology,fig.2, and From the Tablets of Sumer 178,fig.60. * A . T . Clay, YOR v/3 (1922); C . J . Gadd, Sumerian Reading Book 130 ff. (1924), reproduces foies 145-2*1 of the text; H . Gressmann (éd.), AltorientaUsche Texte zum alten Testament* 198 ff. (1926); L . W . K i n g , Legends of Babylon and Egypt (Schweich Lectures 1916) 41 ff.; A . Heidel, The Gilgamesh Epic and Old Testament Parallels 102 ff. (194^; S . N . Kramer, Sumerian Mythology 97 ff. (1944), From the TableU of Sumer 1
176 C (1956). Remarks on parts of the text are given by T . Jacobsen, AS and by Laessoe, BiOr 13, 90 ff.
11. 58 f., 64 f.;
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Since PoebePs initial publication knowledge of the standard Sumerian literary corpus, mainly from the Nippur school, secondarily from that of Ur, has increased so much that the grammatical and lexical irregularities of this text, some of which were already pointed out by Poebel m PBS xvf 1. 68, are much more obvious. Most of the verbal forms, for example, do not fit into the paradigms of standard Sumerian. Unless one can trace a Sumerian model (see, e.g., the note on 100) or an Akkadian construction (e.g. i n 202 ùr with ugu renders the phrase bau eU), then a translation cannot be offered with much assurance. Some of the more doubtful passages have been italicized in the translation. However, it would be unwise to start building conclusions on the précise wording of still others. For example, the text begins with allusions to the destruction of man, although he is at this point newly created. Lines 38 and 39 are not quite complète, and the preceding lines are missing. With what is preserved the translation given seems the only one possible. Was there, then, a first destruction of the human race prior to the one recorded in Atra-faons} I n the présent state of knowledge i t would be incautious positively to affirm i t . The thème of a flood which destroys mankind does not seem to belong to the main body of Sumerian traditions. Allusions to it are lacking ia the texts which are presumed to go back to older originals, and so best represent Sumerian literary thèmes. When a primeval cosmic storm seems to be referred to (see Van Dijk, Acta Orientalia 28. 37), it has quite différent implications and the destruction of the human race is not associated with i t . The original short form of the Sumerian King List may or may not have contained an opening référence to the flood, but it certainly included no antediluvian kings. The oldest datable occurrences of the standard phrase egir a-ma-ru ba-ùr-ra-ta 'after the storm had swept. . (lise 40 of the longer form of the Sumerian King List) and its variants are in a hymn of Isme-Dagan (1953-1935 B.C.) and in a text which mentions Ur-Ninurta (1923-1896 B.C.), see pp. 16 and 26.* Judging from the information available at présent, the thème of the flood which wiped out ail but a handful of the human race became popular during the Isin dynasty. I n view of the large number of artificial grammatical forms and lexical peculiarities i n CBS 1 0 6 7 3 , i t was very likely composed at a later date. 1
N o r the storm associated with Inanna {Enmerkar and the Lord of Aratta 572ff.; 10 ff.) or E n l i l (Hoe and Plate Contest 168ff.);the storm as a metaphor in the lamentations is also a case apart. Duplicates : S . N . Kramer, Sumerian Literary Texts from Nippur 137; VAS 10. 204, i i i ; and unpublished texts. 1
Enmesarra 2
SUMERIAN
FLOOD
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SUMERIAN
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(i)
37 t ] ™-t*-g[* • • •] 38 nMn- lû-u XGiSGAL)-mu ha-lam-ma-bi a ga-ba-n[i- . . . ] 39 nin-tu-ra nfg-dim-di'm-ma-mu sl-[ ] ga-ba-ni-ib-gi -g f
FLOOD
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4 0 un ki-ùr-bi-ta ga-ba-ni-ib-gur-ru-nc 41 uru^-me-a-bi hé-im-mi-in-dù gissu-bi n i ga-ba-ab-dûb-bu 42 uru ?-me-a sig -bi ki-kù-ga hé-im-mi-in-àub 43 ki?-e§-me-a ki-kù-ga hé-im-mi-ni-ib-ri 4 4 kù ?-a nig-izi-te-na si mi-ni-in-si-sâ 45 garza me-mah Su mi-ni-ib-Su-du? 46 ki a im-ma-*b-dug silim ga-mu-ni-in-gar 47 an ^en-lfl ^en-tri nin-^ur>sag-gâ-ke 48 sag-gi|-ga mu-un-dfm-eâ-a- ba 49 nig-ge ki-ta ki-ta mu-Iu-Iu 50 mâ§-an§e nig-ûr-4 edin-na me-te-a-aS bWb-gâl 4
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' I want to [. , .] the destruction of my human race, For Nintu, I want to stop the annihilation of] my créatures, I want the people to come back to their dwelling grounds. Let ail their cities be built, I want their shade to be restful. Let the bricks of aU cities be laid on holy places, Let a i l . rest on holy places, The pure water which quenches the fire I will put conveniently there. I perfected the divine rules and the lofty me, The land w i l l be irrigated, I want there to be peace.' After A n , EnhV(and) Ninhursag f+*M± Had created the black-headed people, Animais multiplied everywhere, Animais of ail sizes, the quadrupeds, were placed as a fitting ornament of the plains (gap)
(ii) 84 I M 85 86 87 88
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[X x] x ri-g[t]ga-bt-iii--in-[. ] [du-I]um-bi ^ ga-ba-ni-ib-dug-dfug-x] X §idim-kalam-ma-ke us-gi Tia^-ba-ab-ba-[al] [ u ( X ) j X ^nam-lugal-la an-ta e -d[è]-a-ba r
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9° { • ' . ^ « ^ ^ p ^ ^ • nù-ni-ib-Su-du 01 [ X X X j-ga u [ r u . . « 2jL .b]a-an-da-éub 9 2 mu-bi ba-an-sa^ KAB^-dug^gfa ba-hai~fa]aHa 9 3 (ni)sag -uni4tt-e*ne eridu mâ§-sag n u - d i m - m u d mi-ni-in-sum 9 4 2-kam-rna-Sè nu-gig-ra bad-tibira mi-ni-in-sum 0 5 3-kam-ma la-ra-ag pa-bfl^(^ur))-sag mi-ni-in-sum 96 4-kam-ma zimbir** §ul-%tu mi-ni-in-sum 97 5-kam-ma Suruppak %ùd -ra mi-ni-in-sum 98 uru-bi-e-ne mu-bi ba-an-sa -a KAB-dug -ga ba-hai-hal-la 99 a-gi la-ba-an-fei-àra i m ba-aHa a im-ma- an -tu m 100 id-tur-tur-rc su-Iuh-bi gar hur-hur mi-ni-ib-gar-gar 5
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I want to consider their pfainstaking efforts]. [. . . ] bricklayer of the country, let him d [ig] a solid foundation. [When the . . . ] of kingship had come down from heaven, After the lofty crown and the throne of kingship had come down from heaven, [. . . ] perfected [ . . . ] , Founded [. . . ] cities in [. . . ] , Gave them their names, apportioned the capitals; The first of thèse cities, Eridu, he gave to the leader Nudimmud, The second, Badtibira, he gave to the 'nugig', The third, Larag, he gave to Pabilsag, The fourth, Sippar, he gave to the hero Utu, The fifth, Suruppak, he gave to Sud. He gave the names to thèse cities, apportioned the capitals. He d i d not stop the (yearly) flood, (but) dug the ground (and) brought the water,
100 He established the cleaning of the small csnals and the irrigation ditches. (g»p)
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135 ki-tuS? an-na X [ r
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'J 137 a-ma-ru [ J 138 (traces) 139 ^rg-gin^ bf-in-ak [ ] 140 u -bi-a nin-t[u X X ] D i M a [. . . ] 141 kù- inanna-ke un-K~5è a-nir mu-[un-gâ-gâ] 142 ^en-ki §à-ni-te-na-ke ad i - n i - i [ n - g i - g i j 143 an den-Ml «ten-ki nin-hur-sag-gâ-[keJ 144 dingir-an-ki-ke mu-an- en-lil m u - X - [ p à ] 145 u -ba zi-u -sud-râ lugal-àm g u d u X [ . ] 146 an-sag-NiGiN mu-un-dim-dfm en [ ] 147 nam-du -na inim-si-si-ge nf-te-gâ [. . . . . ] 148 u -§û-uâ-e sag-tis gub-ba [ ] 149 ma-mû nu-me-a è-dè inim-ba[l ] 150 mu-an-ki-bi-ta pà-pà-dè [ ] 13
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159 inim-dug -ga an <*en-|lfl «toin-hur-sag-gâ-kej 160 nam-lugal-bi bal-bi x [ 1 161 e-ne -sè [ . . . . . . . . . ] 4
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144 The gods of the universe, had [taken an oath by] the names of An and Enlil. 145 A t that time, the king Ziusudra, the anointed [. . . ] , 146 He made . . . [ . . . ] 147 148 149 150
W i t h humility (and) well chosen words, in révérence [. . . ] Every day he stood constantly présent at [ . . . ] . I t was not a dream, coming out and speajking . . . ] Conjured by heaven and underworld [ . . . ] (iv)
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Then N i n [ t u . . . her] creaftures? . . .] Holy Inanna we[pt] because of the people, Enki bethought himself (of the situation even though) A n , Enlil, Enki (and) Ninhursag,
(iv)
ki? -ùr-8è dingir-re-e-ne e-ga[r . . . . ] zi-u -sud-ra da-bé gub-ba gi§ mu- [un-tuk] iz-zi-da â-gùb-bu mu-gub ba-[ ] iz-zi-da inim ga-ra-ab-dug i n i m - [ m u hé-dab] na-de -ga-mu gizz[al hé-im-si-ak] DAG?-me-a a-ma-ru ugu-KAB-d [ug -ga . . ] ba-ù[r . . numun-nam-lû-u ha-lam-e X [ ] di-tikla inim pu-ûh-ru- [um % . .]
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I n the ki-ur (?), the gods, a wall [ . . . ] Ziusudra hea[rd], standing by its side, He stood at the left of the side-wall[. . . ] 'Side-wall, I want to talk to you, [hold on] my word, [Pay attenjtion to my instructions: O n ail dwellings (?), over the capitals the storm will [sweep]. T h e destruction of the descent of mankind [. . . ] , The final sentence, the word of the assembly [ . . . ] T h e word spoken by A n and En [lil and Ninhursag],
160 The overthrowing of the kingship [. . . ] . Now
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[. . . ] (gap)
(gap)
(v) 201 im-hul-im-hul im-si-si-ig dù-a-bi téS.bi i-su -ge-e§ a-ma-ru ugu-KAB-dug4-ga ba-an-da-ab-ùr-e m «4-7-àm gi -7-àm 8
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AU the destructive winds (and) gales were présent,
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T h e storm swept over the capitals. After the storm had swept the country for seven oay
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204 a-ma-ru kalam-ma ba-ùr-ra-ta
nights
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205 206 207 208 209
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mi-gur -gur a-gal-la im-hul tuk -tuk -a-ta utu i-im-ma-ra-è an-ki-a u gâ-gâ zi-u -sud-ra mâ-gur -gur ab -BrÎR mu-un-da-buru ù? utu gté-nu (SiR)-ni-da * mà-gur -gur -ôè ba-an-ku -re-en zi-u -sud-râ lugal-àm ga
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210 igi- utu-âè KA ki-su-ub ba-gub 211 lugal-e gud im-ma-ab-gaz-e udu im-ma-ab-sâr-re 212 [ X X ] X si-gal [. si]kil-la-da 213 [. ] X mu-un-na- x - X "'-ba d
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205 And the destructive w i n d had rocked th,. k ~ «
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** i t r r 807 Ziusudra made an opening in the huge boat £? , ". ^ "¥» «tered the huge beat 209 The king Ziusudra 210 Prostrated himself before the Sun-god 211 The king slaughtered a large number of butta and sheep (gap) s
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(vi) 251 252 253 254 255 255a 256 257 258 259 260 261
(vi)
zi-an-na zi-ki-a 1-pà-dè-en-zé-en za-zu-da hé-im-da-lâ an den-lil zi-an-na zi-ki-a i-pà-dè-zé-en za-da-ne-ne im-da-lâ nig-ge ki-^a e - d è im-ma-ra-e -dè zi-u -sud-râ lugal-àm igi-an- en-lfl-lâ-sè KA ki-su-ub ba-gub an den-lil zi-u -sud-râ SAL-e x [. . . .] ti dingir-gin mu-un-na-sum-mu zi-da-ri dingir-gin mu-un-ab-e -dè u -ba zi-u -sud-râ lugal-àm mu-nig-ge -ma numun-nam-lû-u uri -ak kur-bal kur-ditmun-na ki- utu-è-§è mu-un-tU-eâ za-e x [ |i, ...] (rest broken) 1
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251 Be conjured by heaven and underworld, let. . . 252 A n (and) Enlil, be conjured by heaven and underworld,.. • 253 He/they made come up the animais which émerge from the earth. 254 The king Ziusudra 255 Prostrated himself before An (and) Enlil 255a (see note) 256 (Who) gave him life, like a god, 257 Elevated him to eternal life, like a god 258 At that time, the king Ziusudra 259 Who protected the seed of mankind at the time (?) of destruction, 260 They settled in an overseas country, in the orient, in Dilmun. (end broken)
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(146) P H I L O L O G I C A L
N O T E S
TABLET I a-wi-lum has the locative -«m with the meaning of the comparative -if, as in k -ma ïa-ar-ra-qi-tu ( n . i i . 19, 33, see note), where kïma i s u s e d pleon asti cal ly like ina i n ina balûm i n the Code of Hammurabi. Thèse are the first examples to be i
noted of comparative -um, b u t they need cause n o difficulty as - u m a n d - i f interchange freely before suffixes, so i t i s fully conceivable that they might do the same without suffixes also. T h e occurrence of comparative - i f as early as the O l d B a b ylonian period has been denied b y v o n Soden (ZA 4 1 . 1 2 8 - 9 ) , b u t i t i s not clear w h y ewû was disregarded, since i t can be construed w i t h either kïma or - i f already i n the O l d Babylonian period. 5 Récent literature on the A n u n n a k i a n d Igigi i s plentiful : v o n S o d e n , Compte rendu de Vonzième rencontre assyriologique internationale 102 ff. ; A . Falkenstein and B . Kienast i n AS 16. 127 ff. and 141 ff. respectively ; v o n S o d e n , Iraq 28. 140 ff. T h e opinion of K i e n a s t , that the two terms are m o s t l y synonymous, we accept for the O l d Babylonian period generally (though n o t n e a r l y so m u c h as he for the later periods). T w i c e i n Atra-hasïs (1. 2 3 2 - 3 , 111. v i . 6-^7) the author has juxtaposed the two terms, as i n Enûma Elis* v i . 2 0 - 7 , so as to identify t h e m . T h i s line under discussion, however, contains the onîy example i n t h e O l d Babylonian copies oîAa-nun-na-ku. Elsewhere (1. 219, 2 3 2 ; u . v. 2 8 ; m . i i i . 3 0 , v i . 7) àa-nun-na, the traditional orthography, i s written. A s i m i l a r l y ' m o d e m ' orthography i n the opening lines is the sign qa in 11 below. ( E l s e w h e r e t h e O l d B a b y l o n i a n copies write this syllable w i t h the GA sign.) T h e S e v e n great A n u n n a k i are certainly those referred to as gods of the destinies i n the following three passages : dingir.nam.tar.ra imin.na.ne.ne Bnhl and Ninlil, Barton, dim.me.er.nam.tar.ra imin.ne.ne
MBI4.
i i . 14 =
ilâni H-ma-a-ti si-bit-ti-Hû-nu SBH p. 135. iii. 27-8 = p. 92. 23, cf. p. ilâni &mâtï sibitti-M-nu Enûma Elit vi. 81
SEM
9 N e i t h e r CAD n o r AHto attempts to define the meaning of guzalû precisely. T h e r e is certainly no proof that the officiai who no doubt originally carried his lord's chair still performed this menial duty i n the Old Babylonian period, any more than the L o r d Chamberlain in twentieth -century Britain supervises the monarch's bedroom. F r o m line 49 below and the related J it may be suspected that as conceived b y the author of Atra-faasïs the guzalû supervised the forced labour. 10 C f . 127. gallâ here is certainly not 'démon', but is explained in a group w i t h two other ci vie officiais : 18 19
20
d
d
77. i i . 6
en.mt.gî
4
gu.2a.le en.lil.lâ.ke en.nu.gi dam.bi gu.za.là nin.lil.lâ.ke CT 24.10.7-9 and dug. d
d§ §û.ru.ma.âê § B
SBP
gaï-lu-u gu-za-lu-u si-i-ib a-li
5
d
87. 34;
li.bi.ir = dub.sî = ab.ba.uru =
Erimbuï vr in
A semantic paraliel is offered b y maskim == râbisu, which also means both 's démon' and ' a n officiai'. W h i l e thèse two examples of this meaning of gallû seem to be the only ones, it m a y be noted that the démons called gal ,là act as the constabulary o f Ereâkigal i n the Sumerian Descent oflnnin. Ennugi is first mentioned, it seems, i n the U r I I I offering list TCL 5.6053 i i (1 udu en.nu.gi ) in a section dealing with the m i n o r gods of E n l i l ' s court. H e appears again i n the same context i n the Old Babylonian forerunner to AN = Aman (TCL 15, pl. xxix. 324), and this is taken over a n d elaborated i n AN = Anunt 1 as follows :
mci
mtA
H7
19. 163
I down to seven particular ones. V o n Soden in JNES ff. has collected the examples of s u c h phrases as damqam ïni, seen also i n the name watram-fyasis, w h i c h are remarkable both for the ending on what would normally be in the construct state and for the regularity with which the ending seems to be an accusative. A U the occurrences are descriptive phrases, since with the name one must understand '(the man) abounding i n wisdom*. Perhaps here too we are to understand the accusatives as limiting a noun, whether expressed or not.
4
d
MA
nisaba
d
164. 34
4
méè
H i s connection w i t h E n l i l is further confirmed by the litany that names en.nu.gi dumu. en.lil.lâ.ra (SBH p. 137. 36, dup. K 5148: 'to Ennugi, son of ErihT), and b y the exorcistic text ABRT 1. 57 rev. 2-5 that names htm among ilàm9* U é~[kur] i/5m m e 8 fd é-su-me-Sa^ ('gods of E k u r , gods of ESumesa', cf. Zimmem, ZA 32. 6 6 ) . H e is n o doubt meant i n Surpu vm* 14: *en*m-gi gu.za.lâ dM.KUD, U ET v\j 2 . 4 0 8 . 4 , b u t the context i s unhelpful, and it is not clear to which of thèse two the title belongs, since both can bear it. A completely dînèrent god appears i n AN = Anum v . 2 2 3 - 5 , e n , [nu]. gi4 .gi , one of the two doorkeepers of EieSkigal (CT 25. 5. 37, restored). I n KAR 142, iv. 12-15 den-nu-giA-gii is given as the last of the seven doorkeepers of Ereskigal, and i n the myth Nergal and EreSkigal he appears i n charge of the seventh gâte leading to the shades ( «n-im-g[i -^»J t STT 28. i i i . 4 7 ' = AnSt x . 116). T h e r e is a mass of évidence showing that single and reduplicated roots freely interchange i n Sumerian, so that by name alone one cannot distinguish between the ' Chamberlain of E n l i l ' and the keeper of the seventh gâte i n the u n d e r w o r l d . Indeed, an etymological god list, CT 25.49 rev. 3 explains d en-nu-gi as bel ersetsm**** bel la ta-[a~ri\, ( T h e similarity of en.nviàgî and kur.nu.gî d
d
T h e gods of the destinies are those w h o fixed, a n d w h o alone c o u l d change, the 219, below; thus i f the gods h a d to toil i t w a s certainly this group that had so otdained, even though the text only alludes to t h e i r n u m b e r rather than their full title. T h e accusative sibittam i s unexpected b u t p e r h a p s explicable. T h e function o f this case i n Akkadian i s always l i m i t i n g . I f one says imfias 'he struck', the meaning is so gênerai as to be incompréhensible, b u t imfeas awïlam 'he struck the m a n ' so limits the action o f the v e r b b y the addition o f the accusative that meaning results. T h i s can occur w i t h a stative v e r b too, as s h o w n i n the example igpuï libba 'he became great as to h i s h e a r t ' (quoted i n a v e r y fine section of the z n d and 3rd éditions of A . U n g n a d ' s Babylonisch-Assyrische Grammatik, § 19, unfortunately dropped from the 4th édition). T h e t e r m ' a d v e r b i a l accusative' has n used to describe other kinds of limiting a c h i e v e d b y u s e o f this case. A i l le, however, limit verbs, b u t here sibittam limita t h e n o u n anunnakku. W i t h o u t ttam it would mean ail the great gods generally. T h e accusative l i m i t s the group
status quo, cf.
I
8
d r
1
r
1
4
d
4
d
14*
PHILOLOGICAL
NOTES
I 10-66; S i
could hardly be missed !) Y e t a third E n n u g i figure c a n be identified. T h e third of seven gods listed i n T h u r e a u - D a n g i n , Rit. acc. 5. 3 ff. is :
e
^eg .rwjm.girn .gim«jne a.sà.mar.ra.ke
d
$
4
4
*im-nu-gi iâ-kin eq-îi
T h i s list occurs also i n RA 16. 145 obv. 11—12, a n d i n unilingual form only i n AN — Anum 1. 139 rï. ( C T 24. 4. 29 ff.), where they are expressly called the seven sons of Enmesarra. E n n u g i i s not one o f them, b u t i s identified w i t h one, and must therefore have had some at least of the same characteristics. H e is also named as one o f the ' E n h l s ' o n a brick inscription from U r : [é.( x )].gu.kù.ga [ki.tul gub] en.nu.gi.ket (UET 1. 182, cf. 173-81), a n d h e appears i n a simiiar context i n RA 41. 32. 23. Thèse groups o f seven are ail somewhat demonic in character and are usuaily represented as divine malefactors. I t i s certain therefore that the Chamberlain of E n l i l m u s t be distinguished from the other t w o E n n u g i s , and doubtful i f thèse two can be identified. Gilg. 18 instead o f gallû, w h i c h fits the context very well, offers gti-gal-la-sû-nu, w h i c h i s quite in appropriate for an orficer i n a divine assembly. M o s t likely i t i s a scribal e r r o r influenced b y the pieceding line. However, i t is curious that Surpu TV. 103 n a m e s den-nu-gi bel iki(é) u palgi (pas). Perhaps that line or something simiiar elsewhere contributed to the corruption i n Gilg. I t is u n certain w h i c h E n n u g i i s m e a n t i n the temple list that calls both é.rab.riji and é.rab.AG.AG the temple o f E n n u g i (é den-mi-gi: PSBA a a . 362, K 43744-8377. i . 9 - 1 0 ) . A mere curiosity is that i n AN = Anum m . 86, where *ga-a-a~ii sipa en.zu.na.ke i s mentioned, a variant gives sipa en.nu.gi.ke (CT 2 4 . 4 8 . 1 9 ) , though S i n is equated w i t h E n n u g i i n RA 1 6 . 1 4 5 obv. 12 i n a late syncretistic text. d
XI.
d
n
d
4
LiteraHy: 'they took h a n d i n its hand*,
is-sab-tu-ma qa-tu qa-tu-us-su-un.
qa-ti-sa = qâtissa,
cf.
Gilg. ni.
4
i . 19:
XII.
13, 17 W i t h Jfa-me-e-ïa cf. im-ta-qut ap-si-sa (MIO 5 4 . 4 ) . Thèse are the only tHD cases k n o w n to the writers, so one cannot tell i f the e n d i n g i s -&z(m) or -is~a(m)t b u t i t is certainly équivalent to ana. 15 T h e restoration i s from X rev. L 6, etc., w h e r e rhe m y t h o l o g y i s also discussed in the note. 16 naSfiku, i f correctJy restored here, seems to be a hapax legomenon, b u t h can hardly be separated from the w e l l - k n o w n title o f E a , ntsBkji. T h i s occurs most cnfimwsily i n Agusaya (VAS 214 = Z i m m e r n , BSGW 6 8 / 1 , i v . 12, v . 16 and 2 8 ; RA 15. 159 ff. vffi* 17) written m-{is)~sî-i-kufki. In Atra-hasïs i t occurs ( i n addition to II. vïL 3 9 a n d n i . v i . 4 2 ) b e l o w line 250, w h e r e the O l d Babylonian copy offers m J and m e L a t e A s s y r i a n ]-si-foi. T h i s proves that t h e title of E s cornmoniy read 'hûn-igi-kù s h o u l d in fact be read ra«-ft-&i, a n d i s another writing of niBïku. Confirmation and explanation o f this fact b e c o m e s apparent when it is noted that **#iè»-$-fei has not yet been found i n a n y S u m e r i a n o r Akkadian text from the O l d Babylonian period. I t o n l y o c c u r s i n later sources a n d i n later Akkadian copies. nilBku, on the other h a n d , o c c u r s i n O l d B a b y l o n i a n Akkadian literary texts, w i t h one exception, *m$-H~ku i n tXAR 3 8 ( d u p . K 8863) rev. 21. T h u s it appears that Amn^kù is a spurious Sumerianization o f a p r o b a b l y S e m i t i c fùffïhu invented s a the Cassite period. T h e Cassite-period god lists CT 24. 4 2 . 113 (aod dup.) and CT 25. 4 8 . 6 both explain i t as dé-a la ni-me-qt\ n o d o u b t basing
Z.
d
ï49
themselves o n kù i n nam.kù.zu == nêmequ. T h e meaning and etymology of miliku are not définitely known. T h e proposai to connect it with ensi = iisakku (Zimmem, BSGW 68/1, p. 33) and with nu.ès — nefakkum (see von Soden, ZA 41. 166 ; E d z a r d , ZA 55. 9 3 - 5 ; Jacobsen, AnBib x n / . 138-9) can be discounted on formai and semantic grounds. A possibility is that rtisHku îs another form of nasiku 'chieftain i n L a t e A s s y r i a n , also found i n Biblical and later Hebrew and in the Aramaic Ahiqar 119 (see the lexica) as nâsîk. T h i s is plausible since in Sumerian religious texts n u n i s a c o m m o n epithet of E n k i , and i n some Akkadian texts E s is referred 1
to as ea ïarru,
22, 24 T h e E u p h r a t e s is referred to as
na-pis-ti ma-a-ti
in JNES 15. 134. 49.
25 C f . i-di-ig-lat nota in J RAS 1927.536.7. T h e placing of a kind of determinative as description after a name is not usual. S i 7 C f . {àpu-ra-na-ti (KAR 360. 7) and purantum in the Mari letters (ARM xv. 131). S i n c e the S u m e r i a n is buranun, and i n view of this évidence, Borger's correction o f KAR 360 to iâpu-ra-dt( ?)-** (Asarhaddon, p. 91) is unnecessary.
li-ïa-si-ik (cf. 240 below) ArOr 17/2. 3 6 6 - 7 . 42
i s taken for
lisassik,
from
nasâku,
with von Soden,
44» 4 6 , 5 8 , 60 T h e most obvious dérivation of i ni-ti-H-a, from nas% 'let us carry', gives so poor a sensé that it can hardly be right. T h e view provisionally adopted here i s that the verb i s sasu, the same as appears i n Gilg. iii. 11 and 14, where sà-sâ-ku i s u s e d b y GilgameS to describe himself on awaking from a frightening d r e a m , a n d sà-sâ-ât to describe the dream. Thèse forma could be either from ïâhi or from $a$û. C a m p b e l l Thompson's citation of the Syriac Samces* 'turbavir* (ad loc.) i s quite inconclusive, and the évidence from Atra-hasïs can be used in favour of the other alternative. A n objection could be raised from the statement in S. M o s c a t i , An Introduction to the Comparative Grammar of the Semitic Languages, p . 7 4 : ' I n n o S e m i t i c language can two identical consonants . . . appear next to e a c h other i n first a n d second position; a n d i t i s rare for such consonants to be found as first a n d t h i r d radicals.' I n Akkadian there is hahû, a verb, and dadànuy a n o u n , to quo te two obvious exceptions, and the scribes who wrote derivatives of the root tobl w i t h the radicals bbl obviously did not know this rule. There is, therefore, every possibility of a verb sasu meaning 'to disturb'.
V*
tùsi-a is taken for ti-si-ma a n d Hsi-i-ma
Juta, w i t h von Soden, BiOr x x m . 52, who quotes ù-nt from O l d Babylonian letters, where the contexts clearly c o m p e l a dérivation from Sasû.
61
t
63 I n O l d Babylonian literature generally the root is saqâru, not xakâru. I n addition to passages cited b y v o n Soden, ZA 41. 168 note ùm*qa-ra~an (BWL i$6. 2 ; JNES 16. 256 obv. 13 (i-sa\-qa\-ra\-am\ collated) and rev. 22); »*à-qàra-am-ma (AfO 13. 47. 13); also passages quoted by Sonnek, ZA 46. 226-31. T h i s does not of course prove that sqr is right for the reign of Ammi-çaduqa and S i p p a r , w h e r e K u - A y a probably worked, but a better case cannot be made for xkr. 1
6 4 - 6 I n MSL n . 127. 2 8 - 9 the same Sumerian word (restored as ku-u xu) is explained b y na-du-u^ and na-ka-a-btm. Landsberger translates both '(Eier) legen\ b u t i n the note ad l o c . cites only na-du-u [id\ issûri (without Sumerian équivalent)
PHIL0L0GICAL N 0 T K 8 i$o and the pair na-du-u m/~Av/-l// (with équivalent, apparently restored, gti) in CT is. ai, BM 374*5* While the existence ni mulù May eggs' is not in question (tho Latin /tofto could be comparée!), the évidence cited does not prove this meaning for nadû atiociated with nakâfu and in the context of Atra-lutsis we have nadû followed by ittakht, which must have roughly the same meaning. The obvious conclusion is thtt nakd9u means 'put , the common meaning of muli). t
1
69 e*«W*fle»sf •tfM - ni is a sandhi-writing for bahis' atmâni,
74 Kalkal ia the door-keeper of Ekur, see the literature cited by A. Sjôberg, Nanna-Suen 156, and in addition Ebeling, Stiftungen a6. x, Kol. 3 with note, and K 5148 obv. 13*14, a bilingual duplicité of Langdon, S BP 154. 34, which, with the other duplicates given by Langdon in Babylonian Liturgies, p. 138, sub voci kalkalag, now rends : kn1.kul Sn .gt ni,du .gol.c.kur.ra 0
H
MtN éa-an-qn ni- [
H
Another example is CT 46. 51 rev. 24: kal-hal dan*dan-mi (iï-f.u ta-nu-eli ^H tO ni-rib x [» where the etymology implied in dandannu need not be taken too seriously. A
ia
78 In the tablets of Ku-Aya, and alto in the two other Old Babylonian tablets of Atra~liasfs in which the name Nusku occurs, D and F, it is written P A + L U , not M + T $ o ta most commonly. However, pA-f-LU is found elsewhere in Old Babylonian tablets: STVC 37 (see Van Dijk, SGL u . 149) and UET vin. 85. 17. Also the unpubliahed Old Babylonian god list from Nippur ( D m vu ?) ofTers both ^PA+Ttto and DPA-r-xju with the glosa nu-th-ka (courtety T . Jacobsen). The etymological god list CT 25. 49 rev. 4 also shows knowledge of this writing, since il expiai m DPA+TT)o: ft-'-li ( P A + L U ) , a-kil fè-e-mi (ugula umul), mu-!â*pu-û [...] d
102 T h e tentative restoration from mmerkû is based on the view that many of the passages are as well suited with 'be présent' at with the usuel 'rematn behind*. For example, the earliett exempte : ia i^ma-gar^ra-hi bit i-mit-titerribèlùM la im-mer» ku-ma nm-gar-ra-hi uh-tiMa (BBSt p. 32. 26 f. and 36 f.) 'whose chariot was not présent at the right hand of the king, bis lord, but his chariot wat held back'. The translation of I le idel ( A S ' 77), 'whose chariot did not remain behind the right of the king', is just playing with wordt, since 'romain behind' (wben others have patted on) is something quite différent from 'remain behind' in the sente of following closely.
13.
xo8 The remains of L are consistent with a restoration ia ni*su*4~ti4a: *(Am I to make war) out of my own ktth and kin V 109 Note how, with the first person verb, a part of the person is expressed at the subject. The same occura in Ludlul m m : muutwtu am-ma-Hdab-bu-ut-tum ap~paHr (BWL 54). Thit it the 'whole and part' construction,
(pa [KU/LU]),
81, 83, etc. For râsti as a verb of motion, like the Hebrew rûs 'run', see BWL 310 note on 288, and STC 11, pl. ucxiv. v, 13 (restored) ù-ra-su di-ma-ta 'they made tears flow'.
113-15 Since siqru ia often an explanatory speech, the liberty has been taken of translating i t reason', and the verb of which it b the object it presumably lost at the end of 115. 1
85-6 The grammar of 3$'' . pâlu ïpuïamma . . . is-tà-qat is not clear. I n this and tr cases in this epic one might easily explain issaqar as I / i perfect following , the preterite with ~wa as in normal Old Babylonian séquence of tenses. This, • however, it not possible without further explanation in the Pennsylvania and Yale stt of Gilg. which use is^sà-qat-am. I f this is a I / i perfect, why does it not une issaqram ? This question i t reinforced by those texts, including Old • ytonian ones, which write a doubled middle radical, e.g. CT 15. 3. 7 : . . « i-pu!a-am-ma ., . is-sà-aq-qd-ctr. Kienast accordingly in ZA 54. 9a construct the form ts a IV/1 prêtent in an ingrestive tente. Thtt may suffi ce for the last and simiiar exemples, but in rhe Gilg* tablets quoted the tame form fo-jà-çar-am occurs without any preceding verb in the sentence (e.g. Penn. 1. 16), where it must be either 0 preterite or perfect. By the normal forme of verbt there i t no solution to this problem. %
9
93, 95 binû bùnûka has the ring of a proverbial taying, and binu it certainly ton lu view of mârù its the paraliel Une. The real problem is the meaning of bùnu* In 4
1
104 One might restore fa*[fam uï]-ki-nu 'they bowed down to him', but there seems not enough room forfa-[pa-al~$uuï\~kùm 'they bowed beneath him'.
d
d
the Assyrian recension, 8 v. 33 •» vi. 12, bunu occurs alto with ma meaning 'son' (see the note ad loc), but this line is lacking from the Old Babyloniantest,ami here a rendering 'your sons are sons hardly gives sente, No other known meaning of bûnu or bunnu is more certain for this passage, but if the phrase is proverbial one need not be over concemed : proverbe often dépend on cttehing a sensé not full y expressed in the words but suggested by the context in which it it used, Here Enlil is probably being encouraged to trust thtt hit tons will not be altogether pitiless to their father. 98, 100 Elsewhere abâku it an a/u class verb, though in C T 15, 3. to and 11 a preterite ibbuk occurs, which sharea the petuliarity of the doubled t found here and i n the tame form i n u. v. 24 and 26. Cf. alto the preterite ubi»ih in x rev. i. 28 (Late Babylonian) and the prêtent ibbak in U rev. 4 ( Late Assyrian).
70-2 i.e. 'rnidnight'; the watch referred to must be the mafsartunt qablitum*
d
I 64-179
1
149, 162 Other examplea of a metaphorical use of dâku are quoted under CAD dâku 1 c. 173 This tam-ta is the tame at thtt in YBT 35. iti. 1 iï~pu-uk, ditcutsed by Goetse in AnOr xxi. 185 fT. A further exemple is KAR 88 fragment 5 rev, 7 (and dupt.) » ArOr ai. 42a: bit qabli u ta-ma+tûIta^amtu. Further évidence cornes from the commentary on Enûma Mis* vu. xt6 128, 132, where erim it equated with tâmtim (Tiamat), though mis involves a play on words.
UL
: DAM-JOIS
t
178-9 The reconstruction of the text is in some doubt, as one cannot formaUy prove that N , which supplies the middle» of the Unes in our text, really belongs to thit recension rather than to, say, that known from G* With $79 the restoration based on N and G ii. 6 produces a very plausible Une, and since 176-7 do correspond with O B» 3-4, it hst been assumed that 178 must be the same ts G & 5, though
PHILOLOGÎCAL
NOTES
552 a complète restoration has not been acbieved. A t the e n d one m i g h t restore some-
thing either from natû 'be sui table' o r the homophone 'strike'. I f 180 agreed with G i i . 7 one might restore i t : i-ba-ai-st s[i-ip-ru a-n]a e-pe-si there is work to be doue*, but since 181 does not correspond w i t h G i i . S t h i s m u s t r e m a i n doubtful. tukku here, as i n the lexical texts (see K u p p e r , RA 4 5 . 120 fT.), i s clearly 'lamentation*. Other examples occur i n incantations : mar^sa tuk-ka-ka i-a-at-ia-di e/[?-ta] ( K 7641. 9 ) ; ma famé* id-du-û tuk-ku ( B M 4 5 6 3 7 4 - rev. 1 8 - 1 9 ) ; also i n a m y t h : a-na nà tup-sar é-sag-il su-ktm tuk-ka ( A 7882. 13). 1
d
G ii. 9» cf. V obv. 2 W h i l e it is n o w certain that hdiû îs a loan f r o m the Sumerian lù.Ux.lu and means ' m a n ' , some still cling to overtones s u c h as 'savage* o r ' p r i m i tive', but Atra-hasïs offers no support to s u c h a v i e w , w h i c h i s a false generalization based on E n k i d u . See JSS 12. 105. V obv. 1 A full discussion o f sassuru, sassuru, etc. w i l l appear i n the hrst-named authors forthcoming Babylonian Création Myths. 190 T h e reading K-gim-ma-a, suggested b y J . J . F i n k e l s t e i n , does not appear to be quite certain» and the paraliel lines i n G i i . 9 a n d V o b v . 2 w o u l d suggest hdlâ, which* however, i s impossible w i t h the clear initial &*-. A reading li-il-la-a i s e p i graphically improbable, though there is a litde late évidence for lillû as well as
lullû (KAR 162 rev. 4).
I 178-259; G ii ; V obv. ; S iii 4
153
219 T h e A n u n n a k i w h o détermine the désunies are the Seven mentioned in line 5 above. O n l y they h a d the power to authorize so great a change in the constitution of the universe. See the note to that Une. 223 O n e m a y read either d Pi-e i-la or d?i-e-i-la. StylisticaUy the former it unlikely. ' S o - a n d - s o , the god w h o . . .' reads peculiarly for an Akkadian text, and especially here since so far gods are the only beings in existence. T h e strongest argument m favour of this first alternative is that one could expect the god named in 47 above, w h o persuaded the others to take direct action against Enlil instead of approaching the vizier, to be the one here who was made to pay the penalty. And i n 4 7 there is room for a two-sign name, and the trace that remains, while it is too small to c o m m e n d a restoration [ Pi]- e\ at least permits it. For the second alternative one m a y quote the divine name dsa-al-i-îa, which occurs among Marduk names i n a late list w h i c h seems to concentra te on the rare and unusual ( C T 25. 35 obv. 4 = 36 obv. 3, see RLA art. Gôtterlisten, § 9). I f one does read Pl-e-i4o, i t is p r e s u m a b l y a W e s t Semitic name, and the first élément will be toe-e. The -e w i l l m a r k vowel length a n d i n principle could be omitted. T h e sign PI has exactiy the same n u m b e r of wedges as s AL, and i n some scripts very little displacement of wedges converts the one to the other. I t ts, therefore, quite possible that an original d Pl-t-Za, because i t was unknown to the scribes, got corrupted to DSAL-*-Zg, and mis was t h e n w r i t t e n o u t as àsa-al-i-la. T h a t it occurs among Marduk names is no p r o b l e m , since i n the lists Q i n g u , the counterpart of Pt-e(-)f4a in Enûma Elis*, is also a n a m e o f M a r d u k . A further considération against reading i-la as the common n o u n i s the difficulty o f finding an acceptable reading for Pi«e. A Semitic name W ê ( o r Pê ?) a n d indéclinable seems improbable, and while one might think of gestug.e as S u m e r i a n , the .e îs inexplicable and geltu(g) is not usuaily written w i t h the Pi-sign alone. A n etymological play on gestu and {ému is not impossible, b u t t h e n o r m a l équivalent of gestu i s kasïsu, A further objection is the meaning of tèmu i n this portion of the e p i c d
r
d
d
193 F o r sabsûtu, tabsûtu, see v o n S o d e n , AfO sab-sn-tum (Malku 1. 127, JAOS 83. 427).
1 8 . 1 1 9 - 2 1 , a n d note
puhur occurs again i n CT à su-û pv-hu-ur ur-du-m-i-im ' I s t a r a n d h e
mu-ïâ-lit-\pï\ ~
15. 2. v i i i . 4 : it-mu-û-su £ftor(mùs) w e r e g o i n g (it-mu-su = a-la-a-kui CT 18. 6 obv. 5 a ) , together they w e n t d o w n / I t also o c c u r s i n the M a r i letters (see ARM xv. 239). 213 T h e adverbial
d
214 Although the précise allusion to the d r u m uppu is o b s c u r e , there i s n o better alternative. T h e d r u m called uppu h a d a c u l t i c u s e , a n d w a s ' h e a r d ' , whereas n o other object called uppu could b e so described. P e r h a p s at t h e t i m e of the c o m position o f m i s epic the daily meals of the gods w e r e i n t r o d u c e d i n the sanctum to a bearing a f the d r u m . 215 S i n c e m e first vowel of etemmu i s always e o r s, the w r i t i n g of E , pi-te-em-mu, requîtes a new value, ex S i n c e this sign occurs passim for ica/tvi/tce/tcu i n O l d Babylonian texts generaJry, a n d for à i n O l d B a b y l o n i a n literary texts (see von Soden, Akkadische Syllabar1), there is nothing i m p r o b a b l e i n i t s o c c u r r i n g for v o w e h other than a, though it could be argued, w i t h E . R e i n e r , Studies Presented to A. Léo Oppenk&m 167-80, that phonernically t h e stands f o r *e.
= PI.
PI
2 1 6 , 2 2 9 Thèse are extraordmarûy i m p o r t a n t b u t v e r y p e r p i e x i n g l i n e s . W h i l e there is no problem i n an adjectxve c o m i n g before i t s n o u n i n p o e t r y , i t i s very doubtful indeed i f balfa ittasu cm be taken together, s i n c e the adjecîive i s mate, while the noun i s fem. T h u s balfa c a n o n l y be i n apposition to t h e suffis - J v - o n m e verb. T h e subject of the v e r b is naturally etemmu after 2 1 5 b a n d 2 2 8 b . T h e identification o f the verb's object ts n o t s o s i m p l e . I n t h e immédiate context fnr and ih seem unhkeiy, since they are other aspects o f the efemrnu. S i n c e the fundamental oontrast i n this section is that stated i n 2 1 2 , g o d a n d m a n , i t i s a s s u m e d here that since the subject of the verb ts etemmu, the object i s m a n . S e e f u r t h e r p . 2 2 .
d
d
T h e importance o f tèmu is shown not only by its mention here, but also in 239 (cf. 243 P a n d u . v i i . 3 3 ) the god i s said to have been killed 'with his (ému1. It is difficult to believe that ' w i t h h i s intelligence' is right, and here the gênerai drift of the narrative is that something spécial was passed on to man from the slain god. A s preserved the epic says nothing about man's intelligence. What it passed on is the etemmu, a n d one m u s t therefore adopt the sensé of (ému when it parallels ràmànu (see the passages cited i n BWL 293 on 83), namely 'self or 'personaliîy*. Q u i t e possibly the t e r m w a s suggested by a play of words on etemmu and fêmu. S e e further p . 2 2 . 2 3 3 - 4 T h e r e h a s been widespread belief i n a supernstnral power in spitue, see H a s t i n g s , Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics, art, 'Saliva', and it is probably mis that w a s foremost i n the author's m i n d , though the considération mat city needs to be moistened for a potter's use may also have been présent. 2 4 6 - 7 Enûma Elil v . 109-10 seem to have been modelled after this couplet or something simiiar. 259 T h e ' b r i c k ' is the b r i c k structure on w h i c h a woman lay for her labour. See further the first n a m e d author's forthœming Babylonian Création Myths. S i i i . 4 Restored after Enki andNinmah : nin.mah.e imu4m.abzu.asu.ni mu.ni.in.ti ' N i n m a h laid h e r h a n d o n rhe clay above rhe Apsû' (TCL 16, pl. cxxxvu. OO)'. d
PHILOLOGICAL
NOTES
S lis 7-19; I 282-384
S iii. 7 ba-m-iq is corrected after Gilg. Perttl. iv. 36-7 : i-na bi-ti-iq a-hn-iw-n(i-fi~$u H-ma-as-sûm, and BM 34208 rev. 11 : uJ.dur.kud.da « ba-ti-iq a-lm-un-na-tû. UÎ!U
S iii,
8
mxi'tc-ti is taken as queer orthography for tnûdâti.
|
|
285 As suggested by J . J . Finkelstein, labtûtan is tbstract,fortabMûtam, toavoid the ugly succession of the full form, No other examples of mitfrurrûhave been noted, but the meaning can be gueased. 293
S iii. r t The title o f the mother goddess bânût ilmti also occurs in m. vi. 47 and Gilg. x. vi, 37. S iii. i 2 , 13 Von Soden (ZA 41. 113 ) took the gloss seriouely and treated Hftalfan as a reduplicated form. We are not inclined t o attach too much importance to thèse glosses (cf. sv ~ -me-H-na, iv. 2) and regard the -farn as the same ending seen in ûmifam etc. The value San for ïàm needs better support, kullulu in the context of thèse lines must be taken as having the meaning of ïuklulu, apparently a unique phenomenon, but it is not known i f i t also occurred i n thit form in the Old Babylonian text. Elsewhere in the Old Babylonian copies kullulu occurs twice (H. vi. 12 and in. iii. 29), and in the latter instance it hat the tente 'be covered', and probably either 'cover' or 'be covered in the former case. Outside the epic 'cover' is well attested, since the verb serves as a denominstive of both kallatu '(veiled) bride' and kiltlu/kulûlu 'crown', but there seems to be no other example of the I I / i having a passive meaning. 6
ri
f
8l
301-4 This brings to mind the passage in Gilg. Penn. tv-v, where, mfatbit emûtim the bed i t laid for Ilbara, mut confirming what tt prefumed here, that Ifttar during the marriage rites was called libers. It also suggests the restoration of 302, since entu rabû occurs in lists (see CAD sub voetbus), while the trace cannot be restored to bit emûtim. )
t
336 i-ta~as-sâ-la i t read because the I/3 of esèlu is well documented, but until the rest of the line can be completed it must rcmain a little uncertain. There are other ways of reading the signa,
9
S iii. 16 This line and 295 below reveal a previously untuspected item of grammar. The third person precative is normally liprus for both genders in Babylonian, and the same for mate, in Assyrian, but lû taprus for the fem. Since the fem. with U in Babylonian occurs only rarely in literary texts (apart from late examples in letters under the influence of A ramai c) hitherto no attention has been devoted to what its precative would be. Thit line and its paraliel in the main recension show that the i normally found with the first person plural i t also used for the third person fem. with t-. Other examples occur in the ikribs : 35 36 37 38 39 40 35 36 37 38 39 40
ni$aba elletft ïâ-ru-ulj-tû sir-tù mârat a-nim lâ-sa-at ilâmP** rahûti™* ïâ-sa-at ilânfi** daiânl™* mu?pttfr~bi-rat ilâni™ * rabûti™** mu^afcfyi-rat ilâttiP*** daiâni" ** i tu-pa*bi~ra-ma iuM* ** rabûti[ *] i tu-pa~bi-ra-ma U&nP ** daiâni[ *] ti-if-ba-nim-ma ina niqi (siskur ) i ta-pul d[i?-na?] Zimmem, BBR 89-90, now joined to K 3654 + as rev. iii Nisaba the pure, exalted, lofty, daughter of Anu, Who fummons the great gods, who summont the divine judges, Who convenes the great gods, who convenes the divine judges, May she convene the great gods, May she convene the divine judges, Sit (SamaS and Adad) in the offering, may she answer the [case (?)]. à
û
1
1
1
370
The paraliel Une in S, iv. 27, suggests that a part of banû must be restored.
374-5 *• 3 8 9 - 9 0 = 11. ii. 13'-14' This couplet it perpiexing. Thefirsttime itfitan instruction from Enki to Atra-rjasls, apparently teîîmg htm to advise the elders, The second time it follows a formula which normally introduce* direct speech to that it appears to be addressed to the elders by Atra-basls. The last time the preceding lines are too broken for the context to be clear. nua , , . mU~k\p) it t conceivable phrase meaning 'dispense ad vice', but the uncertstitry about the meaning of rimant (the reading seems sure) and the reading of tf?-fr}0? obscures the rest of the couplet.
377 For thit Subbû (or jfuppû) see BWL 285 on 71-2, 381 While a fem, noun epitu from epû 'balte' is not otherwise attested, tt tt a very plausible derivative.
ttu
1
m
x
S iti. 19 A comparison with 293 below suggests that Jyurruïu here (see CAD ftarâïu A ; AIlzv harâlu I ) may be originally a mittake derived from frurrû, perhaps occasioned by the rarity of the latter,
382 alâku eli - be pleasant to' (CAD alâku, p, 321. 10% and a dative sufhx on a verb can take the place of eli with sufhx, l
The I I stem of ïaqâlu occurs here (and in the paraliel line» 399,410, B* IL 1$, 29) with qâtu as object, and in iv i* i l Wtlb zumrn at object, Whtk the latter with ïaqâlu it well known in omens (see CAD sub voce zunnu), mère has been some doubt as to whether the meaning is 'scarce' or 'moderate' (MSL 1.228; Oppenhesn, Interprétation of Dreams 282 *), but now the context of 11, L i t establishes the former. This is confirmed by the paraliel line in the Assyrian recension (S iv. 44) whleh replaces zunnîsu. *. litaqqU with zunnahi liiàqxr. h it, however, quite another question whether a 'hand* can be 'scarce*. The background of thtt use of 'hand* is that when men are afflicted the gods' 'hand* is heavy on them, cf. Ludhd lîh 1 kab-ta-at qât-su (BWL 48), and the divine name su.ni.dugud ( C T 2 5 . 1. 0» Thus ïuqqulu must in some way indicate the lifting of Namtsrs's han
384
10
4
2 [fy\a-lu-up seems the only possible restoration, but to far no other occurrence a nounfyalûpuis known. However, balàpu 'to slip i n ' , with the cognâtes in Hebrew 'pats on' and Arabie 'succeed', supplies s very suitable meaning, and the fsrity of other words in this epic cautiont us against dismtssing the possibility of s hapax legomenon.
•,
PHILOLOGICAL
NOTES
so a I I stem 'make scarce'. O n l y i n Atra-hasïs, apparently, i t there a m t k e to suspend', as i n the line u n d e r discussion.
I 384-II v 20
11 stem
meaning
i
396 T h e fem. suffis here, contrasting w i t h the m a s c . i n 3 8 1 , suggests that the door and not Namtara is meant, since bàbu i s o f c o m m o n gender.
i . 11 See the note o n 1. 384. ia related to
én Hl-Uk Sâru M-nu-uS kim iis~tak-sir er-pe-tumt-ma ti-ku lit-tuk R . D . Biggs, Sa.zi.ga 35. 12-13 én li-Hk Sâru SadS* l\t-nu-f\u Uh-ta-sir vr-pa-turn^-ma ti-ku lit-tuk R , D . Biggs, op. cit. 3 2 - 3 . 1-2
[én Fjiï-uk Sâru erpêtu ( [ i M ] . D U U R
m €
a-a i-nu-u[S kiru\ *) tik-ta-ap-p-r[a t]i-ik-ki a-a i[t-tuk]
D . Biggs, op. cit. 37. no. 17. 6 ' - 8 '
M o s t probably the e p i c has borrowed a m a g i e f o r m u l a , h'erri i s t h e same as i n BAM 240. 14: gui-gui namiu.U3-.lu tna isâti li-er-ri-ma 'let h i m p a r c h a h u m a n skull with fire', a n d there i s n o n e e d to e m e n d b o t h passages to H'errir s o as to assign them to the root urruru ' d r y ' , o n w h i c h see Kôcher, AS 16. 323—5. T h e r e i s also, i n thèse two passages, an urrû ' d r y ' , handbu ' g r o w l u x u r i a n d y ' i n the I / 3 (cf. Barra I I . 2 8 6 : gu.me.er.me.er = tà-tan-nu-bu) h a s t h e sensé o f getting matted together a n d thick, like kissurii jkiitassuru i n t h e i n c a n t a t i o n s , tïku i s n o doubt derived from natâku. i . 19 T h e first t w o w o r d s ,
lïteddil irtasa,
T 57
WZKM
/[WW -] WM -
9 A boundary stone curte included : titfalf(se.bar) la-ar-da ki-mu-û mé id-ra-na 'couch-grass ( ? ) instead of barley, sait instead of water* iBBSt p. 6 2 , i i . 11-13). C l e a r l y lardu was coarse grass that would grow even in times of
iv.
meî
drought, so that i t ftta the context here very well, though ita restoration it not quite sure.
TABLET II
i , 14—17 T h i s couplet, w h i c h i s lacking f r o m b e t w e e n S i v . 45-6, sa.zi.ga incantations:
iv. 4 T h i s l i n e confirma Lsndsberger's construction of S i r . 49, 58, in 56. 113".
are c o u p l e d b y a s a n d M - w r i t i n g .
i . 21 A verb qutturu connected w i t h smoke exista, b u t h e r e a n d i n o t h e r passages (see E. E b e l i n g , Die Weli des Orients 1. 4 7 9 ) the m e a n i n g i s 'destroy* o r ' p u t a n e n d to' w i t h no smoky associations. £L 17-19 T h e root îrq 'steal' s h o w s the same setnantic d e v e l o p m e n t a s i n t h e L a t i n fur—furtive 'thief—stealthily*. F o x example KAR 9 2 r e v . 2 9 = LKA 144 obv. 1 4 - 1 5 : Su-nu Sar-qiS e-pu-su-td a-na-ku su-pis [ê\-pu-us-su-nu-ti ' t h e y secretly bewitched m e , I have p u b l i c l y bewitched t h e m ' . T h u s liStarriq... liSazmn i s a h e n d i sdys, as translated. E n k i wants the r a i n to fall w i t h o u t E n l i l ' s n o t i c i n g i t . kïma Sarrâqïtu i s a n adverbial phrase, iarrâqu-\-ïu> a n d f e m . t o agrée w i t h eqht: 'like a thieving one'. T h e -u e n d i n g i s locative, s e e t h e note o n 1. 1. iti. 5 T h e suggestion o f A . L . O p p e n h e i m {Interprétation of Dreams 2 2 2 ) , that muISakku îs a k i n d o f incense f r o m the s m o k e o f w h i c h o m e n s w e r e d e r i v e d , îs neither proved n o r disproved b y this line a n d those r e l a t e d to i t i n x a n d y , b u t the use of zbi does perhaps favour some k i n d o f présent b e i n g b r o u g h t along for the god. a i . 30 T h e fifty la.rja.ma engur.ra s e t as the c o n s t a b u l a r y o f E n k i i n S u m e r i a n epic, t t e , , see Falkenstein's note o n line 184 o f Enki und die Weltordnung: ZA 5 6 . 71.
iv. 10 F o r the root nkm referring to a disette see BWL 54 f and the passages quoted i n the commente o n pp. 299-300. T h e meaning, or meaning» if there is more than one root, i s still uncertain. iv. 13 T h e paraliel line i n S, v . 25 ~- vi. 14, has buqli me-te, and the two versions are explained f r o m : [k\i<4 se 4 er-rt e-Sa-af-fu-u Sà-lam- tu (Bauer, Das Imckriften* toerk Assurbanipals 1. 3 9 , K 4443. 8 ) , 'they tcattered the corpses like dried malt*. T h e sirnile arises from the brewing process in which barley was first encouraged to s p r o u t b u t w a s then prevented from growing by spreading and drytng. 'Dead' a n d ' d r i e d ' malt are clearly the same, and the appearance of humant in t n advanced state o f starvation might well be compared to grain in that state.
.DIM
i v . 14 T h e r e seem to be no other examples of ntkukuièitququ, and S turned it into Suparkê ' l a c k of ' ( v . 26 = v i . 15). However, the context suggests die meaning, and a metaphorical development from Sakâku 'harrow* i t quite possible. iv. 17 P a r t s o f the b o d y , încluding bûdu, are so regularly fem. that one may suspect that rapSûtum i s an error. S v. 16 = v i . 5 has rapïâtu. i v . 18 mazzâzu as a p a r t o f the body seems to occur only here and in the paraliel lines of S , b u t s i n c e i t i s a rumen Ion i n form, and i n view of nie context, it must m e a n 'leg*. v . 17, 31 a n d v i . 2 6 ' L o w e r earth* here presumably means lower' in relation to the régions n a m e d i n t h e previous line, rather than 'lower* of two earths. Enlil lived on the e a r t h p r o p e r a n d w o u l d guard that, just as A n u was appointed to guard heaven, h i s d w e l l i n g . S e e the note o n x rev. i . 4 - 7 . v . 2 0 T h i s l i n e , restored from v i . 29 below, cf. x rev. i i . 6 and 13, reopens the question o f ndhirtu Imisertu discussed b y Landsberger tfi JNES 8. 259 . Due to the u s e o f the EZEN-sign m a n y o f the examples are smbiguous, and individual w r i t i n g s o f rrâ-hi-vr-, miSe-er- a n d me-Se-er- prove mat both words do exist L a n d s b e r g e r i s n o w o f a différent opinion, which he expounds i n an excursus to MSL r x , 2 2 2 . ( H i s help i n this note is gratefully acknowkdged, though he i s n o t responsible for the o r n i o n s . ) T h e important question here concems the m a n y passages p u t b y v o n S o d e n i n AHzo under mehertu d). T h e y use tbe word of fishes, the sea a n d the (cosmic) river, rv 2 ? 20. 21-2 and Erra i l . c. 26 are part i c u l a r l y i m p o r t a n t , since rhe concept i n t h e m is clearly that of a même cornucopia. A U thèse passages are written ambiguousiy, but they cannot be separated from miSertu i n Atra-fiasïs, since here it i s clearly some kind of cornucopia, aod in x especially i t s m a r i n e connection i s transparent. T h u s the ambiguous writings referred to m u s t b e taken as miSertu* and it may be noted that me-U-er^tun^K^R e4
158
PHILOLOGICAL
NOTES
I I V 20-111 i 48
300, obv. 6, occurs i n the apodosis o f o n e o f a g r o u p o f o m e n s c o n c e r n i n g fish. T h e eryrnology o f the w o r d is u n k n o w n . I n the p h r a s e tnusTuru miïerta it m a y have been employed as a cognate accusative, b u t i f so this i s p r o b a b l y o n l y folk-etymology, since a I stem of the root i s u n k n o w n . T h e S u m e r i a n équivalent i n i v R* 2 0 . 21 (za.ba.lam) i s irrelevant, since the S u m e r i a n o f that text i s late a n d , so far as the sensé is c o n c e m e d , secondary. T h i s i s h a r d l y t h e s a m e w o r d as g i i . s a . t u r — mëser/stum, since that i s ' s m a l l n e t ' a n d to be d e r i v e d f r o m eïêht ' c a t c h i n a net'. T h e root msr 'sweep along' seems u n l i k e l y , as does mtlertu ' r e g u l a r m e a s u r e ' fromy^r.
i . 13 S e e BWL 291 o n 48 for àa.zu » qirba landau, of which qirba idûizi variant. G u d e a , Cylinder A (TCL 8) t. 28 and iv. 21 use sa.zu of understanding me meaning of d r e a m s , a n d t h i s , w i t h the fem. sufhx o n qiribïa here, suggests the restoration.
v. 24, 26 See note on 1. 98.
i . 17
vi. 12 F o r kullulu see the note o n I S i i i . 12, 13.
I t i s a s s u m e d to be a n interrogative
13 T h i s line seems to [LU] = ni-i-su, te-ni-fu.
vi.
attest a m a s c . p l .
tënisu
' m e n * ; cf.
MSL
n i . 60. 19-20
vi. 19 tèqitu i s apparently d e r i v e d f r o m eqû ' p a i n t ' a n d m e a n s ' s l a n d e r ' . F o r passages i n context see ARM 1. 130 r e v . 5 - 6 a n d AbB 11. 117. 1 3 - 1 4 . 1rs u s e here w i t h ' h a n d ' i s n o t easy, b u t u n t i l the w h o l e o f t h e l i n e i s k n o w n i t c a n n o t be properly considered. T h e sensé ' c o m p l a i n t ' i s s u g g e s t e d i n JCS 12. 2 3 .
TABLET III
i . 14 zibbatu ' t s i l ' h a s figurative meanings and an O l d Babylonian form tibbatum (see CAD sub voce). H o w e v e r , there is so far no exact paraliel for the meaning guessed h e r e f r o m the context.
\rn\a-ïu-um-yna s e e m s
quite certain, but it is unexplained from other paiwage*,
*manfum~ma,
cf.
miïïum
'why?*.
i . 31 I t i s n o t c l e a r h o w the boat could be roofed over both 'above' and 'below*. i . 3 4 O n e m a y s u s p e c t a w o r d - p l a y i n ufaznanakku: zanânu 'rain' and ' p r o v i s i o n ' . W h i l e E n l i l does the former, E n k i will do the latter.
zanânu
i . 35 T h i s l i n e , a n d t h e c o r r e s p o n d e g Gilg. XI. 44, is par aile led m an Ur-Nammu text, JCS 2 0 . 139. 2 5 - 6 w i t h a variant form i n UET m. 76 rev. 10-12 and 77. 4 - é :
1 3
uru.mà a.ra.a.bi ku .àm dirLbi musenJun (JCS) uruki.mà a.râ.bi ku«,um Jjiî.libi mu.te.na (VET) u r i m . m a a.ra.a.bi ku .àm diri.bi muien.àm (JCS) . . . a.râ.bi ku«.um hi Lîibi rnu.se.na/mu.sigg (UET) T h e increase of my city i t fish, its surplus fowî, T h e increase of U r is fish, its surplus fowl. 6
vii. 45 I t is n o t clear w h y the p e r s o n a l interrogative i s u s e d , u n l e s s p e r h a p s E n k i is represented as pretending to take abûbu as a p e r s o n a l n a m e . vii» 49 T h e occurrences o f S u l l a t a n d H a n i s , w i t h d i s c u s s i o n o f s o m e o f the problems, are collected b y G e l b i n ArOr x v i i l / i — 2 . 1 8 9 - 9 8 . T h e o n l y additions are a few m o r e examples o f H a n i S i n A k k a d i a n p e r s o n a l n a m e s f r o m t h e U r I I I period (MAD n i sub voce), T h e identity a n d c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f t h i s divine d u o are still n o t really clear. F r o m the line u n d e r d i s c u s s i o n a n d t h e r e l a t e d Gilg, XI. 99 they seem gods of the s t o r m , b u t t h e r e i s n o c e r t a i n t y t h a t Gilg, x i . 100 further alludes to t h e m as guzalû. T h e o m e n passages (CT 31.9. 1-2, 4, 6) s p e a k o f t h e m as accornpanying an a r m y to grant i t s v i c t o r y . T h e i r i d e n t i f i c a t i o n w i t h 3amas' a n d A d a d is o n l y attested after the O l d B a b y l o n i a n p e r i o d , i n AN = Anum, "^APIN and other texts o f n o eariier date, b u t G e l b i s i n c o r r e c t to s p e a k o f t h e m a s ' b e l o n g i n g to the cireîe* o f S a m a s a n d A d a d ( p . 192). T h e l i s t s s a y , n o t t h a t t h e y b e l o n g to the circle of, b u t that t h e y are Samas' a n d A d a d . A c e r t a i n a b s u r d i t y r e s u l t s , i t is true. A d a d i s clearly a separate deity i n t h e flood s t o r y , a n d Sama§ i s altogether inappropriate i n that context. T h e p r o b l e m i s e x p l a i n e d b y t h e t e c h n i q u e s o f identification. E v e n a single c o m m o n n o u n i s r a r e l y e q u a t e a b l e w i t h a n o t h e r i n a i l its shades a n d areas o f m e a n i n g . W i t h d i v i n e d u o s t h e r e w e r e s o f e w a v a i l a b l e that congruence cannot be expected. Samas' a n d A d a d n o r m a l l y o c c u r t o g e t h e r i n the giving of oracles, see La Divination en Mésopotamie ancienne, XIVe Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale 1 1 9 - 2 3 , a n d A d a d i n o t h e r r e s p e c t s w a s r o u g h l y équivalent w i t h S u l l a t a n d r j a n i s s o that h e w i t h Sama§ w a s t h e b e s t d u o the ancient scholars c o u l d find.
viii.
34 gamertu i n the sensé 'total d e s t r u c t i o n ' s e e m s to o c c u r o n l y h e r e a n d i n lit, i t i . 38 a n d v . 4 4 below. B u t the I , I I , a n d I V s t e m s o f t h e v e r b a r e w e l l attested i n the sensé 'annihilât!*/. A s a k t t l e - k n o w n w o r d Gilg. x i . 1 1 9 - 2 0 r e p l a c e s the occurrence i n m . i i i . 37 w i t h lemuttu.
kl
t
W e take a.râ h e r e i n t h e mathematical sensé of multiplication, with Hallo, J C S 20. i 3 4 u . C l e a r l y w e are d e a l i n g w i t h a literary cliché, a n d i t is possible that x rev. i i 21-2 = 37-8 also reflect i t , b u t they are too damaged for certainty. T h e word with ' b i r d s ' , d i r i , h i . l i , frisbu, i s clear i n every case, but not the word with 'fishes*. T h e S u m e r i a n a.râ c a n be e x p l a i n e d , b u t it i s not a usual usage. Both form and meaning ( e x c e p t i n a gênerai w a y ) o f the A k k a d i a n are i n doubt. F o r bu-du-ri here Ctfe» x i . 44 offers bu-zu-ur. CAD identifie* the word with budduru (qjt.ybundurul buffuru, w h i c h i s o n l y lexically attested, a n d i s explained i n ffargud: x bu-un-du-ru = bil-ti là c i (v R 32 no. 4 ; 52 = MSL m. 68. t$h). I f i t i s c o r r e c t l y r e n d e r e d as ' a load of reeds' one m a y doubt its relevance. b i t also u n c e r t a i n i f it i s t h e s a m e w o r d i n A l/z, 87 (CT 12. 25. i , eighth from bottom): la-gab bu-ut-tu~rum. T h e S u m e r i a n lagab commonly indicates ttoutnest o r s o l i d i t y . A f u r t h e r p r o b l e m of using the lexical item for Atra~basis is that in the l i t e r a r y t r a d i t i o n i t c h a n g e d f r o m bud(d)uru (or perhaps butfj)uru) to buz(z)uruy w h i l e i n t h e l e x i c a l t r a d i t i o n the dental was preserved to the end. Assuming the e p i c w o r d t o be u n r e l a t e d t o t h i t other one, one might compare the Arabie badara ' s c a t t e r ' a n d a s s u m e a qutûl form, noting that i n Ugaritic the proto-Semitic d r e m a i n s d, t h o u g h i n A k k a d i a n i t n o r m a l l y becomes x.
rj-f-AS
=
[gijL . AGAB
m e 4
LAGAB =
i . 37 A r e a d i n g ba-a-as ' s a n d * i s also possible, but does not give so good a sensé. T h e c o u p l e t c o r r e s p o n d s roughly to Gilg. xi. 86 and W 5 . «Ju on rmlstht is for
-sum — ana.
i. 48
C o l l a t i o n o f Gilg. xi. 41 s h o w s traces of g i r " o n K 85171 a^d while on S m 2 1 3 1 + t h e r e m a i r u n g s i g n c o u l d be i]gi (mpànu) or - p ] i , the spacing on this
i6o
PHILOLOGICAL
tablet requires a restoration a-ïak-ka-na ' détermine ' is no sui table sensé. i i . 11-12
Restored from
Gilg.
NOTES
[ï&-p]i-ia-a-ma.
I n a n y case
pana ïakânu
iii. 18 R e s t o r e d from
Gilg.
i x . v. 36.
iii. 19 S e e note o n v . 4 6 - v i . 6 below. xi. 50-1: iii. 26 R e s t o r e [ù] or [ta] ?
. . . rija-jfipa-as-[ X ]
XX]
. , . n)a-& a-b[alz[u(collated) Elsewhere the naggâru a n d atkuppu are associated as s h i p b u i l d e r s : S a l o n e n , Wasserfahrzeuge 1 3 4 - 7 ; AHw atkuppu. T h e pâïu is also g i v e n as t h e b a s i c tool of the naggâru i n Erra t. 155-6. T h e tool o f the r e e d - w o r k e r i s g i v e n i n ffargud (LTBA 1. 86. vi. 21): na Jak?-ka-ru-u = (vacat) = àbnu ïâ ^atkuppi A
R . D . Biggs writes on this point (privately), ' J u d g i n g f r o m m o d e m p r a c t i c e s , the atkuppu needs only two basic i m p l e m e n t s : a knife to c u t t h e r e e d s a n d s o m e t h i n g to flatten them'. T h e latter w a s h i s 'stone'. ii. 13-14 Restored from Gilg. x i . 5 4 - 5 . A p p a r e n t l y 55 h a d a n e x t r a w o r d , b u t of the traces on K 2 2 5 2 + only the first horizontal i s r e a l l y s u r e . i l . 34 T h e preterite of bâru 'catch b i r d s ' i s elsewhere ibâr, b u t t h e r e a r e parallels to a verb belonging to more than one class, see the note o n 1. 9 8 . E q u a l l y possible is a dérivation from ebëlu 'snare b i r d s ' , since / a n d r c a n i n t e r c h a n g e , cf. n . iv. 8
(se-ru pa-ar-ku) and S iv. 58 (séru pal-ku-û).
I
iii. 29 F o r kullulu see the note o n S iii. 12. bulhïtu is restored here from iv. 21 below: b o t h lines c o n c e r n lips. O t h e r occurrences are lexical:
[ X X ].te.KA.KA «Bfap-tanïâ bul~he~e
Nabnitu (CT 19. 37, R m n . 40 rev. 14-15) • . . ].gi = bu-ul-fyi-tu . . . ].S*à = KLM IN List of Diseases (CT 19. 45, K 264 obv. 23-4 =» MSL IX. 96.165-0) [x.m]ud = bu-ul-fye-e-tum Erimbuï v i , 233 (précédée! by laqlaqqu, as in the List of Diseases) bu-ul-bi*tum Su-ur-pi-tum ('burning') Kagal D Frag. 8. 4 ( O B , SLT 248. i) fà-kûm-mu-u « bu~ul-hi-tû Malku iv. 81 (LTBA I I . 1. xii. u o = CT 18. 20, K 8312. n ) 4
KA X [KA ...]== [KA . . ] X =
T h e e x p l i c i t c o n n e c t i o n w i t h lips i n Nàbnïtu shows that this is the word> and its o c c u r r e n c e i n t h e List of Diseases indicates that it is something physiological. As to m e a n i n g , ' h e a t ' i s i n d i c a t e d b y the évidence already quoted.fakummûis a b a n from the S u m e r i a n sà ' s t o m a c h ' a n d kûm 'hot' (for which see Landsberger, JNES 8. 2 4 8 . 1 4 ; i b i d . 2 8 6 ; E . I . G o r d o n , Sumerian Proverbs, p. 116). T h i s meaning is c o n f i r m e d i n that it c a n be established that bulhïtu is a phonetic variant of bufarïtu, f r o m bu^huru 'to heat'. T h e ciearest évidence on this point cornes from Gilg. x i . 126, w h i c h i s t h e équivalent of Atra-hasïs m. iv. 21 : 1 2 1
i i . 36 A restoration
bu-W-u[l la-d[k}-ha-an
deserves m e n t i o n .
i i . 39 S i n c e the n o u n bibbulu/bubbulu m e a n s the d a y o f t h e m o o n ' s at the e n d o f the m o n t h , this time i s p r o b a b l y m e a n t h e r e .
disappearance
ïab-ba/kàt-ma fap-ta-fû-nu le-qa-a bu-uf^re^e-ti
ii. 49 A I / i perfect o r I / 2 preterite o f ïahânu—iïtakna—gives n o sensé h e r e , a n d , w i t h an eye o n 53 below, a dérivation f r o m ïagâmu s e e m s i n e s c a p a b l e . T h e change of m to n after g does not s e e m to o c c u r e l s e w h e r e i n A k k a d i a n , t h o u g h after a sibilant i t is well attested: lismujlisnu (AHw); ihnê-karâb/ihiî-karâb ( E . E b e l i n g ,
Tod und Leben, p. 21 11); ïaJhnûjïaïnû (ZA 41. 169).
i i . 50 T h a t ila is a conjunction (otherwise unattested) m e a n i n g ' a s s o o n a s ' i s m e r e conjecture. B u t no better alternative h a s o c c u r r e d to t h e présent w r i t e r s . O n e c o u l d emend the text to i-lul 'the gods ( h e a r d e t c . ) ' , b u t that créâtes a n e e d l e s s i n t r u s i o n i n the context, w h i c h states h o w Atra-frasïs a c t e d as the flood b e g a n . iii. 5 O n e might restore u^-ma i n the spirit of U rev. 13.
iï-t]e-en f r o m Gilg.
x i . xo8, o r
u\\e^en ' i t
grinds'
[(.)]-#,
28
sàbbajkatma ïapta-ïunu i( ?)-/t( })-qa-a pubrïti
Gilg. XI.
107 (collated): [ x ] gis mata kïma karp[ati . . . ] X p[u-u][-p[i], T h e incomplète sign i n the m i d d l e i s n o t f\â o r ï]a, b u t , e.g., t]i; t h u s rigtmïa cannot be restored. T h e restoration ify-p[u-u] w a s a l r e a d y suggested by H a u p t , Das bob. Nimrodepos 139 as ' n i c h t u n w a h r s c h e i n l i c h ' . U r e v . 17 i s also based o n this O l d B a b y l o n i a n couplet, a n d a c o m p a r i s o n o f aU t h r e e forms suggests that the later editors c o u l d not s t o m a c h the m e t a p h o r ' s h a t t e r e d the noise of the land', a n d so they modified tt. iii. 9 - 1 0 C f .
T h e r e a d i n g leqâ n e e d s explanation (its connection with the line of Nabnitu does not). C a m p b e l l T h o m p s o n gave only X with a note that it was not sure that the trace b e l o n g e d to t h e w o r d ending -a. B u t a glance at any photograph of K 3375 s h o w s r o o m for o n l y x - x - a , a n d traces of the first two signs are still on the tablet, t h o u g h C a m p b e l l T h o m p s o n d i d not copy them. I n the riineteenth c e n t u r y t h e tablet w a s better preserved, as shown on the older photographs, e.g. R . W . R o g e r s , Cuneiform Parallels2, p l . 12, and the first sign ends in two uprights a n d the m i d d l e o n e i s -qa-. A l r e a d y i n 1885 Delitzsch had read He^Pha (AL3 iô#. 120), a n d H a u p t i n 1891 (Das bob. Nimrodepos 139 ) read it X»qa-a and had c o r r e c t l y identified the f o r m as t h i r d person fem. p l . of a third weak verb (BA I. 133). I n P i n c h e s ' s c o p y o f H a u p t ' s Nimrodepos (now i n the possession of the first-named a u t h o r ) , P i n c h e s has copied i n the margin the latter half of a U md has written :
6
T h e o n l y r e a l e r r o r h e r e i s the i(}), for the traces (on K 7 7 5 2 + ) are, on collation, t[u o r l[i. C a m p b e l l T h o m p s o n ' s c o p y is badly proportioned. T h u s the combiip^ tion o f the l[e- o f K 7 7 5 2 + w i t h the \f\e-qa-a on K 3375 gives the complète word. T h e w o r d also o c c u r s i n AMT 4 9 . 6 rev. 5 : bu-uh-ri-ta JW**^, where the context proves t h a t i t m e a n s ' h e w i l l eat hot food"., Another occurrence i n a médical text, but i n a b r o k e n c o n t e x t , i s BE 31. 26. 12: [b]u-ub-ri-ta [ (courtesy F . Kôcher).
818163
M
PHILOLOGICAL
NOTES
I I I iii 29~vi 6
A médical problem remains. W h a t is the complaint bulfyïtu/bul/rïtu? That ïakummû involves &k/libbu i l no dtrhcuhy, since the List of Diseases has two Sumerian équivalents for bulfjttu, the second o f which ends ].Bà. The first, then presumably refers to lips. I n the line under discussion it is not clear i f N i n t u ' s lips are suffering due to gênerai agitation or from lack o f drink, but in iv. a i the latter is explicitly the cause. I n the modem Western world we would not describe a thirsty person as having hot lips, but clearly the Babylonians did. ïabba in Gilg. xi means 'bum' (not 'dry', as v o n S o d e n , Or 25. 242*), see the lexica; and note te.te = sur-ru-pu ('burn'), bul-lu-fau (CT 19. 3. iii. 12-13 = MSL ix. 9 5 . 1 3 2 - 3 ) .
N.S.
iii. 33 One expects eriïtu(m), not the accusative here, and curiously the Assyrian Recension (1. S iii. 16) has a n exactly simiiar case with criUa mami. However, this is a late copy, and the Old Babylonien text i n this case (r. 295) has a nominative (sassuru), so probably one must take eriïta here as n o more than an error.
iii. 34-5 The day becomes dark when one expériences calamity. See also the Sumerian 'Poem of the Righteous SufTerer' (Vêtus Testamentum, Suppléments m. 170 ff. 6 8 ) : dingir.mu kalam.e ud ba.zalag mà.ar ud m a . k u . k u 'My god, the day shines bright over the land, for me the day is dark'. 1 0
163
surface of the water and then get pushed to the side by the current. We do not venture to guess what ina seri means in this context. The second of thèse two figures is suppressed al together in Gilg. XI, and the first is modified to: 'like young fish they fill the sea' (kî mari nûnï umallâ tâmtamtna) in line 123, This is certainly easier wording, but i t misses the point that the bodies werefloating,when ce the honor o f the scène. S e e also the note on v. 46-7 below. iv. 74 I n CAD the occurrences of sarâpu l / i are so stranged that it appears that it is transitive i n the meaninga 'refine (metals)' and 'fire (bricks)', but in transitive in figurative uses. However, of the five examples cited for the latter, one is indecisive, being a stative, a second—if correctly restored—îs also stative and so indeciaive; a third is an infinitive in a list, and so no more helpful ; a fourth occurs in a phrase grammatically peculiar in both words (is-rip ka-bat-su : should be isrup kabtatiu) ; this leaves one example only, Tukulti* Ninurta Epic iii. 28. But among the bilingual passages there is one active example: if-lu ïâ np4$*sa~tû zu-mur~$û is-ru-pu (JTVI26. 153. i. 10) 'a man whose body grief buroed'. lalâïa isrup is another active example.
1 0
iii. 3 9 - 4 0 bïhi is used specifically of speech, but this seems to be the first example in an Old Babylonian text. In lists Tiruru is a name of IStar: Hi-ru-ru = Hï-tar ïâ Bi-SuL-fr" (CT 24. 41. 78), and in three other lists of IStar names it occurs immediately before S/Siduri: CT 25. 30 rev. i . 18 ; KA F 48. n ; KA V 173. 15. Her form is described in the Gôttertypentext (MIO1. 8 0 - 2 ) , but this is ail that is known of her. Perhaps Tiruru had a réputation like that of LamaStu, who, 'for her distasteful ideas and her abominable counsel' (a-na fé-mi-ïa là dam-qi-im ma-al-ki-ïa pd-ru-tm(sà-afj-i-im) was kicked by Anu from heaven to earth (BIN iv. 126, Or N.S. 25. 142-3)'
iii. 42 M pa-ag-ri-ia merely emphasizes ra-ma-nd-ia, see other examples apud F. R. Kraus, Edikt 169, and Finkelstein, JCS 11. 84. iii. 15. ana is taken as 'at the discrétion of', cf. Code of Hammurabi, § 132: a-na mu-ti-ïa nâram i-ïa-aUli 'at her husband's discrétion she must undergo the river-ordeaP.
iv. 1 8 - 1 9 0 This clumsy line is corrupted in Gilg. XI. 125. K 3375 ofTers nanti** aï-ru dï-bi i-na bi-ki-ti 'the gods humbly sat weeping*, and K 77524- has: AS nu-ru-ub ni-is-sa-ti s[i ? 'in the moistness of grief.'(??). Probably this latter results from éditorial work on a corruption of aï-ru âï-bu ina nissati. Von Soden'* emendation of à$*ru to ina libbi (ZA 53. 232) cannot be sustained. iv. 196 The picture is of sheep standing crowded together in a dry trough waiting for water. iv. 24 In Gilg. xi. 127 collation of K 2252-f reveals that 7 is as possible as 6, at the beginning of the line. iv. 25 This agrées better with the reading of K 7752-f in Gilg. XI. 128 (J&fl-fW ra-a-du mi-fpu-û a-b[u-bu]), than with that of K 3375 (ïa-a-ru a-bu-bu me-hu-û).
d
iii. 49 For tiïfa cf. Malku vin (STT 394) 114 : tu-u-ïâ = ki-i ïâ ; Held, JCS 15. 22 ; von Soden, ZA 49. 187-90. While potentiality is certainly one nuance of tûïa, there is no need to exclude others, and the équations in the lists with appûna, minde, plqa, piqat, and uqa need not be discounted. As a whole, the couplet seems to présume that Anu had gone up to heaven and was staying there as though he were in a state of prosperity, when in fact the source of supplies had been cut off with the loss of the human race. Yet he as président (bel timi—only occurring here and v. 40 below in O B ) was in part responsible. So Bëlet-ili sarcastically suggests that she might do the same. iv. 5-9 Cf. a^ba/a-bu in Gilg. vi. 89 and CAD aba. The two lines of this couplet express in différent and somewhat clashing figures that the waters were covered with floating bodies. If ul- da^ is correctly read and understood, Nintu, eeeing only bodies where the sea should be, déclares that the human race has begotten it. The figure of (dead) dragon-fliee floating on the surface of a river occurs also in Gilg. x. vi. 30 : ku-li-li <Sqy-qé-lep~pa-a ina nàri 'dragon-flies drift on the river', and here lines 8-9 develop thie figure: the dead, like insecte, have matted together on the r
v.
39-43
Gilg. xi. 167-9 puts the blâme on Enlil alone.
v. 4 6 - v i . 6 The épisode of the Aies corresponds to Gâfc. xi. 162-5, and su-èé-e ra-bu-ti here to n i m gal there. Essentiaîly the épisode is aetiological, explaining manufactured Aies in the jewellery of the goddess Bëlët^ifî and no doubt other deities. A gold fly is specifically mentioned in s necklace in the Qatns inventories, as well as part of a breast ornament (RA 43.168.315 and 170.337:1 nim guikin). The gold fly also appears in tfarra xn. 349: nim guSkin » zu-um-bu (MSL vn. 169). Flies of lapis appear in ffarra xyi: in the Aklafj forerunner, Wiseman no. 447. 11. 15 (na4.rum.2a.gln), of which the bilingual version is: [na^.riimjEal.^n — zu-um-bu (TCL 6. 36, rev. 43). ffargud on Tablet xiv of ffarra also lists: mm.za. gin.na (blank) « nim [ (CT 14. 8 rev. 17 m MSL viu/2. 47)» but the corresponding line of ffarra is not known. Actual lapis beads in ôy-shape are known (E. D. Van Buren, Fauna 108), and their triangular shape made them particularly suitable for necklaces, i f indeed their funcrional shape did not suggest the fly in the first place. The idea that Gilg. xi refers to Aies in amber is clearly untenable. Granting that the author is explaining an item of cultic jewellery, the next question is how the Aies come into the story of the flood. In Gilg* xi the ônîy other occur* rence of the word is in 161, only two lines above, where the gods gather 'like nies', m e i
mei
PHILOLOGICAL
NOTES
111
as in Atra-basis vu. v. 35 (restored). But psychologically it is quite unsutisfying to have Bêlct-ilï seite upon some jewellery tlies as a reminder of the disaster, when they only speak of the hungry gods* first meal. The truncation of the story in Gilg, xi has removed the eariier passages about flies in Atra-hasïs, see the note on iv* 5-9 above, and tn addition iii. 4 4 : ki-ma xu-ub-bi. The orthography is bewildcring: xu-ub-bi, su-bé-e, xu-ub-bu-û. The Semitic root is
ir ~ ba-ba-lum Dutu.um. « «.m.^ Dudi««ii»DU «s ba-qa-a-lu TCL 6. 35, rev, i i ,
vi. 40
tablets
vi 6 viii 17; S iv iô, 14
unappis* ia restored after iv. 12, but if correct it of Ku-Aya o f the sign with the same value.
PI
165 is the only example
in the
vii. 3 For the pâtit tu démon see von Soden, BiOr xvm, 72. vii. 6 - 7 ukbakkâti has been identified by J. J . Finkelstein as a plural of ugbabtu. This is most probably a Sumerian loan-word, and the change from g to b is well known, especially in Emesal. Cf. gig ** kibtu, and the examples apud A. Falkenstein, Das Sumerische, p. 3 0 . I n lists entu and ugbabtu both equate nin.dingir.ra (K 10194 ( C T 18. 4 7 ) f K 4328 ( C T 19. 41) i. 2 - 3 ; M / ï O G xin/a. 38.6-7), and they equate each other in Malku 1,134 (JAOS 83, 427). Apart from the line under discussion i/egisîtu only occurs lexically : MAOG XU1/2, 38,18, also the forerunner to this entry apud CAD sub voce igisïtu. She was some kind of high-ranking lady in a religions order, vii.
8 - 9 The last s i g n can be either r ra 1 or 1 ri 1 , and the reading pu-ur-si has been suggested b y B . Landsberger. I t is known that thèse women did not marry or bear children. This helps to explain the b i r t h legend of Sargon of Akkad ( C T 13.42). His mother was an êntu (e-né-tutn), who, on his birth, put him on the river like
Moses. I n view of the rules of her order she had to conceal his birth. Literature on this subject is cited in footnote 1 on page 13. I f the last sign is read rà* the line must be taken as : lû ikkibuHnâma alàdam burra 'let it be taboo for them to bear a son'. The difficulties here are (i) that the acc. alàdam cannot be explained, though other difBcult uses of this case occur here, see p. 29, and (ii) burra for bukra is without paraliel. T
ma
1-3
DUD .U
This is marked off as a section, and since elsewhere equates abâlu and arû (SL ao6. 66-7) one is at a loss to understand how CAD and AHw connect this baqâtu with buqht 'malt* and render i t 'to sprout' and 'm<zen respectively. Such a verb may exist, but this one means 'bring or 'carry*. Since b and p may interchange one must certainly connect this verb with ipangal(u), but i t must remain an open question if i$-H in Gilg, XI. 163 is a rerlection of ipangal(u), I t is also possible that ki-i su-bi-hî was used to replace i t i n quite another sensé. (This phrase involves a sensé not yet understood, cf. BAM 310. 8-9: e-gir-tû 37 abnt™ * fti-|tt **uqnî.) Certainly v. 48-vi. 1 are omitted in Gilg. x i , and to us their incompleteness obscures them, but it appears that Bëlet-ilî, exploiting her grief as some women would, uses the occasion to get some spécial dispensation out of Anu. Whether this was only the rights to the flies is not now clear. The close parallelism of vi. 2 - 4 with Gilg. xi. 163-5 bas suggested the restoration a[n-nu-tum]. The peculiarity of Uàni an-nu-ti in Gilg. as a vocative, and the répétition of ayamjfi at the ends of both 164 and 165 suggest that our restoration of Atra-hasïs vi. 2-3 lies behind Gilg. XI. 164. But the sufhx on luhsussu in v i . 4 precludes u^mi being its object* es in QUg. xx. X65. One might restore u^-mi-[$a-am-ma ù] si-[a-ti-iî], *every day and for ever*. 9
1
6
viii. 9 - 1 9 The damaged state of the épilogue is most unfortunate since apparently it contained an ascription of authorship. Note the first person pl. in 9, and while ulabïi and uxammer (12, 19) could be first or third person in isolation, in the context only the first fits. Thus a deity who confesses to participating in the bringing of the flood at Enlil's command daims to have sung this 'song*, which is équivalent to authorship. The Mother Goddess is a possible candidate.
n
m€&
vi. 9 The textes rteeptus of Gilg. x i . 173a is curious in the lack of gender concord between ayyumma and napiïti, but a new duplicate, V A T 1 1 0 8 7 , has ]-nu-um-ma û-su »£
viii. 14 The question with sA-nt-ft-tf-[kd\ is whether it is a scribal error for ta-, or a phonetic variant of tanïttu. Some of the omet examples of a simiiar interchange are foreign words, e.g. hpsikku, tupSikktt and Ubsûtu, tabsûtu; but there are purely Akkadian examples. Von Soden in BiOr xxm. 52 quotes tah-lu-uq-ti (instead of ïafiluqti, from Boghazkôy) and U-si-a (for Jtsta) from Atra-hasïs 1.61 (see above and JNES 27. 2 1 8 - 1 9 ) . Thus the phonetic explanaùon seems préférable. viii, 17 H-i$-s4-ru is from ptrru, a reflexive II/a: 'make famoua to one another'. K. 3399+3934 ( )> Reverse iv s
S iv. 10, 14 The gloss in the second of thèse lines shows that copyist or editor wanted us to read [li-r\i§ fi-f* in the first. However» while the context demands a meaning 'diminish*, no interprétation of thèse two forms will provide this. The first could be 'ask' or 'plant* (erëfa), ot •rejoîce* (râs*u). The second, if from mêsu, would mean 'be little , and a I I or I I I stem would be needed to give 'diminish'. Furthermore, in 43 and 53 below where this verb certainly occurs, tt is written nuf$u, not £$u. Thus the most satisfactory explanation is that U-Hak-h-si is correct in 10, and in 14 the text has been altered to fit a misconception about 10. kalâsu is 'contract and a metaphorical sensé must be assumed. 1
Restoration conjectural. vi. 25 The reading of K t z $ % + m Gilg. xi. 180 (be-el drm) K 3375 M supplies the restoration here.
h
rather than that of
1
BIBLIOTHEQUE i»| B.OV&EB!
i66
PHILOLOGICAL
NOTES
S iv. 45 Since nafû means 'raise* not 'rise' an ellipsis of nàru has been assumée!. S v. 1-2 See the note on x rev. i . 4-7. S v. 18-24 ( = vi. 7-13) With thèse signs of famine see generally A. L. Oppenheim, ' "Siège Documents" from Nippur', Iraq xvrr. 6 9 - 8 9 . In 1 8 - 1 9 the mother has driven the daughter out of the house to reduce the number of mouths, as in aprophecy: ummu eli màrti bâb-Sd id-dil (JCS 18. 20. 15). In 20-1 the picture is of wives and children being sold so that the father can buy food at famine-inflated priées. In 22-4 the horrors of cannibalism are reached. Note Explicit Malku r. 174b : bu-û-nu = ma-a-ru (JAOS 83. 436). S v. 33 Cf. Malku 11.41 : mid-ra-tum — na-a-ru (ZA 43. 235). I n view of 11. iii. 15 and x rev. i. 15 hi-hu-rat is clearly an Assyrian form of ïahurrat.
S
iv 45 ; U ; Sum. Flood Story
167
38-40
if the word were Ûmu. Of course, it could have been handed down without change from an eariier period when ii- in ûmu was normal, but this remains an objection none the less, The reading ïammu can be justified on the ancient view that plants had their origin in the underworld, from which they shoot up, and an incantation states Enki's connection with plants: én fu-uti'du a*num ir-lyu-u larruft é-a ina ersetim û*kin-nu Sam-mu AMT 42. 4 rev. restored from BM 98584+ After Anu had begotten the heavens And Ea had established plants in the underworld ù
a
tim
Thus Enki was required to stop plants from growing at this time. BM 98977+99231 (U) U obv. 2, 6, 8 For Hkin ïëpê 'placing of the feet' see S. Langdon, SBP 92*; F. R. Kraus, Or. N.S. 16. 199 ; and R. Borger BiOr 14. 191.
BE 39099 (x)
2
x rev. i . 4-7 This oft-repeated section may have occurred in some form at this point in the main recension since the context—the command to reinforce the drought—is lost between 11. ii and iii, I t is referred back to in 11. v. 16-21 and 3 0 - 3 ' , according to which the upper level was guarded by Anu and Adad, and the 'lower' by Enlil himself. Presumably Enki guarded the bottom level, though in the end he failed to co-operate. S also préserves the end of a statement that this arrangement was put into efïect, v. 1-2. The Babylonian exercise tablet y probably préserves what the main recension had, orthography apart. But x has put Sin and Nergal in place of Enlil. Thèse gods occur again as a pair on a Middle Assyrian tablet of incantations: 3o u u.gur e-pi-ru-tu (AS 16. 286 rev. 21, 27). I f more were known of thèse two as a pair it might be possible to détermine the location of *the middle earth' more certainly. By elênu one suspects that ail the cosmos above the earth is meant, and the god of heaven and the storm god are appropriate as guardians of this area. 'Middle earth' seems to occur elsewhere only in KAR 307 obv. 34-7, where there is a full séquence : ersetum elîtum, qablïtum, and ïaplïtum. The first of thèse is the abode of men, the second Enki's realm, and the third the underworld proper. However, Atra-basïs gives no sign of subscribing to so complex a scheme. At the very beginning, 1. 11—18, a three-decker universe is explained, one level each for Anu, Enlil, and Enki in descending order. There too sigaru nahbalu tVâmtim is used for Enki's realm. By mis one is forced to take ersetum qablïtum not as 'the middle earth' (of other earths), but as 'the earth which is central' (in the cosmos). The phrase 'the boit, the bar of the sea' has not yet been found outside this epic, but the idea it enshrines is well known in Babylonian and other mythologies. The primeval sea, usuaily after a battle, was thrust down below at the time of création and a cosmic bar was laid upon it to keep it down there out of the way, I f x rev. ii. 23 and 39 have been correctly restored, when the drought was broken through Enki's machinations he somehow got half of this bar broken so that water reached parched mankind. The phrase qd-du û/Iam-fm-Iu is ambiguoug. Were thèse things being guarded along with Sigaru nafabalu tâmthn, or were they helping Enki to guard the latter? I f the second alternative is taken one must read û-mi-Su, and assume that ûmù can refer to the Seven Apkallus or some other group in Enki's court. Certainly ûmu would bear this meaning, but there ia npfriculty mat x, which alone has the word, despite an extraordinarily incon• ffc orthography, writes this word always û-lîam-, not u - as would be expected d
d
é
U rev. 7 si-qu-ïû siq-si-qu — zïqûJfu ziqziqqu. For agar see Diri iv. 117 : a-gir ~ x
IM
x = [im.min.na.bi gi]-K-mu*û = ra-a-du (MSL m. 98. 40 and v. 192. 40). râdu occurs in Gilg. xi. 128 in K 7752+, but not in K 3375. U rev. 9 One might restore ur-taq-qù-da 'danced'. U rev. 15 I n Gilg. xi. 101 K 2252+ reads èr-ra-kal û«n[a-, but K 3375 has ]-gal i-na-as-saf}. d
U rev. 16 û-[sar-rif] is restored by conjecture alone, as is [ z]u. The latter is of course normally written AN.aau-ii, but U has other unusual orthographies (see p. 37). As a flying créature Zû (for this reading see Or N.S.. 36 130) is very suitable for rending the heavens. Note also AfO 13. 46 rev. ii, 3: im.dugud su-up*ra-ka, and the drug name su-pur sd-i (BAM 307. 25). 6
d
d
T H E S U M E R I A N F L O O D STORY (by M . C M ) 38 The a can be taken as a locative sumx to be joined to the preceding -bi, and this interprétation is supported by the présence of the in&t -ni- in the verbal chain, but due to the inconsistency of the grammar in the présent text, the possibility of a compound verb a—[ x ] cannot be dismissed completely. 39 sl-[sl-ga-bi], with si in the sensé of sapânu, would be a likely paraliel to fcaIam-ma-bi. 40 ki-ùr means, in addition to other, probably secondary, meanings such as cultic spaces in Nippur and Erel, the land assigned to someone to live there, but still as an 'undeveloped plot* (for références, see Van Dijk, Acta Orientalia 28. 488 ff.); a close paraliel to our line can be found in Letter 7 of collection B, line 24 (quoted
PHILOLOGICAL
NOTES
40-89
169
from Fadhil A. Ali's unpublished édition [Philadelphia, 1964]): the aender finds himself in a foreign city and concludes his pétition to the king by eaying: lugal-mu èn-mu hé-cn-tar-re ki-ùr-mu-Sè bé-im-mi-ib-gi -gi -in ' ( I wish) that my King could investigate my case, (and) that I could go back to my land.' The fact that in late Sumerian the contrast between -ta, -tè, and -a is often lost, makes the interprétation of this line somewhat doubtful. If the original sensé of -ta is to be retained, the line implies that mankind will leave the grounds where they live now, and where there are no buildings (i.e. nomadic life ?), to move to the cities ; if -ta is for -Se, it means that people will go back to their terri tories, which they left after a destruction, and where cities will now be (re)built. Without the missing part preceding line 37, it is not possible to reach a conclusion. The incorrect use of the sufhx -e-ne, which can be only an object suffix referring to un 'people', is a Semitism.
Sum. Flood Story 46 The usual meaning of a~dug is 'to irrigate' (see H . Sauren Topographie der Provinu Umma I. 74 f., 197 ff.) and 'toflood'and hence 'to destroy' (rv. R 28*, 4, 33 f. and duplicates). If one takes the last meaning, thefirstclause must be considered relative: 'In the place which had been destroyed, I want there to be peace (or: well-being)' ; even if the nominal izi n g -a is missing, the infix -ni- in the second clause authorizes the translation of thefirstone as relative. The translation given in the text is a perfectly acceptable alternative; the choice between the two dépends once again on the missing links in the plot.
41 In lines 41-4 the sufhx -me-a-(bi) is hardly the first person plural possessive (Kramer), because the juxtaposition of the first person possessive and the third person collective -bi (referring to un) is impossible. It is préférable to take -me-a as a plural mark used in late texts to remedy the lack of plural morphèmes in standard Sumerian, s lack which seems to have run against the linguistic feelings of the authors of such late texts. An example of this use of -me-a is: [iM].dal-hamun edinfouian-ta «X» na-ba-gi -gi -dè udug(!)-hul-a-me-àm 1-gâl, UET vi. 184. 3 ff. in a hemerological text (probably of Cassite origin) ; -me-àm obviously takes here the place of -me§. The plural function of me-a is derived from me-a 'how many' in standard Sumerian. The meaning 'how many' is particularly clear when me-a goes with the verb lu 'to be numerous' as in: me-a lu ab me-a lu-lu Sjôberg, Nanna-Suen 1. 13. 1 (modified reading) or e nanna àb-zu me-a mu-u -lu 'oh, Nanna, how great have you made the number of your cowsl' (PBSx/4.7.17). A typical passage for me-a 'how many' is Lafiar-Asnan 130 ff. :
49 The translation 'animais' for nig-oiLiM (the sign which appeared doubtful to Poebel is reasonably certain according to my own collation) is based on one hand on the assumption that stands for gilim (P£5) for which the meaning 'animais' is given in Ea 1. 199ff.:
4
4
1
4
4
48 The line shows that sag-gi is a désignation of human beings in contrast with animais (see commentary to the following line), as in the parallels mentioned by W . Leslau, Lexique Soqotri 193, and W . Vycichl, AfO 20. 96, and not an ethnie désignation. 0
GILIM
8
u -5û-u§-e nig-kas(SiD)-zu i-ak-e giS-Sid-ma-zu ki 1-tag-tag-ge na-gada-su U|-me-a sila -tur-tur-me-a ùz-me-a méS-tur-tur-me-a lù-ù mu-un-na-ab-bé Every day an account of you is made, the tally sticks are planted in the ground, your shepherd tells the owner, how many ewes and how many little lambs, how many goats and how many little kids (there are). x
4
x
péâ kilim = nammaitu gilim, = „ gilili =• natnmafâ
2
d
4
4
and on the other hand on the word nig-ki equated in tjarra xiv. 401a, 402 with nammaitu and zërmandu. In the meaning 'destruction' (Akk. tahluqtu) the word is normally written with a final -ma; cf. line 259 and JCS 19. 6. 73 f. ki-ta Iti-ta does not mean 'from the earth', but is rather an adverbial 'everywhere' (for ki-a ki-a). 1
1
86 There seems to be enough space at the beginning of the line for [du-lu]rn-bi * their painstaking efforts'; [si]g -bi 'their /its brickwork' is palaeographicauy more difficult. 4
87 A single unidentifiable half-broken sign is preserved before bisf. For ul 'foundation' see A. Falkenstein, Or N.S. 35. 229 ff. Neither the verb ba-al nor its Akkadian counterpart herû is used elsewhere for 'to dig a foundation'. us bal seems to have something to do with modifying the location of the long side of a field, see Deimel, SL 211. 45. The meaning of the line remains highly doubtful.
The same me-a is found in a-na-me-a-bi (cf. Poebel, GSG § 264 ff.) 'as many of them as there are.'
88 The words gidru 'sceptre' and aga 'crown' are possible restorations for the gap before nam-lugal-la.
42 Thefirstsign is not clear, it can be uni or é.
89 The reading men -mab follows Kramer; the traces do not point to gidru (see preceding line); sibir (Jacobsen, AS 11. 56) is palaeographicsHy unlikely; furthermore, this word does not mean sceptre.
43 I am unable to ofTer any suggestion for translating ki(Di is also p08sible)-es, except that perhaps we must read ki-e$-. 44 One has the impression that Poebel thought that he was copying x -me-a at the beginning of the line, although he translitérâtes kù-a. My translation, which follows Kramer, is perfectly admissible in itself (only the place of kù before a is abnormal), but it it somewhat startling in this context. Perhaps we must consider as one of the sub-themes of the taie a contrast between the orderly use of water (cf. i. 46 and ii. 99 f.) against the destructive flood of the storm. The verb du in some instances may be tran&lated by 'rebuild*. * Corresponds to the Akk. aSamiûtu ina fëri la ulamfjar (KAR 177 rev. iii. 8; ii. 48; «78 « « i v . 34). 1
r
1
gis
nig.ki is found in context in: nfg-zi-gal nig-ki u -a zi-dùg-ga §i-im-da-pa-an-pa-an 'the living beings, the animais in heat, they breathe with pleasure' (EntU Hymn 150, Falkenstein, SGL 1. 18, restored by unpublished duplicates). Cf. also pé§-nig-guim-ma = aîtikissu (a small rodent), Jf&rm xtv. 196 and xi. 65. There is a possibility that some connection exista between nig-gilim/kilimx and ninkilim/gilimx (written nm-PÉss^"«-B* in Urukagina, Cone C v. t; cf, Sollberger, ZA 54. 13, no. 43). The nig-gilim-ma which appears as a descriptive élément in a certain number of expressions, mostly designating manufactured objects (ffarra v. 243; vm. 350; Forerunner vui-rx. 178; x. 208; cf. H. 289) seems to mean some kind of lattice-work, and does not help in translating nfg-gilim in our context. 1
6
a
d
d
PHILOLOGICAL
NOTES
Sum. Flood Story 91-207
QI The sign after -ga is u[ru] according to Poebel. In any case, the word uni must be restored somewhere in this line because of the -bi of line 92. Restored from line 98. The term KAB-dug4-ga has been the object of the most diverse interprétations: 'Kultort' Deimel, Orientalia 17 (1925) 35, followed by Jacobsen, AS n . 5 9 and Kramer; an epithet of the 'deluge-demon' and the 'gods', Poebel; 'divine rulers* King, Legends of Babylon and Egypt 5 8ff.;'surface of the earth' Kramer, Sumerian Mythology 97 ; etc. The term KAB-dug4-ga appears in YBT 4. 1. 1 f., a légal record dating from the 4 4 t h year of Sulgi : someone had indulged in the illégal use of irrigation waters and ensi -ke é-gal-la di-da KAB in-na-an-dug 'the governor presided over the trial in the palace'. If 'presided', which seems the most Iogical translation, is correct, the term refers in our context to the rights of the cities to the successive hegemony of the country, a meaning which would suit perfectly the fact that the cities listed here are the dynastie cities of the ante-diluvian period according to the King List and the fragment C T 46. 5. The only other occurrence of KAB-dug4-ga known to the présent writer is CBS 14233: kas KAB-dug -ga fb -nag, sùd um-ta-è, é- sùd-ka izi ba-ra-il 'he drank the beer of the "président" (or "presidency"), Sud came out, and then the house of Sud burned down'; the passage, which could belong to the Enlil-Ninlil-Sud taie discussed in JNES 26. 200ff.,is too badly broken to enable one to draw any useful conclusions. 92
111
2
4
4
4
r
1
d
d
93 The reading sag or nisag of the first sign is correctly given by Van Dijk in JCS 19. 20; cf., eariier, C. J. Gadd in Studies G. R. Driver 68, commentary to line 30. x
x
94 It is better to consider the sign following -ma as a superfluous -Sè (as read by Poebel), than to read tùg (Kramer) which hopelessly complicates the line. The nu-gig must be here Inanna, entitled to Bad-Tibira because of her relationship with Dumuzi. 95 Since Pabilsag is well attested as the god of Larag: pa-bil-sag ù-mu-un la-raag (CT 42, no. 3. v. 20 and duplicates, see E . Bergmann, ZA 56. 33), there is no need to introduce a hypothetical deity £Iendurbilbursag, and the insertion of the bur before sag has to be considered as a scribal mistake, perhaps due to a partial confusion with the name of rjiendursaga. d
kl
99 The translation given is inspired by the fact that the following line has to do with irrigation waters. a-gi is considered here as an irregular writing for a-gi (cf. CAD I / i . 157 f- agû B). The meaning 'to stop the flow of water' of the verb Su is clearly needed in kù-gàl id-da âû-su-guix 'like an irrigation chief stopping the flow of the water* (UET vi/2. 144. 26), and is confirmed by the fragmentary lexical entry lû/Sà-lû = edêl[u Sa mi (?)] (Antagal 5 . iv. 8 ' ) to which we must probably relate [...]== [(edëlu) S]a A (Nabnitu G 11). 4
6
100 This line goes back to: [id-tu]r-tur-ra Su-lurj ba-an-ak sùr-sùr (var. sur-sur) mi-ni-ib-gar-gar The smalleat canals were cleaned by him, he put there irrigation ditches Bird-Fish Contest 8. The comparison with the text of PBS v. 1 shows perfectly the problems the philoîogist faces in the interprétation of the Flood taie : ba-an-ak has been changed to gar, and replaces sùr-sùr (barru). The usual interprétation (Falkenstein, ZA 57. 121) reads su-iub-bi nfg-HAR-tfAR . . . and has the mconvenience of giving an unlikely nfg-^AR-ffAR for which one could suggest
HAB-ÇAR
'digging' (in the restricted sensé of dredging and widening the canal), but HAR » barâru, the only basis for it, is a problematical entry (CAD vi. 92a haràru C). Although the correct technical term for 'to clean a canal' is èu-lufy—ak, Su-lurj—-gar is also attested (but not for a canal) in standard Sumerian: ki-uz-ga âu-luh-e gar-ra-zu, Curse of Agade 258 (cf. Falkenstein, ZA 57. 63). 146 a n - s a g Ni GIN r e m a i n s unexplained ;
is it sag for zag sa tamîtui
147 C f . inim-sl-sl-ga kiri. Su mar-r[a-ta] bar-zu bé-en-§ed -e-[dè]: ina te-me-eq u la-ban ap-pi [ka-bit-t]a l[i-pa-aS-H]-ib Bit. Acc. 109 (AO 6461 rev. 11 f.), but tëmequ elsewhere translates inim-§ag -Sag (ASKT14. 115. 5 f.); the sensé '(prayer with) well chosen words' is confirmed by the occurrences of the verb inim— si-(g) (Falkenstein, ZA 4 9 . 138; Jacobsen, ZA 52. 127 ; Van Dijk, JCS 19. 12). 8
t
6
5
80
The form n u - m e - a means 'it is not, without being' everywhere except in a very localized scribal peculiarity of the Larsa texts (TCL 10.5. 10,18.12,26.15, etc.) where, as pointed out b y Poebel (GSG § 265 f.), -nu-me stands for -na-me. The normal meaning 'it was not a dream' su its the context better. 149
151 ki -ùr-Sè was already suggested by Poebel, but must be considered doubtful. r
1
153 O n e c a n cut â-gub-bu-mu (for -gâ) gub-ba (participle or imperative), or as m the text. The passage, deseribing how the divine secrets about the incoming flood are transmitted to Ziusudra through a wall, is an obvious paraliel to the reed but épisode in GilgameS xi. 20ff.and Atra-faasïs ni. Since one expects a vocative before inim ga-ra-ab-dug , and Ziusudra is not a vocative in line 152 (because of the verbal form gis" mu-[un-tuk] which is not an imperative) the vocative must be iz-zi-da and the conclusion that, starting in line 154, the words are directed by Enki first to the wall seems most likely in the présent state of préservation of the text. 4
201 The reduplicated plural of im-l>ul is found also in CT 16. 19. 38 f. The im before si-si-ig is in ail probability a determinative. The word si-si-ig (with variants si-si-ga, sig-sig, slg-slg, and slg-si-ga) is translated by ïàru, mehû and zaqîqu (most of the lexical références can be found in CAD xxi. 58), butin Sumerian the meaning 'ghost' seems restricted to lil (cf., however, E. I. Gordon, BiOr 17. lao* ). sug-g is the plural marû-form of gub 'to stand up, to be présent at work', not of gin/du 'to come', so that one can translate 'arose' or 'were présent (at the destructive task)', but not 'came'. y
7
202 The ugu, superfluous from the Sumerian point of view, is due to the underlying Akkadian model which had bâ*u (translated by ùr, cf. Angim U. 13 and SBH p. 38. 8 ; 73. 19 f. for ùr with a-ma-ru) with eli as in G%. xi. no or KAH 1. 3 0 . 10.
205 The boat's name is written **mâ-gur-gur = *(ma)qurqurru in liarra iv. 204, and as a logogram in 3f rev. 8. The only thing we know about this type of boat is its large size, according to the latter référence. For etymological parallels see A. Salonen, Wasserfahrzeuge 51 ; the suggestion there that the word cornes from gur-gur 'to impregnate with bitumen* cannot be taken seriously. B
207 As seen already by C. J. Gadd, Sumerian Reading Book 133, and pardy suggested by Poebel, 'to open a window' is to be taken in the sensé of 'making the opening' (bùr = palâSu), not of 'opening a closed window*, which would be bad = petû or the like. The "a^-bûr window is otherwise unknown; for a list of types of window see CAD 1/2 aptu. For the -en of the third person, see J. Krecher, ZA 56. 29 ff.
172 208 ù r
Sum. Flood Story 208-259; Addenda 1
is doubtful; Poebel a n d K r a m e r prefer Sul.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
211 A stock phrase often found i n S u m e r i a n literature: ZA 5 0 . 6 8 . 5 2 ; 5 2 . 18. 3 9 ; PBS V. iv. 45 ; KAR 16. rev. 24 f. ; etc. ; literally slaughtered b u l l s , made sheep numerous' (hendiadys). 1
255 K r a m e r ' s suggestion to insert here the line from t h e left edge o f the tablet is i n ail probability correct, b u t the reconstruction o f the v e r b as a f o r m o f m i - d u g * is open to doubt; a translation '[provided] Z i u s u d r a w i t h a w i f e ' i s also possible. 256 T h e translation assumes that the v e r b a l f o r m stands for m u - u n - n a - s u m mu-uS. 259 W h i l e the second part o f t h e line i s reasonably clear (cf. already Poebel's remarks o n this line as w e l l as [z]e-ru na-as-ru d la-Sam a-bu-bi, JCS 21, " E n m e d u r a n k i " i . 8), the first part o f the line r e m a i n s u n c e r t a i n . T h e translation assumes that m u means here 'year', 'time', rather t h a n ' s i n c e ' .
(i) E D I T I O N S O F W H O L E OR P A R T x874 G . S m i t h , Transactions of the Society of Biblkal Archaeology m. 540-2 (W). 1880 F . L e n o r m a n t , Les Origines de Vhistoire 604-5 (W). 1883 P . H a u p t , apud E . Schrader, Die Keilinschriften und das Alte Testament* 58, 61 ( W ) . 1890 P . J e n s e n , Die Kosmologie der Babylonier 370-3 (W). 1892 H . W i n c k l e r , Keilinsckriftliches Textbuch zum Alten Testament1 84-5 (W). 1898 V . S c h e i l , RTvx. 5 5 - 9 ( B ) . 1898 V . S c h e i l , Revue biblique 7. 5 - 9 (B: text i n cuneiform type). 1900 H . Z i m m e r n , ZA 14. 2 7 7 - 9 2 ( E , K 3399+3934)1900 P . J e n s e n , Assyrisch-babylonische Mythen und Epen (Kdlinschrifûiche Btblio-
VI/I)
thek 2 7 4 - 9 1 a n d 539-48 ( K 3399+3934, B , E ) . 1903 H . W i n c k l e r , Keilinschriftliches Textbuch zum Alten Testament? 94-5 (W). 1907 E . D h o r m e , Choix de textes religieux Assyro-baby Ioniens 128-39 ( K 3399+
ADDENDA I J 1 B . Landsberger w o u l d like to r e a d ni-rba-ra1-a[$-ïu] ' l e t u s r e b e l against h i m ' . B y O B standards this i s better g r a m m a r t h a n ninàraïsu ' l e t u s k i l l h i m ' , b u t the traces c a n only be read ba b y emendation. A s to sensé, i f t h e rebels a r e threatening to kill E n l i l , this i s something remarkable, i f not d o w n r i g h t i m p r o b a b l e . H o w e v e r , they m a y be threatening to k i l l t h e task master. W h a t r e m a i n s o f lines 5 - 7 c a n be interpreted to agrée w i t h this latter sensé. T h e p r o p o s a i t o k i l l t h e task m a s t e r i s met w i t h the answer that E n l i l w o u l d s i m p l y appoint a n o t h e r . I 63 A n unambiguous w r i t i n g o f t h e root sqr/zkr o c c u r s i n a n O B text probably from S i p p a r a n d the reign o f A m m i - s a d u q a : Sa pa-qi-dam ù sa-tyi-ra-am la i-Su-û (cultic text, JCS 20. 96. 38). T h i s implies a f o r m skr, s i n c e b a n d k interchange i n O B , as i s w e l l k n o w n . H o w e v e r , this h a r d l y serties t h e f o r m i n Atra-hasïs. I 242 T h e form ta-aS-ta-AH-fa has been taken as a I /3 s i n c e i n t h e context there is no reason for its being a I / i perfect o r I / 2 . T h i s i n v o l v e s a c c e p t i n g t h e value 't, w h i c h i s not otherwise attested so early. H o w e v e r , i n I 3 0 2 t h e v e r b c a n o n l y be a I / 2 présent, so that one m u s t read i-ta-i-du w i t h this v a l u e . I I i , 16 W . v o n S o d e n reads
li-ih-ta-an-ni-ma (AHw hanànum).
I I v i i . 38 I n view o f line 4 2 one suspects that the text m u s t have a p a r t o f tummû, but i f i nutammi as translated i s correct, the text as i t s t a n d s m u s t b e c o r r u p t . I I vii 4 9 Sullat and IJani§ further o c c u r i n a n O B seal i n s c r i p t i o n s o m e w h a t m i s r e a d by M . L a m b e r t i n Cahiers de Byrsa v u . 6 9 . 107. I t reads : fiu-na-ba-tum, d a m e n . Zii-fra-zi-ir, gemé P A dLUGAL. A n o t h e r o c c u r r e n c e o f JJaniS alone, a n d o n e w h i c h confirms his character as a god of dévastation, i s f o u n d i n E r r a i v . 145 : ki-i afr-ra LUOAL i-ti-qu e-me qf-i-Sum-ma 'the reed beds became as after rjEaniS has p a s s e d b y (beginning of line from I B 212, collated, a n d e n d f r o m K 2 6 1 9 ) .
3934)1909 H . W i n c k l e r , Keilinschriftliches Textbuch zum Alten Testament? 88 (W). 1910 H . V . H i l p r e c h t , BE ser. D v / i (3). 1910 H . V . H i l p r e c h t , Der neue Fund zur Sintflutgeschichte aus der Tempel1910 1910 1911 1912 1915 1919 1922
bibliothek von Nippur (3). T . G . P i n c h e s , Expository Times 21.
364-9 (3: added comments by F . Hommel). J . D . P r i n c e a n d F . A . Vandenburgh, AJSL 26. 303-8 (3). G . A . B a r t o n , JAOS 31. 3 0 - 4 8 (3). R . W . R o g e r s , Cuneiform parallels to the Old Testament}- 103-9, 113-21 ( W , B , 3, K 3 3 9 9 + 3 9 3 4 ) . S . H . L a n g d o n , PBS x / i . 2 4 - 6 ( E ) . S . H . L a n g d o n , Le Poème Sumérien du Paradis 34-9 (JE). A . T . C l a y , A Hebrew déluge story in Cuneiform (YOR v/3) 58-69, 81-2
( B , K 3 3 9 9 + 3934, W , 3). 1926 R . W . R o g e r s , Cuneiform parallels 1931 1931 1956 1957 i960
to the Old Testament
103-9, 113-21
( W , B , 3, K 3 3 9 9 + 3 9 3 4 ) . A . B o i s s i e r , RA 28. 9 1 - 7 ( C ) . E . E b e l i n g , Tod und Leben 172-7 ( E , K 7816 with S iii). J . L a e s s o e , BiOr x u i . 9 0 - 1 0 2 (excerpts and discussion). W . v o n S o d e n , O r N.S. 26. 306-15 ( E ) . W . G . L a m b e r t , JSS 5. 113-23 ( U , Q ) . a
d
d
d
S rev. iv. 10, 14 T h e reading o f J e n s e n i n KB v i , [sur-r]iS li/i-se f r o m t h e A s s y r i a n sé'u (OLZ 1964 35) is perhaps préférable, as suggested b y W . v o n S o d e n .
(ii)
TRANSLATIONS
WITHOUT TEXT
(M0STLY
PARTIAL)
1875 G . S m i t h , Assyrian discoveries 186 ( W ) . 1876, 1880 G . S m i t h , The Chaldean account of Genesis1 153-6, 265-6; ^155-8, 281 ( S , W ) . 1876 G . S m i t h , Chaldaische Genesis 127-30, 224-5 ( S , W ) . 1879 J - O p p e r t , apud E . L e d r a i n , Histoire di Israël, première partie 426 (W). 1901 W . M u s s - A r n o l t , apud R . F . Harper, Assyrian and Babylonian literature 3 6 9 - 7 1 (B).
BIBLIOGRAPHY 1902, 1903, 1908 T . G. Pinches, The Old Testament in the light of the historical records and legends of Assyria and Babylonia * > 117 ( W ) . 1904, 1906, 1918, 1930 A. Jeremias, Das Alte Testament im Lichte des alten Orients 130, 2 , i 2 S ( W ) , 120 (3), i 6 ( W ) . 1909 A. Ungnad, apud H. Gressmann, Altorientalischc Texte und Bilder zum Alten Testamente 57-8 (W, B). 1911 A. Ungnad, Das Gilgamesch-Epos 6 9 - 7 0 ( W , B). 1921 A. Ungnad, Die Religion der Babylonier und Assyrer 122-7 ( W , S ) . 1923 A. T . Clay, The origin of Biblical traditions 1 7 3 - 8 6 (B). 1923 C.-F. Jean, Le Milieu biblique H. 33-5 (3). 1924 C.-F. Jean, La Littérature des Babyloniens et Assyriens 2 4 - 5 (3). 1925 G. Hilion, Le Déluge dans la Bible et les inscriptions akkadiennes et sumériennes 34-5 (W, 3 : thesis done under J. Plessis). 1926 E. Ebeling, apud H. Gressmann, Altorientalischc Texte zum Alten Testament 199-206 (3, W , B, S ) . 1942, 1951 (1954, 1963) A. Heidel, The Babylonian Genesis 5 4 - 6 , 6 6 - 7 (E). 1946, 1949 (1963) A. Heidel, The Gilgamesh Epic * 1 0 6 - 1 6 (B, C , W , S , P). 1950, 1955 E. A. Speiser, apud J. B. Pritchard, Ancient Near Eastern texts * 1
1
2
3
3 3
4
2
3
1
1
1
2
2
2
1
99-100, 104-6 (E, S, P, B, C , 3, W , S). 97-9
2
2
1952
G. Contenau, Le Déluge babylonien? (îii)
GENERAL
DISCUSSIONS,
GLOSSARY
3
(B, C
2
W , K 3399+3934).
PARTICULAR
NOTES, ETC.
1875 G. Smith, Assyrian discoveries 97 (finding of W). 1889 P. Haupt, BA 1. 122, 151 (W not part of GilgameS xi). 1903 H. Zimmern, apud E. Schrader, Die Keilinschriften und das Alte Testament 551-4-
1906 P. Jensen, Das Gilgamesch-Epos in der Weltliteratur 5 5 - 6 (argues that there must have been seven plagues !). 1906 B. Meissner, OLZ 9. 549 (identification of K 7 8 1 6 ) . 1907 O. Weber, Die Literatur der Babylonier und Assyrer 9 4 - 6 . 1908 A. Ungnad, OLZ 11. 5 3 6 - 7 (qa-da-ni3fin S vi 6 haplography for qa-da-da-niï). 1914 M . Jastrow, Hebrew and Babylonian traditions 3 4 0 - 4 (B, 3 , W). 1922 C. F ossey, Journal Asiatique, Onzième série xix. 18-23 (S viii. 12; iv. 47b, 49b; 1. 191).
1922 R. Campbell Thompson, The Times Literary Supplément, Oct. 12. 646 (review of Clay, YOR v/3). 1023 D, D. Luckenbill, AJSL 39. 153-60 (critical review of Clay, YOR v/3). 1925 S. Smith, RA 2 2 . 6 3 - 4 (S iv. 4 7 D - 4 8 m 5 7 0 - 5 8 ) and 6 7 - 8 (11. i. 8 and S iv. 8). 1931 S. H. Langdon, apud J. A. MacCulloch (éd.), Mythology of ail races v, Semitic 270-6. 1933 B. Landsberger, ZA 41. 3 1 5 - 1 6 (translation of S iv. 4 2 - 5 1 ) . 1947 F. R. Kraus, JCS 1. 115 (identification of D). 1956 R. Borger, AfO 17. 293 (identification of T ) . 1959 P. Garelli and M. Leibovici, apud Sources orientales, La Naissance du monde 129-30. 1061 S . N . Kramer, Mythologies of the ancient world 1 2 6 - 7 . 1967 J. Aro, Teologinen Aikakauskirja 72. 7 0 - 8 3 . 1967 H. Hirsch, ZA 58. 3 3 3 - 4 (review of C T 4 6 ) . 1967 L . Matous, ArOr 35. 1-16 (review article on CT 46). 1967 A. R. Millard, Tyndale bulletin 18. 1-18. £967 J. J. Finkelstein, RA 61. 133 (note on I 2 9 9 - 3 0 4 ) .
THE glossary contains aU words found in Atra-hasïs arrangée! by consonants, and by root consonants for Semitic words. Where the script writes an initial vowel, the glottal stop has been posited. Similarly with the so-called hollow roots, an âlephsign is used to indicate the middle consonant. Since the purpose is nearer that of a concordance than a dictionary, only a brief, and often incomplète, attempt at meaning is given. The glossary is intended not only to help thefindingof words and passages, but also to indicate the source of restorations. Many répétitions occur in this epic, and the various recensions and copies offer variant forms of the same épisodes. Thus restorations may be purely conjectural, plausible if taken from simiiar passages, or virtually certain if from exactly paraliel passages. Only in spécial cases are notes given on particular passages indicating the source of the restoration, if any exista. For ail other cases the glossary should be consulted, where the Une-numbers of restored occurrences are put within square b rackets, e.g. [25], alongside the line-numbers of surviving examples. Trivial orthographie variants, especially of words in the context, are not noted, norarehalf-bracketsused. The glossary is intended to aid study of the text, not to dispense with it. Words only found in the late copies are indicated by the appropriate manuscript symbol; otherwise the words are Old Babylonian. The letter 'n' is appended to the linenumbers of words discussed in the philological notes. êsâ 'where?': e-la-a a-nu il-li-kam III iii i cohortative particle: t ni-im-fju-ur-ma 51 39 I 41 ; cf. 44 46 58 60 62 214 II vii 38 999 J 1 2; ? tu-uk-t[a]-bi-it I 295 S iii i6n atmû 'to speak': i-ta-mu ifati I 366 [367] cf. S iv 19 20 (i-ta-mu) v 29 30 9 u 'and': mu-H u ur-ri I 38; cf. I [10] [18] awfttu 'speech': ii-[tné] a-wa-tam fu-a-ti 127 139 151 [164] 206 210 212 221 225 I 166; [a-w\a-tam an-ni-[tam] III i 46; 275 276 288 300 301 364 367 II vi [12] la û-$a-a[s}~sà-ku a-wa-at-ka M vi 26; [14] 22 vii 49 III i 31 43 ii 45 iii $1 i-x-ar a-tva-as-su I 168; it-me-e-ma DN 42 46 v 46 vi 24 [26] 44 vii 7 n S [—] II iii [29] ; a~ma-te-$u-nu a-na ki-ikki-[fi] i-sa-an-[ni\ $ obv. 12 obv. 10 rev. 3 S iii 9 iv [20] v [30] 999 33 W 3 7 8 x rev. i [4] 5 8 9 12 40 ewû 'to become like': ki-ma zu-ub-bi ii 2 [3] 9 [10] [17] 32 [33] y 49 i-vm-û III iii 45 yâ'û 'mine': ia-a-at-tum ni-is-sà-s[û] III"1 v 48 âlu 'city/: i-na a-U ib-m-û bi-is-sû I 401 yâsi 'to me' : û-ul i-pa-at-tu-û a-na ia-a-H II ii 20 3$ obv. 11; qi-ba-a ia-a-S[i] U obv. 12; "1 ia-a-st-im-ma-a (F ia-H-im-ma) it-te-awilu 'nian(kind)': lu-up-s%ik itim a-winé-e[p-pu-ul] I 107 lum U-iS^B 1191 197; cf. 2x2 328 II iii 31 III vi lavai 10 Gii[ia] I 226 (O <Mt»-/§ttwi]); a-[me-lu} V obv. 3 [4]; ay/ë négative: a-ii-il-li-ka II i 12; cf. PN lû S iv 17 v 27; x rev. i 29; i-nu-ma II i 17 20 III i 30; ia ii-Sd-a S iv 45; cf. S iv 49 51; II i 22; e t[à\-ap-la-ba I i-lu a-wi-lum I In; fu-up-h-ik-ka-ku-nu a-toi-[l]am e-mi-id I 241 II vii [31]; 378; cf. I 379 [393] [394] II ii 9 10 lu-u[l-la-a a-wi-lam] Q H [9] viii 33 S iv 31 38 awïlûtu 'mankind': ba-ni-a-at a-toi-lu-ti 99 I 194; cf. I 242 II vii [32]; ri-gk*im — ayyu 'who, which?': a-iu-û fo III vi 26; I 358 II i 7 S iv 6 (a-me-lu-te) x rev. ? ia-a S vi 20; ? ia-e S vi 25 ayyânu 'where?': a-ia-a-nu u*& naf-pi!- i [2] ([â-m#»4Mi}h a-me-lu-Hm 1 242 (P)a o(P) U-tum III vi 9 v
4
GLOSSARY
17$
'mnu 'day, weather': u -mu-um h-ni-d^i[,m] III iii 34î Pa-"»'*'* III ii 48; ali-ri-a-ti-iï**-mt I 214 l 7 J i A
4
2 2
9/7 « -mi ï 294 303 4
(udjneS);
UI iv «4
S
mis
UI vi4n;see k m m /
GLOSSARY
ku-nu u[r-ta] II vii 36; la-ap- \hi «o-fa] m ii [ i ] ; M&f.c . JT I a; [ub-lu] e-pi-tam I [408] H ij [ . û-ub-ba-al qâ-tî a-na n[i-Si-ia-ma] II vi* 43; II vii 35; III ii 29; 61-/0 e-pi-ta I 381 [39Ô] II ii 12; a6-/a-Ham I 195 196 li-bi-il — G i i i o n V obv 5 6; II iii 19; [k]u-up-ruba-bi-il III ii cj[fo-ba-b]i-il ar-hu III ii 39; pa-ar-sa-am m
4
rfM tt
a 6 ]
/I-DI-IÏ,
and x rev. i 7 ùmisarn 'dally': [u^mi-Sa-am-ma II in x rev. i 13 (-Sam-) Y ( " " ) ta-ba-al-ma I 171 ( K L ) ; ? os-fa S vi 2* O u S I fi7»] 'bl "n ebêlu see b'r i-ni mi-na-a a-mu-ur I 109 'bn ixiu *eyc' iv 53» abunnatu 'umbilical cord': a-bu-un-na-ti iv 43 I 260 (P); ba-m-iq a-bu-un-na-te S iii 7 âsu 'to l *bn abnu 'atone': at-ku-up-[pu na-H a-ba-ansti] III ii [ i 2 n ] a'âru "grow Bt-û ia i-im-ru b iv 49 cf. *br J N * 59 P] ibratu 'outdoor shrine' : I 275 ûrtu "order*; ub-la pi-i-ni . . . ur-[ta-am] 'bs* II v (is] 29 vi [24] cf. viite-er-ta 36; II vi 6 I 116 absânu 'yoke': ab-sa-nam li-bi-il I 196 tërru cf. 195 G ii 10 11 16 V obv. 5 6 I385 III i 38; 8; te-rt-et II iv 'ht cf. x rev. ii [8] abâ ru 'to destroy*: sf-ou-uf bi-ta III i 22 'gbb ugbabtu 'a kind of priestess': û-uk-ba-akka-ti III vii 6n um n
T T
I X
4
§ a m
v
abu
11 [124]
egisîtu 'a kind of priestess': e-gi-si-a-ti III vii 7n *gr ugâru 'field' : sa-al-mu-tum ip-sti-û û-g[aru] II iv 7 cf. S iv 47 57 v [6] (a.gàr); im-lu-û û-ga-ra I I vi 11 M i-Sa- 'gr a-bu-bu] igâru 'wall' : i-ga-ru fi-ta-am-mi-a-an-ni 'j III iii III i 20; [i]-ga-ru-maH-m[e] S obv. 14 ta-an-nu *d *a] II vii a d i *so long as': a-di-tna-nti I 370
a-os-[fis]
abu *bb abûl
[46]; il-ku-nu a* cf. IQ vi 21 viii o
w-ba.,. i d u 'side': it-ba-a id-fii Su-tu U rev. 9; * a-bu-bi [i]-zi-qù a-na idi-$u U rev. 10: li-qi 23 U id-ka I 171 ( M ) 46; III
1É abâ
idû 'to know : t-fa û-ul i-di I 71 73 cf* II vu [45] ; i-de mil-kd H obv. 9 cf. 10; [w\u-ud-di-a I I I i 13; M-ul] û-te-ed-du-û 9
4
'dr r . adâru 'to become afraid : mt-tn-tu ta-du-ur I 94 96; ul-ta-dar U rev. 21 »• ^ ] i L f > na'duru 'to be disturbed, become dark': »kl j./is it-ta-a*-da-ar I 355 II i 4 (Q ittar-du) S iv 2 (it-ta-*-[dar])\ at-ta-a- ekëlu 'to be dark'- » ài^dar S iv 7 4°"» el-lu-tu[m\ z[i]-mu&-na i*-a-ad-ru III v 45 'dr ul 'not': û-ul i-di I 71 f I r. 1 r [406] 416 II i , i P ' ^^14051 idrânu 'sait': se-ru . . . ma-li id-r[a-na] v " [45] H l i f ^ ^ / ^ S Ô II iv 8 cf. S iv 48 58 v 7 »ds essu 'new' : bi-pl eS-Sû U obv. 11 rev. 4 , r e v X V f ) 'ab .jf % ezëbu 'to leave': s-ss-so II ii 2' (Q); [1-*]*îj ( )-'-^ &mu-û III ii son zi-ib-H-na-ti I 412 II ii 34 u
3 ;
n
(
M
m
7
V
c
C
?
a
[
8
1
[
9
]
[
l
9
l
V
i
8
?
*zz allu 'hoe': al-U ma-ar-ri I 337 ezêzu 'to be savage': la-ru uz-zu-zu III ii 54Î [i]-te-te-zi-zu DN à [DN] III i 43 flu 'god': i-lu û-ul i-di I 71; cf. I 173 (K) ezëbu 'to gird : [q]a-ab-lt-la i-te-zi-ih 355 II i 4; [i'lu]-ma II vi 15; i~lu-umma ù a-wi-lum I 212 (E dingir-^û); I 286 s-fam ta-at-bu-ba I 239 II vii [33]; 'zn cf. I 208 (dîngir); fi-t-t> I 215 uznu 'ear': [uz-na] i-Sa-ak-ka-na II iii (E dingir) 228; cf. Iï iii 7 V obv. 3; [8] [10]; ge§tu-i« pi-ta-at S iv 18 v 28 dingir I 191 197 G ii 12; it-ti i-li-kxt-nu % è i-U û-[ul ma-gi-ir] III i 42 cf. 49; a^u 'brother': [û-ul] i-mu-ur a-ffu a-ha-fu s7-fa I 367 cf. 365 y 10 (dingir-/i<); III iii 13; ana a-hi-Su I 168 169 (M); i[t-ti i-li-iu] I [366] ; cf. II iii 211 S iv t-/s ah-bi-Su I 48 175 (M) G ii 2 II 19 v 29 31 (dingir-iu); t'-Ja . ^ ub-lu vii [41] J 4 (ab-ke-e-Su) cf. I 106 du-ul-la I 1; cf. I 12 63 233 Iï vttt 112 (L) 34 III iii 30 52 iv 15 v 34; dingir.mei afyâzu 'to seize' : [q]a-tam i-liu-zu qa-ti-ia I 209 p| obv. 1; a-na i-U ab~V& I 48; cf. I 3 43 45 57 59 [106} [122] 134 I 11 ; i-ta-ali-zu-nim i-il-la-ku-nhn I 68 [146] [151] [159] 164 17s (MN) 232 236 tâîiazu 'battle': ta-ba-za i ni-ib-lu-la 247 (P) [339] 357 î l i o yi 16 18 21 qâ-ab-la-am I 62; — e-ep-pu-ul I 108; [41] III iii 2 4 ; | F [ta-b]a-zi I 129 141 vu 199 cf. J 4 (*-&); dihgirjneS 3 ^ obv. 9 «v. 1 4 S ii 205 G ii 2 17 r*>v ri fiiî x rev. abriâtis 'for ever*: ab-ri-a-ti-ii u -mi 10 IV 5 2< I 214 227 11 45 î «*r II ii 23; efûtu 'darkness': [Sa-pa-at é]-tû-tu III iii 18 393; - — e|lu 'young man': et-lu a-na ar-d[a-tî] dingir jne Uni 'goddes R 9; ti-it e$-li I 274 'tm il-ta-am I e t e m m u 'ghost': e-te-em-mu li-ib-st I 215 *I la-du-ma ali 'where : 217 ( E Pi-te-em-mu I 2 i 5 n ) 228 230 I 291 i k u 'canal': i-ki ib-nu-û ra-bu-t[im] I 338 el 'over*: »* 'kb i k k i b u 'taboo': hi-û ik-ki-bu E-na-ma I I I eîi 'over': e vii 8
IÉ
A
1
*kl akâlu
*to eat': si-ifo-tum i-ku-ul-su II vi 16 18; i-ku-lu ni-qi-a-am III v 36; i-ku-la fa-a[r?^fa|] Il i 9 ; [a-**-/Jtt j»$k-ka-al *I 43î Iwur-fsiJ . . . €-kal mâtu v
1 1 1
SISiss
tu
N
GLOSSARY
x 8 7
elêmi 'above': e-le-nu-um II xv i ; e-le- i 22; gts.mâ ra-bi-tam % rev. 6 ; e-le-ep-pa nu-ia III Iii 44; 'upper régions': if-pf-ur ip-fû-ur III ii 55; gis.ma ul e-pu-ul DN e-le-e-nu II v [16] 30 vi *5 x rev. W 13 cf. 15; [giS.mâ] e-ru-um-ma ka gtè.mâ tir-[rd\ W 6; ip-ha-a gi [s.mà] i W [8] U { • ] 9 16 a U rev. [3] cf. W [4] ufUI 'presently': ul-li-ii III i 34 elû 'to ascend ' : [O-tu DN] i-lu-û ia-me-e-la'm I 17; DN i-te-li — I 13; e-te-el-li-i-ma ummu 'mother': ama a-na dumu.SAL a-na ia-ma-i III iii 48; [ul-Qu-û re-ïi-iu S v [19] vi 8 ; zi-ba-ni-it dumu.SAL I 32; [fu-ti ana] àb-bi-fd W [7] i-na-fal ama S v 21 vi [10]; — ama *ld dumu.SAL — S v [20] vi 9 ; e-reb ama alâdu 'to beget, bear': û-ul ul-da er-se-tum dumu.SAL i-da-gal S v 18 vi 7; um-mi re-e[m-Sa] II iv 4 ; ul-da g[al-la-ta] ie-er-ri I 292 S iii 19 (ama) ti-a-am-ta UI iv 5; a-U a-li-it-tum 'm û-ul-la-du-ma I 291 S iii 18 (û-laemu 'father-in-law' : bi-it [e-mi ra-bé]-e du-ma); û-ul-la-du I 238 (P); a-na-ku-ma I [3020] û-ul-la-da [a-bu-ba] II vii 46; a-la-da-'m am pu-ur-si III vii on; sëru . . . ûjlu- amu 'raft': ki-ma a-mi-im III iv Sn 9 tY-tsf id-ra-na S iv 48 58 v 7 M m âlittu 'bearing woman': a-li-it-tum I 291 mâmltu 'oath': ma-mi-tû II ii 12' (Q); S iii 18 (-tu); a-U-it-tum-tna la a-li-it- a-na ma-mi-tû a-bu-bi x rev. ii 46; ub-la tum III vii 2; i-na bi-ir-ku a-li-it-ti III pi-i-ni . . . ma-mi-tam III vi 8; i-de« vii 5 ; i-na bit a-li-te S iii 15 lillidu 'offspring' : ki-ma zu-ub-bi i-wu-û m ma-me-et-lu-nu obv. 10 li-il-U-du III iii 45 ummânu 'workman' : dumu.meS um1k m[a-ni] W 8 alâku 'go': il-li-ik DN I [134] cf. I 154; 'mbr û-ul il-li-ïk-ma 600.600 mu.lji.a I [352] ibbaru 'mist' : ib-ba-ra ûjli-Ha-az-ni-in 416 II i 1; il-li-ik ra-du III iv 25; II ii 16 30 a-ia-ar DN [il-li~ku-ma] II v [18]; 'md ei-ru arfyu il-li-ka-am-ma 1 281: cf. I I emëdu 'to put on, in to': i-mi-da a-na iv 11; e-ia-a DN il-li-kam jka-am III ki-ib-ri III iv 9 cf. 8; iu-up-ii-ik-ka-kuiii 51 v 39; a-U-il-li-ka mi-lu II i 12; nu a-tvi-[t]am e-mi-id I 241 II vii û*ul i[l-li-ka] mi-lu 11 iv [2] cf. S iv [x] ; [31]; ïèr-ta e-mi-id x rev. ii 27 43; \i~U-H-$]h*4u ma-as-ba-tum I 409 IImu-ur-sa i-im-mi-du-ni-a-ti I 371 ii 27; [il-li-k]u-ma x rev. ii 30; U-il-li-ik 'mtjl la-ru II i 14; — DN II vii 52; li-il-li-ik- imfiullu 'evil wind' : im-bul-lu U rev. 8 £u ma-as-fya-tum I 3820 397 II ii 13;'mm li-il-H-ku II vii 50; a-ia-ar at-ta ta-al- umfimu 'wild animais': û-ma-am se-rim li-ku-ma II v 32 vi 27; al-l[i-ik] I 156; % rev. 11 W 9 [i]l-la-ka di-ma-lu I 167; qâ-ad-di-iS'mn MUla-ka II iv 16; [iï\-lak DN U rev. imittu 'right-hand': a-na i-mi-it-t[i] I 257 14» i-iUla-%u-nim I 68; al-ka-ma II iii (P) S iii 5 (zag) 33; al-ka-nm I 44 46 58 60; al-ka-ni *mq ka-la-ni x rev. ii 46; a-la-M II ii 3' (Q); 'strength': e-mu-qâ iu-ur-ii III i 33 qa-da-nil {[t-ta-n]a-la-ka S v [17] vi 6 emûqu 'mr 'U amâru 'to see': i-mu-ur-ma I 334; a*i(tillu 'yoke': ap-fû-ur ul-la I 243 cf. II i-mu-ur I I I i 30; [û-ul] i-mu-ur a-bu v * 9 [i \ vi 28 a-ba-iu III iii 13; i-mu-ur-ma il-tum m III iii 32; li-mu-u[r] II iii 22 x rev. elëlu 'be pure': û-ul-la-[a]l ka-la-ma i 21 (li-mur)\ i-ni mi-na-a a-mu-ur I 109; I 202; li-te-el-li-lu dingir.meS I 209 a-mu-ur-ma III iv 10; lu-mur-ma W 15; eUtt 'pure': el-lu-tu[m] z[i]-mu-H-na III ma-qû-ra i-ta-ma-ar III vi 5 ; a-ta-mar v 455 el-lu-ti III ii 32 pa-ni-k[a] TJ obv. 11; a-am-ru II iii 17; tëliltu 'cleansing': te-U-il-tam û/lu-ia- ar-qû-tum am-ru pa-n[u-H4ri\ I I iv 15; af-tû-in ri-im-ka I 207 222 ni-hi û-ul am-ra-[(a)-ma] II iv 6 1 'mr eleppu 'boat': [e]-U-$p-pu ia ta-ba-an- amurru 'wcst wind': a-mur-ru U rev. 10 nu-û-[jK\ III. i 25; bi-ni e-le-ep-pa III cf. 6 3
II
r
GLOSSARY mr immeru 'sheep' ki-ma im-me-ri III iv 19 'n ana 'to, for': a-na I 16 [18] 81 83 84 98 100 110 117 [134] [155] 170 200 242 249 (P) 257 (P) 258 (P) (301) 330 [370 381 386 [396] 408 II i 9 10 ii [12] 26 iii 21 28 30 v [20] 25 [2'] vi 2 29 vii [32]
179
i 30; -d)u-uh an-nùa-am ! 162 (O); an-ni-a-am qd-ba-fa I 244; cf. Ul viii i«î an-na-a x rev. i [a.w)a-tm anni-[tam] III i 46; cf. tll i 50; <m-nuum . . . i-ip-pu-uf III vi 13; gu-Hk-burf a\n-nu*tum] III vi [a] annumma 'now': a-nu-um-ma ti*iûa tuqû-um-tam I 61 4 0 ;
37 42 43 viii 33 35 III i 39 ii 41 iii 27 V 48 54 iv 8 9 15 v 30 41 43 46 vi 48 viii unâtu 'taclde' : h-û du-un-nu-na û-ni-a18 R 7 9 S iii 20 iv [18] [34] 39 42 turn III i 32 50 52 60 v [9] [19] 22 [23] [28] vi 8 12 *nt U rev. 10 22 x rev. i 26 38 44 ii 6 8 31 uttatu 'barley': [fo-/t]... ie.bar-toi W 7 46 Jb obv. 11 12; ana il ii 5' (Q) S iii 'nk 5 6 vi 11 W [7] x rev. ii 13 ; issaqar a-na anâku T ; i*w mi-na-a a-mu-ur a-[n]o-hu I 48 86 92 106 112 119 [169] 199 205 I 109; cf. I 203 289 II iii 24 v 17 31 236 357 369 373 388 II i 6 iii [18] vi 26 vii 45 46 111 i 34 iii 36 46 x v 23 vii 41 viii 37 III i 2 12 16 41 rev. i 22 ii [19] [35]; PN a-na-ku-(ma\ vi 12 17 42 46 S iv 5 22 29 37 x rev. % obv. 6 i [1] 18 ii 45 G ii 2 U obv. 14; 'nn — ana I 168 ( M ) 175 (LMN) J 4 S ii enênu 'to punish* : \ji]-tu-ma e-ni-nu*fa[8] x rev. ii 15 W 12 nu-ti x rev. ii 26 42; e*>te-mn-$u~nu*t$ 'at the discrétion of': a-na ra-ma-ni-ia x rev. ii 25 41 III ni 4 2 n 'ni aâsu 'so that' : ai-Su la mu-ui-H-i I 217 230 assatu 'wife': ai-la-tum 0 mu-ià 1276 300; 'n âzm-ka $ rev. 2 W [8] ina 'in, at' : i-na ka-la-ak-ki I 40; cf. 1 assùtu 'wifehood': (a-na) ai-i[u-u^ ù mu» 44 46 58 60 122 [132] 144 148 161 206 tu-ti I 301 209 210 213 215 218 221 224 225 228 tënisû/tëniàetu 'mankind': te-ni-fe-tu II [259] (P) 290 299 302 305 355 [359] 377 vi 130; ut-ta-za-ma ta-np-lè-ti S iv 383 392 398 401 [404] 410 II i 4 8 ii 23 25 [14] 16 17 20 22 28 30 31 iii [3] [6] 8 10 'nt 16 24 27 iv 13 14 16 v 5 [21] [3'] vi 16 atta, atti 'thou*: [at-t]a û K4 III vj 44; [18] 19 30 vii 50 III i 44 47 [48} ii 49 Su-ut-fi-ir at-ta UI i 19; cf. II v 34 vi 53 54 «i [7] 14 3 * 36 43 47 5 ° * 9 » 18 27 III viii ix S ii 3 X rev. i 37 u 22 45(?) vi 1 10 18 44 vit 1 2 3 viii [10] [5] [ 12] ; at-û-i-ma B-às-&û-ru 1194 UI Jjl obv. 2 3 7 S ii 10 iii 6 15 iv [2] vi[47l [3] [7] [8] 30 [40] [41] 43 53 v [12] 'sk [13] [H] [15] 17 [18] [22] [26] 32 vi asakku 'pestiknce : il-fà-km-ma JJ*fg|t [1] [2] 3 4 7 11 15 U rev. 5 16 x a-ta-ku S iv 50 60 v [9]; cf. S iv 12 16 rev. i 24 25 42 ii 47; in II ii 8 (Q); 28 ina II ii 3' (Q) obv. 5 S iii 17 'am W [14] 16 x rev, i 3 22 simânu 'moment': ti-ma-nu B-im-fi 1 305 'from': i-na ma-ia-li û-i$-et-[bi-iu] I 79; cf. I ^ 8 0 ] i-na na-aq-bi II i 13 iv 3 S i 8 iv 45 'eq 55 Ul cf. I [27] ; i-na né-el-m[e-n%\ III isqu 'lot': is-qâ-am id-du-u I 12 v 50; i-na bi-ir-ku a-UÂt-ti III vii 5 inûma 'when': i-nu-ma i-lu , . . ub-lu uppu 'drum': up-pa i m-H-me 1 2i4n cf. I 1; I 301; e-nu-ma S* obv. 1 x rev. [227] i 15 y 13 m inanna *now'; pa-na-mi . . » i-na-an-na epïtu 'cake': et-fe e-pi-ta U**n II ii 12 cf. I 408 (e-pi-tm) H « * I 247 'n entu 'a kind of priestess': e-ne-ti III vii 6 appuna 'moreover': [a^pu-na so-lu-uitum U~i[b}-8 Ul vii ï 'n 'ni ' - ^-''^ ' axxmx 'yes' i-pu-lu a-an-na I 218 apâlu «to an»wer': i-pu-lu a-an-na I *l8 V annû 'this': an-nu-û-ma II iii 32 cf. x rev. 'ps v
1
6
v
i8o
GLOSSARY
apsû 'tfae Apsû*: [d]p-sa-a I 29; [a-na a]p-si-i [i]-ta-ar-du I 18 cf. I I iii 28 S vi 27 (?) x rev. i 26 38 (zu.ab); iaf-ri ap-si-i I 102; [k]i-ma ap-si-i I I I i 29; [ma-li-k]u-ut ap-se-e S i 2 'pr apâru 'to cover the head* : u*-pu-ut ka-aqqà-as-sà I 284 apparu 'hair*(?): ap-pa-ri S S i 7 *pr epëru 'to supply with food': [la t]e-ep-pira-nim I I vi 14 epësu 'to do, make*: la na-tû a-na e-pé-ii 1200 cf. 180 ( M ) ; fa-ab-su-ta-am i-pu-ui I 285; H-ip-ra le-em-na . . . i-pu-ui I I viii 35; pâ i-pu-ia-am-ma is-sà-qar I 47 85 91 105 m 118 174 ( K ) 204 [368] 372 [387] I I v [22] v i i 40 viii 36 ( D i-pu-ia-ma) I I I i 1 11 15 40 vi x i 16 41 45 G ii [1] J 3; pâ dù-ia S ii 8 iv 21 [29] U obv. 4 13 ; dù-ma WII x rev. ii 14; pâ i-pu-ui-ma x rev. i [1] ii 44; pâ te-pu-ia-am-ma I 198 235; ia DN i-(pu)-iu-ma I I I v 4711; [lu-û e]-pu-ui I I I vi 18; gis.ma ul e-pu-ui W 13; a-na-ku lu-pu-us I 203; cf. W {15]; i-pu-ia qâ-ta-ia I 289; ma-annu . . . i-ip-pu-ui I I I v i 14; ta-faa-za e-ep-pu-ui I 108; te-ep-pu-iu ï rev. 10; ia-a-E-im-ma-a it-te-né-e[p-pu-ui] I 107 nëpisu 'tool : i-ia-tam du-û-ma I 64 1
ne-pi-H-lu-nu
id-
V a s u 'to go out' : û-si na!-pi!-iS-tum I I I vi 9 : ia-am-mu û-ul û-si-a I I iv 5 S iv 49 59 [8] (û-sa-a); ki-i û-sa-an-ni x rev. ii 20 36; i-ir-ru-ub ù û-us-si I I I i i 4 5 ; fjjfartnà I 115; [it-ta~fa-a] a-bu-bu I I I fp [ii] U rev. 18 (i-ta-sa-a); la-am a-bu-bi toa-se-e 3 rev. 4 ; li-ie-sa-an-ni-ma i-na nê-el-m\e-nï\ I I I v 50 v
esëlu 'to be stifF: ? i-ta-as-sû-la esënu 'smeil': [i-si-nu [34]
i-l\u
I 33611
e-re-ia
III v
m& esêru 'to design': s-|*-*> çl-ma I 288; tv-lfir û-sur-tà] W [16]; e-fir û-[sur-tu] W 14 (imptv.); û-su-ra-te id w&F*** û-sa-ar DN S iii 14 cf. R 5 usurru 'design': [û*$w]-tu lu-tnur-ma W (x$]> see also under esêru
v
'
W%
|p
uteqqû 'to observe': é-te-eq-qi [û-t]e-qi-ma Hkna U obv. 2 6 8
I
74;
tëqitu 'slander': te-qi-ta
GLOSSARY I I vi ign
'qi
e q l u 'field': a.§à . . . iu-a (li)-ii-ii I I ii 19 [33]» ii/U-iur a.sa ii-pi-ke-e-iu S iv 46 56 v 5 cf. I I i 18 'qn uqnû 'lapis lazuli': uq-ni ki-ia-aH-i[a-ama] I I I vi 3 'qr aqâru 'to be rare': DN zu-un-na-Su ûjlu-id-qir S iv 4 4 54 v [3] 'r i r t u 'breast': i-ir-ti-ia I 272; li-te-ed-di-liir-ta-ia I I i i g n ; i\li-né- gaba-4a S iv47 5 7 v [6] V erû 'to be d r y ' : ka-aq-qd-ra li-e-er-ri I I i i5n 'rb erëbu 'to enter': [i-ru-u]m-ma ip-ha-a gip.ma] U rev. 3 ; i-ir-ru-ub à û-us-si I I I ii 4 5 ; i-te-er-bu I 249; e-tar-bu-ma S v i 17; [gis-mâ] e-ru-um-ma W 6; ki-im-ta-iu ui-te-ri-ib I I I ii 42 cf. [34] 38; li-[ie-ri-b]u-ni a-na ma-ab-r[i-ia] I I v 2 5 ; e-reb ama dumu.SAL i-da-gal S v [18] v i 7 ; e-re-ba-ka âS-me-ma U obv. 1 5 7 arâdu 'to descend': [a-na à]p-si-i [i]-taar-du I 18 ; e-tar-du S i 1 ; lu-ri-id S vi 27; ii-pu-ur DN û-ie-ri-[du-ni-i]i-iu I 99; cf. li-ie-ri-du-[nim-m]a I 97; -r]i-du Si3 'rd a r d u 'slave': is-sà-qar a-na ar-di-iu I 373 I I I i 16 a r d a t u 'young w o m a n ' : ar-da-tum R 8 cf. [10]; ct-Ztf a - n a ar-d[a-tï\ R 9 cf. 7; S iii [20]
'**
arâhu 'to consume': bitu i-re-ba-ma S v 24 v i 13
il-ta-nu
ïanti*
a r h u 'month': [ib-ba-b]i-il ar-bu I I I ii 39; ei-ru iti il-li-ka-am-ma I 281 cf. 280; i-na ar-bi I 206 22x ; [i~ma]-an~nu ar-fn' I 279 'rk a r k u 'long': ar-ku-tum ma-az-za-zu-H-na [ik-ru-ni] I I iv 18 S v [15] v i [4] 'rk a r k u 'after': pu-ra-na-ta ar-ki-id S i 7 'rm armânu'pomegranate': ? a r - m a - n a I I v 12 'rn a r n u 'crime': [be-el ar-n]im I I I v i [25] *rp
erpetu 'cloud': er-pé-e-tum li-ifr-ta-anni-ba I I i 16; [er}-p]él-tum û-ka-la-la I I vi 12; i-na er-pé-H I I I ii 49 53 'ts ersetu 'earth': er-se-tum I I iv 4 S iv 49 58 v [7] ( k i ) ; er-se-tam I 14; — ia-apli-tam I I v I 7 n 31 v i 26; er-se-tim qabli-tim x rev. i [5] 9 i i xo rev. ii 3 (ki-rim) 17 (ki-fu) 33 (er-se-tû) ; er-se-et DN I I I i 48 '«1 a r q u 'green' : ar-qû-tum am-ru pa-n[u-li-in] I I iv 15 urqëtu 'grass': mu-la û.Sim me-er-[*i-sun} W9 'IT
arâru 'to suxTer cramp' : i-na i-ta-na-ar-ra-ar-ru I I I iv 23 'ré
bu-bu-ti
e r e s u 'smell': [i-si-nu i-l]u e-re-ia I I I v 34 m e r s u 'bed': na-de-e e-er-H 1299 ( E P gis.nâ) 'rs e r s u 'wise' : e-rii-tu DN I 250 (P) ; e-rUH tam DN I 193 ; e-ri-U-ta DN I I I iii 3311 ; e-rii-ta DN S i i i 16; er-ie-te mu-te-ti S iii 8 's
isâtu 'fire': i-ia-tamlta-am 's
I 64 65
isû 'to have': ia i-iu-û te -e-ma I 223; ndim-ma i-i[u-û] I I I i i 30 3X; iamai la-aS-iu I I I iii 18 x
à
esû 'to be confused': û-te-[ii] I 74; ? i-Su-ma I I I v 47n 'Sb asâbu 'to sit': a-iar us-bu i-na bi-ki-ti ui-bu-ma I I I iv 18-19; [u]l-la-ab ib-taak-ki I I iii 12 14; û-ul û-ui-ia-ab I I I ii 4 6 ; û-ul û-ui-ia-ab I I I i 4 7 ; it-ta-ai-buma I 332; [ta-at-t]a-ai-ba-ma I I vii 34; wa-ii-ib I 101; a-H-ib I 254 ( P ) ; tva-aëba-at I 189 [278] G i i 8; âi-bat S ii 6 V 1; tu-ia tua-ai-ba-a-ku I I I iii 49; ai-ba-[ku] Jfy obv. 7; [w]a-ai-bu I 103 cf. I I I iii 31; ai-bu I 172 ( K ) ; âl-bu-ma S ii 5 ; i-ta-Su-uS a-ia-ba-am I I v i 15 17 assâbu 'tenant': ki-i a-ia-bi i-na bi-U di-im-ma-ti I I I i i i 46 s u b t u 'dwelling' : i-na iu-ub-ti-iu I 44 46 58 6 0 ; a-na — I 84 mûsabu 'dwelling': zu-uk-ki mu-Sa-[ab] l 329 ( ? ) 'akr i s k a r u 'task': [ii-k]a-ra-a-tu I 181 ( M ) 'in
àittu 'sleep' : la i-sa-ba-su H-tu S iv [3] g 41 û-za-am-tna Si-it-ta I 35c \\ \ % rev. i [3]
;
x
luttu 'dream' : [fa iu-ut-ti w]u-ud-di-a qi-ri-ib-ïa I I I i [13]; [as-na} Ma-ah-kana i-na iu-na-a-û I I us 8 10 'sp siptu 'incantation': Si-ip-ta it-ta-na-an-aH I 253 (P) cf. S iii 3; ig-mu-ru 8~pa~at~ s[a ] I 255 (P); tam-nu-û supa-ta S iii 3 'sr aâar 'where' : a-ia*ar DN iUli-ku-ma I I v 18J32 vi [27] ([a-îfl]r); a-sV isl^a I I I iv 18; I I I iv 26 'sr esertu 'shrine' : so-su-sl ti-[re\-H I 337 'sr esêru 'be straight'; rëmu ... uljia û-fe-8r ièr-ra S iv 51 ex v [9] 'sr e s r u 'tenth' : ei-ru Ira affala I 280 281 9
mïsertu 'abundance': û-ma-al4$-er . . . nd-ie-er-tam I I v [2on] [z ] vi 29; cf. mi-ièr-tû x rev» ii 6 13 {me-ih-tû) 'sa asâsu 'to be pained' ; i-ta-fa-ul a-ia-ba-am I I vi 15 17 'st isti 'with': U-U-ka I 170 (K) istu 'after': is-tu-ma tb-lu-la pi-fa I 231; 1
cf. I [17] 255 (P) H i " 25 I I I » 5» v 36 S iii 3 vi 26 x rev. i 23 ii [26] 42 -since': {tf^-tv-ma ap-ta-na-a\l-la-b DN] I I I i45 ; — te-eb-nu-na-fcma S iv 27 'St istën 'one': i-lu\\am il-te-m 1173 ( K L N ) 208 S ii 7 (dis); I I I iii sn (?); ttte il-ta-nu S v 24 vi 13; ii-û-ta la-at-tam I I iv 9 istènis 'together*: ub-la pi-i-ui I I v 15 29 vi 24 I I I vi 8; ka-la m4i ii-te-nii i-sa-bat % rev. 3 ilsanu 'north wind* ; il-ta-nu U rev. 6 **tr istaru 'goddess': il-ta-ar-ku-un I 379 u
394
I I ii xo
ii-tar-fu-un
S iv 31 (*u.dar-*M-t«);
I [406]
I I ii 24
't ittt 'with': if-tï I [152] 165 201 [36^] I I vii 47 I I I 1 4 2 49 Sivi9V29î*t-ft-sama I 200; sf*aVfc I 367 S iv 20 v 30 (4sl) x rev. ii 48 (-Ai); it-ti-Sa I I I iv Ï5 ï it-ti-iu-nu I I I iii 38 *t ittu 'sign': ? gtj-to S vi 20; ba-at-fa tt-taiu ûjU-ie-di-iu-ma I 216 229 'tkp
GLOSSARY
i8z
at-ku-up-[pu na-H a-ba-an-lu] III ii I2n
atkuppu 'reedworker':
'tl etellu 'noble': e-te-el-li I 170 'ta atmânu 'résidence': ba-bi-fa-at-ma-ni
Ir
I 6gn
GLO8
b's
ilU-ba-al-tna i-na ka-at-re-e I 383 398 [410] II ii
bâsu 'to be put to shame': 14 28
DN
û-Sa-aq-bi bi-i-\sa] III iii 39n; û-Sa-as-lii bi-i-S[a] III iii 41
bïsu 'shameful speech': b't
la-wi I 71; é il-ta-nu S v [24] vi 13; û-bu-ut bi-ta III i 22; qi-ri-ib bi-ti I 375 390 II i i 14' ([qi-rib bitu]tn Q ) ; é Si-im-ti I 249 (P); bi-it [149] 162; at-ra-am I 37 qâ-di-iS-ti I 290; —- [e-mi ra-bé]-e I 302; b" — i-li-fu II i i i 11; — di-im-ma-ti bâ'u 'to go along': ê-ba-a* ka-Su-Su III iii III iii 47; — na-ak-ma-ti III iii 50; 12 U rev. 19 (i-ba-a)\ i-ba- U rev. 11 ; é DN H obv. 7; é a-li-te S iii 15; é b ba-a-a' a-bu-bi III i 3711 rii-ti S iii 17; ib-nu-û bi-is-su I 402 b'b 11 ii 20; la-wi bi-it-ka I 80 82 bâbu 'door': i-di-U ba-ab-lu I 89 cf. III i i b b ' 52; H-a ba-ab-lu I 380 395 [407] II ii bubùtu 'hunger': i-na sû-mi ù bu-bu-ti u 25; i-pé-eb-b* — III ii 51 ; ul i-pa-te III iii 31 ; i-na bu-bu-ti III iv 22 II iv kâ-& S v 19 vi 8; e-àt-il ba-ab-ka I 87; 12 (-tint) S v [14] v i [3] (-te); a-na pf-te — I [120] S ii 9 (kà-ka); i-na-as- bu-bu-ti-H-na II i 10; bu-bu-ti-il ni-H sa-ru kà-k[a] W 10; kâ ili-Su S v 31; I 339 kâ giS.mi W 6 ; û-pa-ab-bi-ir a-na ba-b d r bi-iu I 386 J III i 39; i-tu-ta a-na ba-bi-iajka I [81] 83 110; il-mu-û ba-bi-budûru 'profusion': bu-du-ri nu-ni III i H-ka I 1x4; ba-bi-la-at-ma-ni I 6Qn atâru 'to be more': a-na làpa-na i-ta-at-ra S iv 39 atru 'excessive': Su-up-Si-ik-ku or-ru I
bïtu 'house': é
a
bk'
b'd
(pûduï) 'shoulder' : ra-ap-lu-tum bakû 'to weep': ib-ki-i-ma I I I iv 12; bu-da-Si-na II iv 17; tap-iâ-tu [bu-da]- e-li-H-naab-ki 111 iv 10; i-lu it-ti-Sa ib-kuû III iv 1 s ; il-tum i-ba-ak-k[i] I I I iii 32; H-na S v [16] v i 5 [û\£-Ia-ab ib-ta-ak-ki II i i i 12 14; b'1 ib-ta-a[k-ki] x rev. i 13; ib-ta-na-ak-ki bëlu 'lord': DN id-de-ki be-{el-Su] I 7 8 ; II iii 4 be-el te -mi III iii 51 v 40; [ — ar-n]bn bikîtu 'weeping': f-fia bi-ki-ti ul-bu-ma III vi [25]; [en t]a-§i-im-ti S iv [17] III iv 18 v [27]; en S iv 23 25 vi 19; cf. U obv. bkr I [5] [7]; is-sà-qar a-na be-U-ëu I [369] b u k r u ' s o n ' : a-la-da-am bu-ur-Wd* ? III bûdu
t
II viii 37
III i 2 12j cf. II i i 4' (Q);
vii 9n
DN be-U-lHi] W 12; cf. en-su blfc S iv [18] 22 v [28]; be-li I 80 93 155; bultjîtu 'feverishness': [bu-û]l-bi-ta û-kaVY 17; i-na bit DN en-ia al-ba-[ku] la-la ia-ap-ta-la I I I i i i 29n; sa-mi-a » obv. 7 la-ap-ta-Hi-nu bu-ul-fai-ta I I I iv 21 bëltu 'mistress': be-el-tum ra-bi-tum III i i i Mt 28; be-le-[et] (P -l]et) ka-la i-U lu-û balàju 'to live': W-t ib-lu-uf a-wi-lum fiu-u]m-ki I 247 III v i 10; cf. I I I v i i i 10 (ib-lu-f[û])\ ba'ûlâtu 'subject*': ba-û-la-tu-ul-fu I 14 i-na H-it-ku-ki na-p(-i[l-ti ba-al-ta] b&hl 'cattle': bu-û-[ut} III ii 3 6 ; [bu-ul] II iv [14]; cf. S v 26 vi [15] (bal-fa-at) \ na-pi-il-ta bu-ul-U-ip III i 24 sert W [9] balâtu 'life' : ba-la-td lu-û [ Js) rev 4 cf. 1 b'r baflu 'living': ba-al-fa it-ta-lu ûjli-h-dibâru 'to be firm' or 'to rebel': i-ba-a-ar Su-ma I 2 i 6 n 229 II v 10 Mfct b'r n a b a l k u t u 'to rebel': ib-bal-kat ersetu bâru 'to snare' i-bi-ir-[ma] I I I ii 34n re-em-Sâ S iv 58 v [7] cf. S iv 49 (li-bal(or from ebëlu) kat) Vr bit bém 'to choose': li-ib-u-ru (D li-ib-te-e- balâlu 'to m i x ' : il-iu-ma ib-lu-la fi*fa rt«l) '"-ffti vu 48 I 231 ; ta-ha-za i ni-ib-lu-la qâ-ab-la-am
ARY
I 62; û-ba-li-il Xt-it-fa I 226 cf. I 211 (li-ba-al-li-il, li-ba-li-iï) ; i-lu-um-ma ùgallû 'sherirT': gal-lu-jfu-nu [139] (-ku-nu) a-wi-lum li-ib-ta-al-li-lu I 212
183 I ion 127
gll [il-t]u-ma te-eb-nu-na-li-gallatu 'rolling' : g[al-u>ta] ti-a-am-ta ma S iv 27; a-na-ku-mi ab-ni I 289; g mI IrI iv [Si ib-nu-û el-[re]-ti I 337; %-ki — I 338; gamâru 'to complets': il-tu-ma ig-mu-ru
bn» banû 'to build':
— bi-is-sû I 401; II ii 20; [é\-le-ep-pu B-pa-as-s[a ] I 255 (P) la ta-ba-an-nu-û-[H] III i 25; bi-ni gamertu 'total destruction': i-Zu iq-bu-â e-le-ep-pa III i 22; cf. 31 rev. 6; bi-ni-ma ga-tne-er-t[am] I I viii 34n; cf. I I I iii 38 lu-ul-la-a I 195 cf. G ii 9 (li-ib-ni-ma) (»ta-am)\ ub-la pi-i-ku-nu ga-me-er-tim V [2] 4 ; I 190; ba-ni-a-at a-wi-lu-ti III v 44 I 194; — ii-ma-ti I I I vi 47; ba-na-at gn H-im-tu 8 iii z 1 ; Sà-su-ta-H... û-ba-na-a gana 'come!': [ga-na sa~a]s-siï-ra DN S iii 9 10 Si-si-ma III vi [43]; x rev. i 31 b i n u 'son' : bi-nu bu-nu-ka I 93n 95 gps b u n u 'son': a-na kurummate*' bu-naU-tàkgapâsu I I 'to collect*: ku«.me8 û-gap-pinu S v [23n] v i 12 iam-ma x rev. ii 22 38 binûtu 'structure' : qâ-ne-e gâb-bi lu bi-nug*' us-sà 31 rev. 7 gerû 'to provoke war':fy§*ra-amt]u-qûbunu/bûnu? : bi-nu bu-nu-ka I 93n 95 um-tam I [130] [142]; mUg-ra-am bsr tu-qû-um-tam I [146] 160 b u s a u r u 'to report': il-lu DN û-ba-[as-sa- d' ar] I 365 di'u 'sickness' : [mur]-iu <#-'» tu*ru-pu-u bql a-sa-ku 3 iv 12 16; mur-fa di-'a etc. b u q l u 'malt': ki-ma bu-uq-li II iv i 3 n ; ki-4 S iv 28 èe.DiM me-te S v [25] vi 14 d'k br' dâku 'to kill': su-up-&-4h-ku... id-du-uk* bïru 'between': [i-na b]i-ri-su-nu I 259 ni-a-ti 1 [149&] ; ad-du-ku ma-as-sa(P) S iii 6 (be-ru-) ru tam-ti x rev. ii 24 40 (ad-du-ka); brk i-da-ak i-da-dl U rev. 13 b i r k u 'knee' : i-na bi-ir-ku a-li-it-ti III d'm vii $n da'âmu 'to be dark': u^-mu-um U-id-daba' i-[im] III iii 34 basû 'to b e ' : e-te-em-mu [ib-H] I [228] d'r [230]; Su-ru-pu-u ib-H S iv 13; a-ii-4b- d a m 'âge': a-[na da-ri] I [371] H-H-na-H ri-iS-t[um] II i 20; mu-sum d'ft i-ba-al-H I 70 72; it-ti DN — H-ip-*u dâsu 'to thresh': i-da-ak i-da-âl U rev. 13 I 201 cf. II vii 47; G ii 7; i-ba-al-su-û dbb 3 obv. 3 s ; ma-la—31 rev. 5 ; [i]b-ba-i[u ?-dabâbu 'to complais': [i-ûa-bt^bu-ma «?] III viii 8 ; li-ib-Si-ma . . . pa-H4t-tu i*ik-ka-lu ka-ar-si I 39 III v i i 3 ; cf. I 215 217 360 III vi 50 dgl vii 1. - S iv 9 (lih-H); û-la-ab-H qâ-a[b-dagâlu 'to watch': e-reb ama dumu^AL la] III viii 13 i-da-gal S v 18 vi 7 busû 'goods': [Ht-H ana] lib-bi-M . ^ . dk' ni*g.Su*À
4
1 0 2
btq batâqu 'sever': S iii 7n
dll
ba-m-iq a-bu-uu-na-ted u l l u 'toil': du-ulrhi-uM ka-bs-à I 4; cf. I 177 (N dul-ta-su-m) G ii 4; du-ul-lam û-la-az-ba-hs I 6 cf. 38; ub-lu . m du-ul-la I 2; ka-ab-tam du ul la ht nu qâ-ne-e gâb-bi lu bi-nu-us-sà 1240; —• du-ul4a~ni 142 ; du-ul-la-ni-ma I i$o 163
gb gabbu 'ail': % rev. 7 gzl dm g u z a l û 'chamberlain': gu^-^um^a-iu-Hsf^nu d a m u 'blood': i-na S-ti4u u da-mi-hi I 9n 126 [138] (-ku-nu); gu.2a.la • nPmI 210 aa$ bu-ur-ma I 4 1 ; gu.za.là la-bi-ru->tkn d m ' I 49 J 5 (gu.za,la~e) dîmtu 'tear': [fljLla-ha di-ma-su 1167 gl
i8
GLOSSARY
GLOSSARY
4
dmm d i m m a t u 'moaning':
z k r (see also sqr) i-na bi-it di-im-ma-ti z i k a r u 'maie': zi-ka-ru a-na [arda te] I I I iii 47; û-qd-at-ti di-im-ma-ti I I I iv 11 S iii a o ; R 6; û-ba-na-a nitâ.meS S iii 9 dnn un' danânu 'be strong': lu-û da-a-an I I I i 33 z u m m û 'to lack': û-za-am-ma Si-it-ta W 3 (da-an); lu-û du-un-nu-na I I I i 32 I 359 I I i 8 x rev. i [3] d a n m i 'strong': pi-lu-la dan-na 3b rev. 9 z m r dpr z a m & r u 'to sing': a-bu-ba ... û-za-am-medapâru 'to be sated' : DN id-pi-ra I I I iii 39 er I I I viii 19 drr z a m f i r u 'song': an-ni-a-am za-ma-[ra] n a d a r r u r u 'to move freely': id-da-ar-ruU-iS-mu-ma I I I viii 15 ma I 245 znn andurâru 'freedom' : an-du-ra- [ra aS- z a n â n u 'to r a i n ' : ib-ba-ra û/li-Sa-az-ni-in
ku-u]n l 94$; cf. I I v [19] [i'J vi 28
I I ii 16 30; û/li-ia-az-ni-in na-al-Sa z'z I I i i 18 32; [û-Sa-az-ni-i]n DN zu-unzâzu 'divide*: is-qa-am id-du-û i-lu iz-zuni-Su I I vi [10]; û-Sa-az-na-na-ak-ku I 12 bi-is-bi is-sû-ri bu-du-ri nu-ni I I I i 34n z'z z u n n u ' r a i n ' : zu-un-ni-Su DN li-Sa-aqi z z u z z u 'to stand': mu-Su i-zu-uz-ma qi-il I I i 11 ; cf. S iv 44 54 v [3] (zu-unx rev. i x6; iz-za-az-zu-ma I I i v 21 ; na-Su); see also zanânu it-ta-zi-iz ma-bar DN I 90; i-ta-zi-iz zxxn U obv. 3 ; i-zi-iz ma-ab-ri-ia I 88 ; ki-mi- z a n â n u 'to provide food': i-za-an-nu-un is i-zi-iz I 123 I I I v 32 m a z z â z u 'leg' : ar-ku-tum ma-az-za-zu- z q n fi-na I I iv i8n S v [15] v i 4 (ma-za- z i q n u 'beard': zi-iq-nu I 273 zi-Su-nu) m z'm xiâtju 'to w a t c h ' : i-bi-if I 75 zimu 'lace': zi-mu-H-na [it-ta-ak-rû] fcbl I I iv 12 S v [14] v i 3 ; el-lu-tu[m] n a f j b a l u ' b a r ' : [H-ga-ra n]a-ab-ba-lu ti-az[ï]-mu-Si-na I I I v 45 am-tim I 15 cf. x rev. i 6 10 i i [4] 11 18
XII
*•«
[ki-m]a mt-fre-e i-zi-qaii-na-U-ma S iv x 5 ; [t]-27-0i> . . . a-murru U rev. 10; [&t-m]a me-fre-e li-zi-qaE-na-ti-ma S iv x x ; si-qu-Sû U rev. 7n z i q z i q q u 'gale': tig-si-qu U rev. 7x1 zâqu 'to blow' :
34 y 1 7 S v [1] bbr tjubùru 'noise': i-na bu-bu-ri-Si-na
û-zaam-ma Si-it-ta I [359] I I i 8 S iv 3 8 41 x rev. i 3; — —- i-lu it-ta-a*da-ar I [355] I I i 4
xjadû 'to rejoice': [n]a-am-ru-ma ba-du-û z'r zêru 'to hate': ma-ak-ku-ra zé-e-er-ma pa-nu-Sa I 283 ; Sa-[ab]-sû-tum . . . li-ifrdu I 290 S i i i 17 I I I i 23 zbb bidûtu 'rejoicing': [U-iS-S]a-ki-in bi-duz u b b u 'fly': zu-ub-bu-û a[n-nu-tum] I I I tum I 303
vi 2; ki-ma zu-ub-bi I I I iii 44 cf. 19 (suub-bi) v [35] ; su-bé-e ra-bu-ti I I I v 46n
bip halûpu 'lapse (of t i m e ) ' :
[b]a-lu-up pa-le-e
zbb I 282TÏ z i b b a t u 'taxi': lu-ui-te-e si-ib-ba-as-sà Mq I I I i I4
13; i W du-ul-lam û-Sa-az-ba-lu DN I 6 ta-an-ni-ba I I x i 6 n
z b n (?) zibânitu 'acales' :
zi-ba-ni-it ama dumu.SAL i-na-fal 8 v [20] vi 9 cf. v (zxj vi 10
zk' zaJiû 'to be clean':
zu-uk-ki mu-ia-[ab]
xjas tjasâsu 'to I I I vi 4
remember':
lu-ub-sû-ûs-sû
[r]i-gi-im-Sa %b-pi 10;fae-pi-i-mali-ib-ba-Su I I I ii 47
feepû 'to break':
I I I xii
tjlpu 'break ( i n tablet)': obv. 1 x rev. 4 9
hi-pi I I i
12
U
ki-i û-sa-an~ni % rev. ii 20 36; ak-ki a-li-iutu û-la-du-ma S iii 18 kïma 'like':fo'*f»w/ M i-Sa-àb-bu I [354] (jiçbu 'abundance': ffi-if-bi is-$û-ri I I I i j g II i 3 III fil 15; eqlu ki-ma h-ar*ra* hr> qi-tu Su-a {U-)il-H II ii ion [33]; ki-ma barû 'to sever' ( ? ) : um-mi Se-er-ri û-b[a- im-me-ri im-lu-nim ra-ta-am III iv ro; ar]-ru-û ra-ma-an-Sa I 293n; cf. lu-bar- cf. I l iv 13 I I I i 29 iii (ro] [12] 16 ri-Sâ S iii I9n 19 40 44 iv 6 8 9 v [35] S iv n 15 U obv. 2 6 8 rev, 17 [19] W 2 h*' kïma 'that' : ki-ma ni-ii-ku~[nu a-bu»b]a Ijerû 'to d i g ' : i-be-er~ru-nim I 21 23; I I I viii 9 [i-ber]-ru-û S i 5 fer* barifttu 'woman i n confinement':
ba-riS-ti S iii 15 17
xxrâ fjurûsu ( ?) :
m
k'1
a-li-te
lu pu-ut-tu bu-ru-Su %
jjisiïfttu 'necessities' :
ub-la] I I I U [14]
ki/akkl 'when':
rev. 5
kâlu 'to hold': ka-i-lapâr-ti-fa S iv 32 k'n kânu 'to be firm': h kin ub-bu-hu 1 rev. 5;
uS-ta-ka-an I I I iii 24
kbs \fai-ïi-ib-takabâsu 'to tread': lfM]t"ta i'kab-ba-ta-am I 252 (P) kbr baS-ba-[Sâ]kabru 'fat': ha-ab-ru-H I I I ii 33 kbr kibru 'shore': i-mi-âa a-na ki4b-ri I I I
la-ap-nu
ijêtja rjasfyasu 'feeble': û-fé-mi U obv. 10 t*t fitjtju 'clay': ti-it-ta-am I 2 0 3 ;
ûjli-ba(-al)- iv 9; i-na m-tb-ri II iii 27 is-f/ pi-it-ta I 211 226; [ti-i]t-ta i-kab-ba- kibrâtu 'world régions': a-bu-ba il-ht-nu sa-am I 252 ( P ) ; iS-tu-ma ib-lu-la ti-ta i-na ki-ib-ra-H Jt) obv. 3 Sa-ti 1231 ( O [f]i-ta-a-S[a]) ; *-# ti-it-fi-Sâ kbt S iii 4; li-ib-ta-al-H-lu . . . t-aa fi-ip-fi kabâtu 'to be heavy'; ik-ta-ab-ta ri-gi-m I 213 ; ru-u'-tam id-du-û e-lu ti-if-ti 1234 a-wi-lu-ti I [358] II i 7 s rev. i 2 S iv 6 (fk-tab-ta>m[a]); au-Mu-um (ému 'personality': Sa i-Su-û fe^-e-ma ka-bi-it I 4 150 [163] 177 (K) G ii 4; I 223n ; i-lam ta-at-bu-fra qd-du te^-mi-Su tuk-ku — I 179 (N) G ii 6; i terttkI 239 I I vii 33 cf. I 243 (P fè-mi-Su) t[a]-bt-it DN I 295 CE -t]ab-bi-it) S iii 'mind' : [i]S-ta-ni fe -e-em-Su I I I iii 25 16 (tùk-ta-bit) b e l t e r n i 'président': be-el fe -mi I I I i i i kabtu 'heavy': ka-ab-tam du-uUla-ni I 42 5 m v 40 (fei-e-nu) cf. 240 é
t
\lbu ' d i p p i n g ' : li-te-el-li-lu i-na fi-i-bi I 209
dingir.mes
kk kakku 'weapon': ka-ak-Jû-lu U-qi I 90 [153J; ka-ak-ki-ka U-qi I 88 X i i ; giS.tukul.fneS-/iû [—] S ii 9 kks kikkisu 'reed wall': ki-Jd-Su /t^vt>#4£
'to slaughter': i-lam ta-af-bu-ba I 239 I I v i i 33; ilam il-te-en H-if* bu-bu-ma I 208; i-na pu-ûb-ri-Su-nu ka-la sfàq-ril-ia III i 21; kiJùf U obv. it-fa-ab-bu I 224 15; [iz-za-ka]r a-na ki-ki-B V obv.-14; a-ma-te-Su-nu a-na H-ik-ki\K[ i-la* tefjû 'to approach': if-bi-a a-na qû-ut-ri-ni an-ni $ obv. 12 I I I v 41 ; if-be-e-ma a-na su-bé-e ra-bu-tik l I I I v 46 kalû 'ail': ka-la i-ti-ma I [xaaj 134 [140]
tjabâfjiU
t*d tjarâdu 'to s e n d ' : [ifl-fa-ar-du-ni-in-ni I I I i 44 k k l ' h o w ? ' : ki-i aq-bi I I I i i i 37; ki-i ib-hhuf
[151] [159) 1*4 247 (P) x »** * 4SI [k]al-la Sa-di-i I 33ï fefe tU^nl4a III i ai; fo»-Ja * rev, 3* u-«/-*e-[â:]/ ka-la-ma I 202; r<&éa>l»f» Z>iV Wi*-f» I I v M 28 vi feî I I I vi
7 ; al-ka-ni ka-la-ni x rev. ii 46 a-wi-lum I I I vi 10 kullatu 'the whole': ku-ul-fa-at ka4a k l 'Uke' : ki-i a-Sa-bi i-na bt-it di-im-ma-ti i-H-ma I 146 151 ?59 ï^4î o-na ku-ul-laI I I i i i 4 6 ; ki-i dingir.meS % rev. 4 ; at ni-H I I I viii 18 âî-t 7 m u . m [ e s ] U obv. 9 ; ki-i buqU klk me-te S v [as] vi 14
i8e
GLOSSARY
k a l a r k u 'excavation I 4 0 ( 1 4 8 ) 161
i-a»
1
ka-la-ak-ki
kfl
k u U u l a "tecomplète : si-na-iàm " û-kala-la-n-na S m t a n 13; lit-i]p~ra . . . û-ia-ak-h-ii I 23S k u l l u l u *to covcr*: [er?-p]é:-tum û-ka-Iala I I vi 12; [bu-u]l-h-ta û km la la ia-ap-ta-ia I I I in 29 9
sc
ul
ku-ii-h
krs k a r s u 'stomach': Ï-WS kar-H-h-na e\li-mesn sam-mu S i v 43 53 ksd kasâdu 'to arrive*: (a) f~a» ka-id-di S v l i a ] 13 [15J m M v: [ 0 [2] W 7 «
I I I iv 6
kalâsu 'to contract*: [H-ï\ak-ti-n rigim a-na nam-tar S iv to cf. 140, see p . 172 km k i m t u 'family*: M-im-to-iu ui-u-ri-ib III11 42; fci mt-ka sa-lat-ka W 8 kms kamâso *to consign': m-S ik-mi-su a-na ka-ra-S I I I m 54 • 4 3
ksd kisâdu 'neck': m vi
kasûsu 'power*: e-/j i-ba-a' ka-fu-iu I I I iii 12 cf. U rev. 19 ktm katâmu 'to cover : ki-ma hu-uq-U kaai-[mu pa-nu-st-iri} I I îv 13 cf. S v 25 vi [14] (kat-mu) r ïâ 'oot*: ai-Su la mu-ui-H-i I 217 2 3 0 ; cf. I 2 0 0 I I I n i 53 v 42 v i i 2 ; [/a tu-ia]ka-la-mm I I v i £13]; cf. I I v i [14] S i v 3 8 39 42 : la-ai-im I I I i i i 18 S a l â 'apart f r o m ' : ma-an-nu an-ni-tam ia la DM i-ip-pu-ui I I I v i 14
IO (*-«(**])
gbircie*: aa-eav kip-pa-H 'pxtctV:
•rli-iû]
ku ap nt
h-û
W 2 aa-a-an
m W f j ] ; [k]u-up-ru I I I in 3f3i ; ku-up-ra {tî-ta-m M I 13
ba-bi-iî ie-er-ru]
k a a a N ' b m d ' : r«a« (la) ku-sur-ma
S iv 51
fcr* k a u u 'gàV: i\U-ba-ai-\ 1383 398 410 I I ii 1er* karô 'to be short*; orzu-h-ma tk-ru-ni I I r r
e-e
r
i-az-za-
k a r â t a *to bies**: i-ka-ar-ra-ab kat-ra-ba-ma S «V 35
kraa
I r i i f m m u l B *faoat> «-M â-tâk-nm $ v {23} vi 12
\ 287;
k%-ia-di-i\a-a-ma]
3
kmr karaâra 'to beap up*: ib/-wi-«Nin J rev. 22 *Pf>
uq-m
ktt
k n m r r a i 'to kneel': sk-mU m-km i-ta-zi-iz U cAVr. 3 ; a*-*** û-ui-sa-ab û-mI i-ka-amwâ-is I I I 1 1 4 6 ; ki-nà-is i-zi-iz I 123 S ii
1 h% (asseveraîjve parti c leJ: ga-î* e]-pu-ui I I I v i £igj: ba-la-tâ biré [ & rev. 4 ; I I I v 49 l a (precative p article): I*M-aî À-iMS-ata-iie ai-flM-txtai I I I i 3 2 ; cf. I 248 ( P l a ) II i ai I I I i 31 33 v 52 v i 3 v i i 8; iu W 1 3 S ïv 51 S rev. 5 7 8 ; j o i n e d to verb aa m li-ia-si-ik 14a; passim r M V H d o x ' : ki-ma U~i i-éa-ab-bu l 354 II i j I I I i i i 15 r* l a w ô *to s i i r r o u n d ' : il-mu-û ba-hi-is-ha I 1 x 3 ; S i 14; 6*tat lo-flft I 71 73 8 0 82 f U t u 'chedk*: aWl ef^/i" I 2 7 4 Ibb i i b b a 'heart': be-pi-i-ma H4k-ba-Su I I I ii 4 7 ; U-ib-ba-ia û-na-ap-pi-ii I I I iv i a cf. v i 40 (l^â^èV); M-ib-ba-ka I I I v i 23 ; [ub-l\a~ma U-ih-ba-ku-nu U vii 36; Z W âaa i a - 4 | a l obv. 5 ; [su-U ana] tih-bî-ïé 9
SIK-J* a*-«a
krp karpai» 'pot': [ki-ma ka-ar-pa-ti r}t~ei« a s * g~af IIIii.fï^|;c£ U «cv. 17 (dise) fa» r i r i e e r %a psach otT, zirau "pièce : WH^é H ektmwiimyi I wgb (P) et 257-5*
libirtu 'bricar*: B^in^na-di U-bi^it-tum 1194 (P U-bil-tum); lî-bt-it-taid-at 1288; it-taS ii-bit-ti I 2590 ( P ) cf. S i i i 6 15 (et**)
Ibr labirûtu 'old t i m e ' : gu.za.la la-bi-ru-tim I 4 9 cf. J 5
vi 10 vîîî (10]
kfl
KXIHIQ 'dragon-tly': ki-ma
GLOSSARY
kar&o 'slander': i-ik-ka-lu ka ar-si I 3 9 ; mi-nom hir-n-hl-nu n\i-i]k-ka-al I 176 (KN) Gîij tes karâsu disaster": m-fi ik-mi-su a-na ka-rail I I I i i i 54 v 4 3 ; i-«o ka-ra-h I I I iii 14
libbâtu 'aftger*: B-ib-ba-ù
I U vie
ma-ti
I I v 13
l i g i m r n û orTspring': li-gim?-ma'r-a U-ibni-ma I 19011 Ifcm l a h m u 'water monster*: a-na la-ah-tm I I i i i 3 e n ; Vah-mu x rev. i 28 ( ? ) Il lullû ' m a n ' : hi-nï-ma iu-ul-la-a I 195;
ir
G ii 9 0 ; lû.u^.lu V obv. 2 4
laiû 'émotion': la-la-ia if ru up I I I iv 14 cf. U rev. 23 (la-Iu-iâ) Un l a m a 'before': la-am a-bu-bi wa-$e-e % rev. 4 Iran l e m n u 'evil*: H-ip-ra ît-em-ita I I v i i i 35 n e l m ê n u 'distress': U-ie-sa-an-ni-ma i-na né-el-m[e-m] I I I v 50 lpn l a p n u 'poor*: la-ap-nu [ip-HJi-ta ub-la] I I I i i 14 lot lapâtu 'to touch*: ïl-pu-ui si-ik-ku-ra I 75 leqû 'to take': ka-ak-ki-ht il-qi-a U-er-tam I 385 i i 2 8 (u-qu-uj: h-ip-ru S v i 16; ka-ak-ki-ka
cf. S i i 4 [9]
îl-qz I 90 153; I I I i 38 cf. z rev. U-qn-û I I i f 19 li-qi I 88 121;
I 171 ( L M ) ; 3M&4*
a\r-da-tum\ R 10; cf. I I iii 19; W-çée-ma z rev. i 19 îrd l a r d a ' c o u c h grass* ( f ) : i4m-la lâhafr?daî] I I i v 9 0 ltk m a l t a k t u V a t e r - c l o c k ' : ip-ie ma-câ-iaak-ta su-a-ii û-ma-al-U I T I i 36 m - m a (coptila appended to verbs m seqoence): U-id-at-nam-ma fr* . lu-pu-mi I 2 0 3 ; passim • m a (emphatic particle): it-ti-ia-ma la na-tu I 2 0 0 ; passim m m (particle mtroductng direct apeedi): ma bel S ïv [23] v i 19 U obv. [5] - m i (particle appended to word of direct speech); a-di~ma-mi I 37e; cf. I 128 [ï29Ï (130} { 1 4 0 ] (141] [142} 159 246 289 376 I I v 14 2 8 m' m â t u ' l a n d ' : ma-tum ki-ma U4 t~£a~ak~bm
**7
I [354) H i 3; — ir-m-fM I {313J Hia S & ï ''kmy [nfriùHm I I I à 9; nm-Us I I I va 26; f^or t rev. 17 8 vi 19; nwf^if *-Aa/ sur * $ w 24 al-, t^aa me^aa» I 377 39» f # s j H i as; ma-ti I I ii 8 (Q) g iv 30 ftar^k fb-ku-é a-na ma-tim U I iv 15; a a - ^ iaVai iaa-f»w I 22 24 $ t é (kasf; ma-tim 1 30; i-*a kur .mei ' S obr. a s
1
1
m mâ'u 'to vomit': i-ma-a* ma m fa a a
I "
m'd màdn 'to be asacfe'; s M i |s>ai-af 1353 I I i 2 S iv [r]; ma-a-oé la m la mm l4[t5oJi03f7r(W ««W aa/t m i t a 'dead*: AM ^ £ mw-a* S v {25] fi 14 aagr magâro 'sa zmtmf: îi-ii iUkam i-U ts-[ul ma-fi-ir] I I I 1 [42) mdr midirtu ' c a a # : av^aWa*av is|a"
idrifa^L] y r3
mehû 'storm': awfri» « I I I i i 5; tana» m&4m-é I I I iv 25; cf. I I I vii 25 Çaî-mja im-he-é iflimmGmtima i tv 11 15; U fev. 4 7 aa|r ma^âru 'to taor*: gaaai&f m mfa*r-mt I 41; mi-à-hlu-Tû-ml I I I 1 2 6 m a i t n i 'ttoor*: a*â*S*a HW [aw aji ri} I I VA Isoj; é ai âa axai a-aa *m-*\jh fè\4m I 100; aMM-a-éi iMa-ès — — I I I i i i 27; *-aa st{a-a(H^a]a I ^ i ; ^asHtz aw-a#n<s I 8$; anai mami I l v 25; fJ~t*-2i-cz ma-har DtS 1 00; i>iV a i N M a a . î 172 :(L^!) S a f5l; u-ks-h-fa mm^mëiSsî 13; o-^-ia aas ak-ri4* I 254(P)ct a $ s | r ) m % r u 'dam*: 9nr-\di B vi mf matû *to become fear*: favQa kum-ta-a 9*39 mkr makkûnz 'goods*: ma-ak-ha-m m-e-erma I I I i 23; aaa} A a 4 » a ^ i ^ ml' m a l u 'to nH * aa*oHS a aa fa O ia Hî tM-ht-mm ra-ta-cm I I I iv 20; aaveMh « a Mi-m^ai I I I iv 7; im-k-m S v (24} ai t a ; •** «É#iNai I I % a^M^MMhlBva^ ffî*ié;m*»al~ 1
i»4W
$a-*k*m*4 *rf'aata lfiI I I i 30
t$8
GLOSSARY
mala '«a much as'.* ma-la i-ba-ai-iuu S rev. 5; nui-la urqfht f*#*tf»['i*tfm] W 9 mllu 'flood': a-n-il~h~ka mi-lu i-na naaq-bi U i 13; cf. I I iv 3 S iv 45 55 v UI mlk malâku 'to take counsal : ia /a iw-ta-alku-mu I I I iii 13 v 42 (-ku-û-ma) ; im-taiku mU'hà Jfy obv. 1 ; \at-t]a ù H-i mit-itli-ka I I I vi 44 mal ku /malik w 'counsellor': ma-li-ik i-li I 43 45 57 [50] I I I viii xi ; \w]a-li-ikSu-nu l H; ma-li-ih-ku-nu I 125 [137] S ii 13 milkix 'counsel': tii'-o qi-ri-ib hi-ti mil-ha I 375 390 I I ii 14' (Q); im-tui-ku mil-kd obv. x; mil-kd ia dingir.mei $ obv* 9; mi-Uk-id is-p[u-ub] U rev. 17 snWkfitu 'rulership' : ? \ma-li-h\u-ut ap-se-e S i a ma monnu 'who?': mo-oti-nu-uaf-att I 128 129 13° 14° 4 142; ma-an-nu iu-ti I I vii 4$n; ma+aa-nu I I I vi 13 maftluxn 'what? : [m]a-iu-um-ma lu-uiu4 I I I i 1711 mïnu/minû 'what?': mt-^nam kar-si-Sû-nu I 176 ( K ) O ii 3 ; mi-nam x rev. i 42; fan* mi-na-a a-mu-ur I 109 (F mi-na); a-na mi-nim I I vii 42 m Insu 'why?': mi-in-iu ta-du-ur I 94 96 m i m m a 'whatever': mi-im-ma i-S[u-û] I I I ii 30 31 •man (appended particle): a-bu-ma-an I I I iv 511 ma' manu 'to count* ; [Sanûtim im]-w-û ia iu-up-ii-ik-ki I 34 36; [tum]-nu Si-ip-ta S iii 3; #~tu*ma taw-nu-û ibid. ; [i-ma]-an-nu ar-fri I 279; iMd»r"* na-H S iii 2 cf. I 254 (P) 1
1
ï
4
ûW
macjùru 'boat': ma-qd-ra i-ta-ma-ar I I I vi s raqrqr maqurqurru 'boat*: /« gifi.mft.gur.gur-/wj I rov. 8 mr marru 'shover*. a/-/i ma-ar-ri I 337; ma-ar-ri-iu-nu i-ia-ta-am . . . it-ta*ah-iu I65 mâru ' son'* mu-ru a-na a-bi-Su I 336] dumii JfffM!' x lav. ii 15; ma-ru ra-mani-ka I 94 96; ma-ru-iu ub-bu-ku I I I iii 26 cf. U rev. aa (dumu.meft-/d); ma-ru-h I I I iii du&ïw» W§ &2 it-H-Sû 1
w
GLOSSARY
x rev. ii 4 8 ; dumu.mel um-m[a-ni] W 8; dingir.mel dumu.meX»/u 8 iv 5 37; |//
9
9
4
1
no'fldu 'to heed': i-ta-i-du ii-tar 1 302 ndn n'd nadAlX» 'to givs'ï [fi-ga-ra n]a-a^ba4u nâdu 'to praise': i-t[a-ad n\a-a$*iû-fa ti-a-am-Hm [it*ta-a]d-nu a-na DN 116; i-ta-ad ke-la I 297-8 ti-i(.-(a-am li-id-di-nam-ma I 203 nzm tanlttu 'praise': fa-ni*it-ti-ii-[ka] I I I viii Hn nazâmu 'to shout': na-ap-ba-ar-lu-nu n»l ut-la-az-za-am III v 38; ut-ta-za-ma Itfllu 'to lie : 1/" oS-id\-tum » mu-sà la-ni-h-ti 8 iv 23 25; [ut»ta-a*]-Ba-m I 300 I 40 maialu 'bed': i-na ma-ia-li û-ie-et-[bi-iu] nxji I 79; il-ta-kdn ma-a-a-al-iu S v 32 nut)éu 'prosperity' : nu-fjit-ul ni-H nisaba n'n II vi 14 nûnu 'fish': bu-du-ri nu-ni U I i 35; af [k]u«.mel I 1er kus.mel . . . kuê.mal nafû 'to be suituble' : it*tMa-ma la na-fû x rev. ii a i aa 37 38 1 200 n'r ntl nâru 'river': [/i~/>|/-// na-ru I I iii 19; nafàlu 'to look': zi-ba-ni-it ama dumuM* [idS}glat na-ra-am I 25n; tm-la-a-nim i-na-fal 8 v 20 vi 9 cf. 61v 21 vi 10 na-ra-am I I I iv 7; [i-ber]-ru-û Id S i 5; nkm pu-ti4S na-ri I I iii 26; [i-n]a pu-ut id nakkamtu 'treaaurs': bi-it na-ak-ma-ti 8 v 32; cf. x rev. i 24; na-ri I I iii 18 III iii 50 n'r nkm namAru 'to shine': [n]a-am-ru-ma banakâmu 'to itch' (?): û-na»ak*ki-tnal du-ti pa-nu-ia I 283 na-àk»ka-am-t[a] II iv ion S v [12] n'r vl [i] (na-kâm-l[a]) nâru 'to kill* : i m-na-ra-a[i-§u] J 1 nakkamtu 'itch' ( ?): sec nakâmu n'r nkr nlru 'yoke' : i ni-iS-bi-ir ni-ra J 2 nakâru 'to become itrange': ui>iftti4frnan'r {jt-ta-ak-ru) I I iv [12] S v 14 vi 3 nâru 'to roar': [ki-ma p]a-ri*i na-ê-ri (iMak-ru) I I I iii x6 nki n'a nakâsu 'to put': lu-np-li-ik-ki-lu-nu 'gina n ê i u 'Ufe': ? I 4x3-15 (Q ne-ê-H) it-ta-ak-iu 1670 nb' ni! nabû 'to call' : Iu-ti tf-tat-ft t«ôa>-[a] I I I nallu 'dew': li-ia-ax-m-m na-al-là (B nav 4 9 ; t-fa-ao-ot I 296 (E t*ta6-ot); aî-[Sa]) II ii 18 cf. 32 [l]t-ib-bu-[ti} I 304 (P)î H-tar [li-it-tanmi a]b-bu-ii DN I 304; ti-aa-ao-60 DN nammaliû 'wild animait': na-[ma-aiI I I iv 4 13; [x-t]a-ab-bi-x I 306 Se-4(î) I H a [ 3 7 ] ngr nsb naggâru 'carpentar': na-ga-[ru na-H punaaa%u 'to pull out': ta-ar-kwd-li DN as-su] I I I ii xxn [&ftfl-Ji«to'] I I vii [51] cf. U rev. 15a ngr (ttata-ia-^a) nftgiru 'herald': (li-)is-SH+tt na-gi-ru I 376 nak 391 [403] I I ii 15' 21 S iv 30 lussuku 'to do away with*: du-ut-la-ku-nu ([ni]glr) û-ia-as-H-ik I 240; ia iMia-a[<}-ia>Jtti nd' o-toa-at-ito III vi 26; du-ut-ta-ni JMa* nadû 'to put': li«H<4t'>ta id-di 1 288; s(<4k d-ni 142n I l iii 13; is-qd-am id-du-û l i a ; i-ia-tam nsa ne-pi'H-Su-nu id-du-û-ma I 64; ru-u*nissatu 'mouroixig*: il-bi np-issà-um tam id-du-û I 2 3 4 ; tl-lo>ox H-bèt*t\*l UI iv x6; ia-a-at-tum m^tà-t[û] I 259 (P) S iii 6 (i-ta-di)\ U I v 3x1 U I v 48 U rev. 2; [qd-sa to-at]*la>oV S iii 4 ; n p i [i]t-td«du-ltl tam-ta I 173 (M); i-d[î*^ nuppulu 'to give rest to': U^feiï&*$Q tam-ta] S ii 7; ifa«de-# §-er
GLOSSARY napistu 'life' (cont.) bu-id-li-ip I I I i 24; Sum-sa lu na-si-rat na-pis-tim 9 rev. 8; i-na Si-it-ku-ki na-pi-i[s-ti\ I I iv 14 cf. S v 26 vi [15] (zi); [n]a-pi-H-ti ma-tim I 2211 24 S i 6 ([n]a-pûl~ti) nsr nasâru 'to guard': is-su-ur DN e-le-nu II v 16 30 vi 25 cf. is-sur S v a x rev. i 11 ii 16 17; as-sû-ur er-se-tam Sa-ap-litam I I v 17 31 vi 26; cf. x rev. ii 19 Q-sur) 35 (as-su-rm); is-su-ru DN e-le-nu x rev. i 8 ii 32; cf. x rev. i 9 ii 33 y 6 8 (tr-f&va); i-na-as-sa-ru bâb-k[a] VY xo; i-na-as-sa-ru e-le-nu x rev. ii 2 9! cf. 3 ro (i-na-sa-ru); [H-ga-ru n]a-ab-ba-lu tam-ti [at-ta ta] -na-as-sa-ra x rev. ii 5 12 (-sa-ru); cf. x rev. i 7 (U-is-sur) y 2 (U-is-sû-ru); li-is-su-ru [DN e-le-nu] x rev. i 4 5; [û-ptr] a-dan-na W [ 5 ] ; fum-sa ht na-si-rat na-pis-tim M rev. 8; [û-ui-t]a-si-ra na-pi-i[i-tam] I I I vi 19; K-ip-ra . . . Su-us-si-ir at-ta I I I i 19; su-us-si-ri ka-la si-iq-riî-ia I I I i 21 massâru 'guard' : ma-of-sa-ru tam-ti x rev. ii 24 40 massartu Svatch': mi-H-il ma-as-sa-ar-ti I 7on 72 aq' naqû *to pour out': ? iq-qû-û J 8 niqû 'offering': ma-as-fra-tum ni-qû-û I 382 397 4<>9 I I ii [13] 27 S iv 33 (aitkur); i-ku-lu ni-qi-a-am I I I v 36; e-lu m-qi-i pa-ah-ru I I I v 35 nqb naqbu 'tbe deep': [i-na n]a-aq-bi I 27 I I i 13 (Q - * M iv 3 cf. S i 8 iv 45 55 v [4] ni nistx 'people': ni-Ht û-ul am-ra- [(«) - ma] I I iv 6; im-ti-da I 353 II i 2 S iv [x]; [m-i]u la im-ta-a S iv 3 9 ; qa-da-nii ï[t~ta-n] a-la-ka m-su S v 17 vi 6; ni-lu.^ . [zi~m]u-H-na it-tak-ru S v [14] vi 3 ; ni-iu . . . bal-ta^at S v £26] vi 15; a-na ni-H I I i 9 v [20] [2'] vi 29 viii 3 s I I I vi 48 S iv 42 52 (ni-ie-e) S iv 50 60 v [9} x rev. ii 613 (ukù.xneS) ; i-na ni-H I I I vii 1 2 3 ; e~U ni-H I I I iii 12 U rev. 19 (ni-ie); ka-la ni-H 3 rev. 3 ; a-na ku-ul-la-at ni-H I I I viii x8 ; nu-hu-ui ni-H I I vi 14; bu-bu-ti-ii ni4S I 339; ni-H ik-nù-su a-na ka-ra-H I I I iii 54 v 4 3 ; û-su-ra-te id ukù.mes-ma S iii 14; û-sû-ra-at ni-H R 5 ; ni-Si-iu iq-ri I I I ii 40; û-ub-ba-al qâ-ti a-na n[i-H-ia-ma] I I vii (43] ai' nasû £ g cartf^
uljia
U-Sd-a
me-hi i-na
GLOSSARY 19X
na-aq-bi S iv 45n 55 v [ 4 ] ; ku-up-ra [it-ta-H le-er-ru] I I I ii [13]; iu-up-ii-ik Him a-wi-lum H-ii-H I 191 197 G ii [12] V obv. [3] ; eqlu . . . Jfu-a (li-)ii-H I I ii 19 33» lu-û na-H I 333; na-ga-[ru na-Hpa-as-su] I I I i i [11] cf. [12] nsk nissïku, nassïku, ninsïku 'prince': ni-ilS[i-ku] I 250 (P Pnini-n-kù) cf. S iii [1]; I I vii 3 9 ; a-na DN m-iS-H-ki I I I vi 42 cf. I i6n (na-aS-H-ki) nsq nasâqu 'to kiss': û-na-ai-H-qû ie-pi-ia I 245 nir nasâru 'to cut off': (H-)ii-iu-ur eqlu iS-piki-su I I i 18 S iv 46 (li-iur) 56 v 5 (il-èur) ntk nataku 'ta drip' : ti-ku a-ii-it-tu-uk I I i 1711 tîku 'drop': see nataku s'q sâqu 'to be narrow': ra-ap-lu-tum bu-daH-na [is-si-qâ] I I iv [17] cf. S v 16 vi 5 (is-si-qa) sûqu 'street': qâ-ad-di-ii i-il-la-ka i-[na sû-qi] I I iv [16] S v 17 (su-qi) vi 6 (su-qf) ah* sibû, si bit ru 'seven': [7] à 7 sà-su-ra-ti S iii 9 cf. xo; ra-bu-tum DN si-bi-it-tam I 5 n ; 7 ki-ir-si I 257-8 (P) cf. S iii 5 - 6 ; 7 ud.mes S i i i 15 sebûtu 'the seventh day of the month': i- na ar-bi se-bu-ti ù la-pa-at-ti I 206 221
«*'
sariû 'to rebel' : û-ia-as-bi bi-i-i[a] : I I I iii 41 skp aakâpu 'to overthrow': sa-ki-i [p] I I I iv 27 skr s e k ë r a 'to block': is-sa-kir lap-US S iv 55 v 4 ; li-sa-kir iap-US S iv 4 5 a sikkûru 'boit': ïl-pu-ut si-ik-ku-ra I 75
(K mi-)
al' sullû 'to pray': û-ul û-se-el-lu-û ii-tar-Suun I 406 I I ii 2 4 ; e tu-sa-al-li-a ii- ta-ar-ku-un I 379 [394] I I ii 10 al' salâtu 'kin': ki-mat-ka sa-lai-ka W 8 siîïtu 'womb' : si-li-tam ip-te I 282 sxaa (?) s i m a n û : Si-bu-ti si-ma-ni-^i I 374n 389 I I i i 13' ([si-ma]-né-e Q) ani a i a n i i t u 'female': û-ba-na-a SAL.meS S iii 1 0 aar see aer
spb aapârtu 'to scatter': mi-lik-id U rev. 17
is-p[u-ub]
puttru 'assembly': \p]u-u}pru I Ifi%%'(Q) pu-ûb-ra II viii 32 III vi 27; i^a pu-ity-ri I 122 2X8; cf. I [134] I l j 16 18 I I I iii 36; mi-it-li-ka i-na puub-ri I I I vi 44; a-na pu-bur ka-la dingir.mei x rev. ii 45; cf. I 122 (F pubu-w) S ii 10 (ukkin); DN ft-iokanjkan pu-pur-fu S iv 4 37; pu-bur-M I I i 5 (Q); i-na pu-uh-ri-tu-nu I 224 pu|uir 'together': H-ib-ta-al-H-lu pu-bu-ur I 2130 naptaru 'totality'; na-ap-ba-ar-iu-nu utta-az-za-am I I I v 38 v
sp* suppû 'to pray': e tu-sa-pa-a u.dar-ku-un SW3X spn sapannu 'edge': i-mi-da a-na s[a-pa]n[ni] I I I iv [8] sqr/zkr (see note on I 63) aaqâru 'to speak': PN pi-a-ïu i-pu-iaam-ma is-sà-qar a-na PN (or, a-na PN is-sà-qar): I 48 86 92 106 112 119 168 M 175 ( M N ]-aq-qar) 199 205 236 369 373 388 I I v [23] vii 41 viii 37 III i 2 [12] 16 41 vi 12 [17] 42 [46] G ii 2; cf. U obv. 14 ([iz-za-k]ar) W 12 (\iz-zàk\-kar) x rev. i [1] 18 ii [15] (iz-zak-kar) x rev. ii 45 (iz-za-kdr) S ii 8 iv [22] 3 7 (mu) S iv 29 (mu-&) U obv. 4 (mu-dr) J 4 ; is-sà-q[ar] I 169 1357] I I i 6 iii 18 S iii 1 ; [iz-z]a-ka-ra S iv 5 ; is-sà-qar-iu-nu-H I I v 27 siqru 'speech': si-iq-ra ia DN I 11311; û-ia-ap-ta si-iq-ra I I I vi 15; iS-mu-û si-qi-ir-Su I 630 400 I I I iii 52; iu-ussi-ri ka-la si-iq-ril-ia I I I i 21 d
p' pû 'mouth': ûb-bu-ku a-na pi-id U rev. 22; ub-la pi-i-ku-nu I I I v 4 4 ; ub-la pi-i-ni I 152 165 I I v 15 29 vi 24 I I I vi 8 ; pi-a-iu i-pu-ia-am-ma I 47 91 105 111 118 204 368 372 387 I I v 22 vii 40 viii 36 I I I i 1 11 15 40 vi ix x6 41 45; pa-a-iu — I 85 n i ( F cf. L ) 118 ( F L ) 174 ( K N ) G ii 1; cf. J [3]; pa-u-lû W I I X rev. 2 [1] ii 14 44 ka-fw U obv. [4] 13; ka-iw S ii 8 iv 21 [29]; pi-a-ia te-pu-ia-am-ma I 198 235 pûtu 'front side' : pu-ut nâri S v 32 x rev. i 24 25 ; pu-ti-iS na-ri I I iii 26 p** pâsu 'axe': na-ga-[ru na-H pa-as-su] I I I ii [ u n ] Pgr pagru 'body. self : a-na ra-ma-ni-ia à pa-ag-ri-i[a] I I I iii 4 2 a pelxû 'caulk': ip-ba*a i-pé-efr-fti ba-ab-iu gis.fmâ] W 4
gi[s\ma] U rev. 3 ; I I I ii 51; pi-fn'
pahâru 'to assemble' : e-lu ni-qi-i pa-afy-ru I I I v 3 5 ; [pa]b'Ta-ma er-ie-te mu-te-ti S iii 8 ; Jî'-ott-lt' û-pa-ab-^ir I 386 I I I i 3 9 ; S[à-à]s-su-ra-a-tum pu-ûb-bu-ra~ma I 2 5 1 (P) cf. 277
;
pahâru 'to release' : ip-fû^-ur ul-l[a] H v 19; e-le-ep-pa — I I I ii 55; ta-ap-pUtr ut-la I I v [ i l vi 28; ap-fû-ur — 1243
PJ ,
palû 'period' : \j%\a-lu-up pa-le-e 1282 m palâhu 'to révérence': aval ip-la-bu v-H* Su-un 1 405 II ii 23; e ta-ap-la-tyx i-li-ku-un I 378 [393] I I ii 9 Siv [31]; [if\-tu-ma ap-ta-na-a&la-bu DN] Illt4$ plk* palkû 'extenaive': fê*ru pa-ar-ku II iv 8; edin pal-ku-û S iv 48 58 v [7] tnV pâaô 'face': u^-mu ii-nu-û pa-nu-û-su III ii 48; Jja-du-û pa-nu-ia 1 283; ka-aU [mupa^nu-H-in] I I iv [13] cf. pa-nu-H-na S v [25] vi 14; ar-qû-tum am-ru pa*n[uH-m] I I iv 15; a-ta-mar pa-ni-k[a] U obv. 11 ; pa-mia &«p-t[e] III v 51 xnanini 'infront':x rev. ii 47; Î-BA ku-u[n] I I I vi 18 pana 'formerly': pa-na-mi... i-na-an-na i 246; a-na tâpa-na S iv 39
P 9' peau
•
^
,
'to become white : sa-at-nm-tum ip-su-û û-g[a-n^ IX iv 7 cf. tp-fu-u S iv 57 v [6]; Up-su-û S iv 47 pqd paqâdu 'to adiriinister': pa-qi-du h-ma-U I 220 pqi paqâlu 'to carry': la BNictpUF&MRf* aa-ga^lM/efj] I I I v 470 pr* t
p a r a 'to eut': sp-ru-u ma-ar-ka-sa Ul 1
iâ 55 p a r u 'wild asa': l/Û-ma p]a-nH na-e-n I I I iii 1 6 ; ir-ta-kab pa-re-e^m} M «w. 5 prk' ' . aaparkA 'to be lacking': su-par-he-e naptitî S v [26] vi 13 ara
GLOSSARY aarâsu Ho cut oÊT: [ta-pa-ra]-sa mur-sa $ iv a8; ip-tlar-sju c-a* ni-se-e tt-fa
S iv 5»; MMHVVM 42 (tfarl A I axa);
II i
m-lm mm mm
ni
sé-ur] Ai — i At I I I ii J S tep-te^si
Smj P*t
pâsirru (a decnon): (i-ib-H-ma pa-H-ii-iu I I I vii j n
i-na ni-H
sapsâqu 'distress': ma m mi §a-ap-sa-qmm I 4 ca> [is°J G a [4]; — Sa-mpmwêmmm 1 1 / 7 (M) passera Ho explain': ip-su-ur
I 135; ap-su-
«fr] 1157; m-pa-aS-fmr 3 rev. 2 PC petû Ho opes': n-h-tam ip-te I 2 8 2 ; ip-r* • t af ts? fià-to I I I x 3 6 ; m a a-na dumujsAL W t > • le kd-ia S v 19 vi 8 ; ma-me-
s-hu-ut-su
I I vi
sera country': m-rm pa-ar-ku I I xv 8 cf. f # 4 8 $§ v £7} (eàhs}; ki-ma a-mi-im i-na se-ri Ul xv 9x1; H T a 3 7 ; a n si se-rim 3 rev. x i ; é-ma-am edin W 9
SHBS
43;
sera 'over : m nim ma 1 0 iii aT i*ai « e la*aVsaa m-ri-H-in I I I iv xx aasrru Ha casai': h-ù-sî-m ma-ar-bi-ka VU via 1711 9
e-li-is
pu-ur-si
vii 9 parsu 'rite.. auttWuy': par-sa-mm ta-baml MM I 171 ( K ) ; km-i-Ja pàr-si-fu S iv mupparsu 'winged \- mu- u-p-pa-a[r-ia isfi* HÉ pesa (?): àsz-Rî-if a-bu-un-na-te
sullulu 'to cover over* : fÏMt"
S jv
9
sa* aaliihi 'to seize*: AavA* aâ-Jï . . - i-sa-bat
3 nor. 3 ; As t-#o-ea-ss S xv 3 cf. 8 41 y f a èar to-aâ); pa-H-it-tm A H S > ie-tr-ra I I I vii 4 ffct m a s h a t u sesame-meal \* (H-jd-h-ik-iu ma-
GLOSSARY
dan-na
à
$ii-ap~li~if i
III rev.
i 9;
ssi-ul-lu-la-at 31 ;
sû-lu-la
[AJMSMI
"p-
tt-t* . . . sti-til-li-il-si I I I 1 29 sulûJu 'roof: see sullulu aim s al m u 'black': sa-al-mu-tum ip-sii-û û-g[am] I I iv 7 S iv 4 7 5 7 v [6] (gig-mes) sm' s a m û 'to be thirsty': sa-mi-a-at h'-ik-ri-il I I I iv 17; sa-ms-a ia-ap-ta-iu nu I I I iv a i ; zi-se-ms [!Lïi-.ka-[$a] U obv. 10 s ûmu Hhirst* : i-ma pi-mi ù bu-bu-ti I I I iii 3* smd
s a m â d u Ho yoke': [î]s-sa-am-du I I I ui 6 «ar issûru "bird*: [is-sû-wr] sa-ma-ii I I I ii [35]: if-sur sa-me-e 3 rev. xx; hi-is-bi is-sû-ri I I I x 35 spr s u p r a 'ciaw': [ M B * sjû-up-ri-iu [û-ia-arri-it] ia-ma-i I I I iii 7 cf. U rev. 16 (su-up-ri-Su) as 5 u s û 'marsh': su-si-a ra-bi-a I 35 $rp sarâpu Ho consume': la-la-ia is-ru-up I I I iv 140 U rev. as (la-lu-id) 9
qâtu *hand': [q]a-tam i-hu-zu qa-îi-sa I u n ; û(H-ia-aq-qi-il qà-as-sujsu I 384 399 411 I I ii 15 2 9 ; [Mi-tyaï-kân**** qat.su S iv 3 6 ; [qé-sa ta-at\-taS e-U ti-it-îi-sa S m [ 4 0 ] ; i-îa-as-su-la qâ-îi I 336 ( ? ) ; û-ub-ba-al qâ-ii I I vii 4 3 ; i-pu-ia qa-ta-ia I 289 ( P ed-to-o-a); s'-no qa-ti-su I I vi 19 Ob' q e b â Ho speak, c o m m a n d ' : [a-m}a-tam an-m-[tam iq-bi] Ul i [ 4 6 ] ; àa-Af>>aM ù-su-ru z rev. i 8 cf. y 3 ; èû-û-
qabû 'speech': an-ni-a-am qd-ba-ia (P gaba-ia) I 244 qbl qabhi 'battle ' : qd-ab-lum i-ru-sa a-na [b]a-bi-kalia I S i 83 110; ta-forn-aa i ni-ib-lu-la qà-ab-la-am I 6 2 ; û-ia-ab-H od-efA-Az] I I I viii 13; qâ-ab-lam I [131] 143; [qà^-ab-Um I 128 140; [Ai-axe qd-ab-tji £-li ni-H I I I iii [12] cf. U rev. [19] qablu 'middle': [q\d-ab-H^ta i-te-zi-ih I 286 qablû 'middle' : er-se-tim [qab-tirtim] x rev. i [5] [ 9 ] ; — qab-li-tu jqa-ab-li-tïm iqabli-tum x rev. i i 3 xo 17 33
«i
m
qt» qatû 'to come to an end': iq-te II iti 16; û-qâ-at-ti di-im-ma-ti III tt 11 qtr qutturu 'destroy': lu-û qû-ut-tu-ur II j zm qutrînu 'intense offering': it-fc-a a-na qû-ut-ri-ni I I I v 41 r" ru'tu 'spittle': ru-u'-um id-du-û e-lu ti-it-ti I 23411 r" mérita 'iodder*: ma-la urqètu me-ef-ffr sim] W r*d râdo 'downpour': Û-H4k ra-du III iv 2$; agafrj U rev. 70 r*t râta 'trough': ki-ma sm-me-ri sm-h-mm ra-ta-am I I I iv 20 r*xa rëxnu 'womb': arhui lu ku-pa-ma S iv 51 cf. 61 v [9]; é-td ul-àa er-se-tum re-e\m* Sa] II iv 4; ih^li-hal-kai erutu re-em-U S iv 58 [7]
9
qadxx 'with* : i-lam . . . qd-du te^-mi-fu I 239 cf. 243 P (-d]u-um) I I vii 33; [qd-du sam-me-su] S v [2] cf. x rev. i 7 ii 5 12 19 3 5 ; qd-da x rev. i 11 qdd qaddis, qaddânis 'hunched': qâ-ad-aH-is i4l-la-ka I I xv 16; qa-da-nii t[t-fa-a]ala-ka S v [17] vi 6 qdm tff q a d m u 'front': bi-la e-pi-ta a-na qû-udrasa 'to mova*: qà-ab-lum i-ru-sa a-na mi-su I 381 408 I I ii [12J 2 6 ; ha-hi-ka\îa I 8in 83 110 qû-ud-mi-ia I 39011 cf. S iv 34 (qudaf me-ia); qû-ud-mi-is I I iv 20 23 rèsxx 'head': [wl4]^-û re-ss-su 132 qds r*s qadistu 'prostitute' : X-SMI Aî-tt qâ-dî-is-ti rista 'rejoicing': a-û-ibS-6-na-â ri-OI 290 t[uax] H i 20 qm' ra' qêmu 'meal': i-si-ir qé-ma I 288 rabâ 'tobe great*: bt-vp-B-ik ra-bi-\m]ft
49 V
I3 rabtx 'great': sûrqi-a ra-bi-a I 35; {aaa* ra-bé\-e I 302; be-d-tum ra-bt-tum I I I iii 28; ra-bi-tam I 157; gilmâ ra hi tant I rev. 6; ra-bu-tum BN15 103 219 233 II v 14 28 vi [23} I I I iii 30 vi 7; i-A'/dingirjneâ ni-ôa-toa I 106 199 205 232 (-a) 236 357 I I i 6 ffîvîx7 (-a*) vai [xi] S xi 10 (màjasa); dingir .mes ra-aè-ht-ti % obv. 9; i-ià. », ra-Aa-rfm] I 338; a-aa xs-ieW fo-Aa-ft I I I v 46 q e r û 'to invite': ni-H-iu iq-ri I I I i i 40 narbô 'greatness': a%«Ml-ffa as-ar-At-As q e r ê t a 'banquet': a-na qé-re-ti I I I ix 41 I I I v i i qrb rk' cjtrfra 'inside': qi-ri-ib At-ft I 375 {300] erbû 'tour*: imJimmu.ba U rev. 5 I I i i [ 1 4 ! ; çf~fi~»Mx* I 3 1 ; [Ai su-ut-ti rgm zé]u-ud-di-a qi-ri-ib-sa I I I i 130; a-ày+rigma 'noise*: tHgma i-st-em-mm-â 171 mu-ur iamai q&-ri-ib~£a I I I i 30 cf. X79 (»A>; m-c&ia-**^* n^-m qrd qurâdu 'hero' (always Enhl, except once I 377 faoal404 H a 8 a a Siv30 Axai: I 2 6 9 ) : qû-rm-du I 8 [125] [137] (x%); Ax^^HifSia I I I ^ 47î I I v 2 7 vi 3 2 I I I vi [si S ii [13]: ri-^a^o-«»^AHil3|$ 0 * 7 SivA qû-ra-dam I 43 4 5 57 59*» qû-ra-di I 69 qanû 'reed': qâ-ne-e gâb-bi lu bi-nu-ns-sà J rev. 7 qqd (qdqd) qaqqadu 'head*: u'-pu-ur ka-aq-qd-as-sà I284 qqr (qrqr) qaqqaru 'ground': ka-aq-qd-ra U-e-er-ri I I i 15; ina qaq-qa-ri e-sir M-lfUT-tu] W 14 16
&
17
d
I242 S vii 325 i t ^ ^
92x12x69 siaxss
I I I vi 12
x rev. ii 3t-(fis-) B
194
GLOSSARY
GLOSSARY
r i g m u 'noise' (cont.) i 12 y 9 ; [i]u S iv 20 v [30] ; a-tva-tam cf. U rev. 20 ( K A ) ; U-mu-û ri-gi-im-Su Su-a-ti I 166; iu-a-ti sti-ul-li-il-H I I I I I I i i 50; [r]i-gi-im-ia ty-pi I I I i i i 10; i 2 9 ; iu-a-ti û-ma-al-li I I I i 36; ki-ma ii-te-me ri-gi-im-H-in I 356 I I i 5; ti-ru-ru iu-a-t[ï] I I I i i i 4 0 ; ti-ta ia-ti ri-gi-im-H-na ei-me I I I iii 4 3 ; ri-gimI 231 ; iu-nu-ti I I v i 3 5 (verbal suffix ?) B-na I 413-15 ( Q ) cf. 360ff.( V ) ; s i (3rd person pronoun): [at-t]a ù H-i [li-i]ak-li-si ri-gim-H-na S iv 10 cf. 14; I I I v i 4 4 ; cf. I 253 (P) I I v i i 35 ( ? ) [ w w ] rig^^-me-H-na at-ta-a-dar S iv 2 37 I I I iv 18 v 46 3 rev. 8 ; ii-a-ti 7 cf. 40 I I I v i 38 rd' redû 'to flow': îi-tr-[di mi-ilj-ra] I I vii 53; s u ' u 'grain': Hs-û ia i-im-ru S iv 49 59 v 8 ; mi-ib-ra [û-iar-di] TJ rev. [14]; û-ia-areqlu . . , iu-a (li-)ii-ii I I i i 19 33 di a-no iu-ub-ti-iu I 84
fi'
rfes
rat>âsu 'to overwhelm': [i-r]a-bi-is i-da-ak rev, 13 rkb rakâbu 'to ride : ir-ta-kab pa-re-e-[iu] U rev. s rukûbu 'chariot': ru-ku-ub dingir.mes U rev. 12 rks m a r k a s u 'hawser' : ip-ru-u* ma-ar-ka-sa I I I ii 5S rm' rummû 'to let loose': ru-um~mi I I I v i 24 rmk r i m k u 'washing': te-li-il-tam . . . ri-im-ka I 207 222 r m n (?) ramânu 'self' : û-b[a-ar]-ru-û ra-ma-an-ïa (P -id) I 293 cf. S iii 19; ma-ru ra-mani-ka I 94 9 6 ; a-na ra-ma-ni-ia ù paag-ri-ia I I I iii 42 rpé rapâsu 'to be wide' : ma-tum ir-ta-pl-ii I [3533 H i 2 S iv 1 (ir-ta-pi[i]) r a p s u 'wide': ta-ma-tu ra-pa-di-tû x rev. ii 7 2 9 ; ra-ap*fa-tum bu-da-H-na I I iv i7n S v [16] vi 5 (rap-fd-tu) rso ( ? ) : tr-»-x[ G ii 5 cf. I 178 ( N ) rqd raqftdu 'to dance': ur-[taq]-qa-da U rev. gn ri' rafiû 'to have': e-mu-qâ iu-ur-H I I I i 33 S s a (genitrve particle): i-na pu-û%-ri ia i4i I I v i 16 18 I I I iii 36; cf. I 34 3 ° 77io8n(?) I I ii 20 v [13] v i a i I I I i [13] vi 6 S obv. 9; id: S ii 10 i i i 14 iv 26 39 * - " C*3l [39] i a (relative particle): DN ia i-iu-û fei-e-ma l 223; cf. I H 3 I I i"' 31 v i i 44 I I I i 18 25 iii 53 v 42 47 v i 26; id: S v i 25 W 5 17 x rev, i 29 ( F o r ia là see là,)
U
1
r e v
é»
iû (3rd person pronoun): lu-û~ma I 202; cf. I 333 364 367 I I v i i 45 48 x rev.
fi"
se'û 'to seek': [t-/e] bâb ili-iu S v [31]; i-fi-ti ba-ab-iu I 407 I I i i 2 5 ; ii-a ba-ab-iu I 380 [395] I I i i 11 ; lu-ui-te-e si-ib-ba-as-sà I I I i 14; [m]a-tu-um-ma lu-ui-te-i I I I i 17 fi'b fiibu 'elder': [H-b]u-tum ii-mu-û I 400 cf. I I I i i 10; H-bu-ti si-ma-ni-i I 374 389 I I ii [13']; — u-pa-ab-bt-ir I 386 I I I i 3 9 ; is-sà-qar a-na H-bu-ti I 388 I I I i 41 §'t i â f o 'to drag' : ta-aS-ta-i-ta ri-ig-ma I 242 I I v i i 32, see p. 172
fi'l
fiâlu 'to a s k ' : il-ta-am is-sû-û i-Sa-lu I 192; ia-la I I i i i 34 ( ? ) s'm fiimtu 'fate' : bit H-im-ti I 249 (P) ; si-ma-nu H-im-ti I 305 280 (H-ma-H); lu-û H-im-ti i-ba-[a] I I I v 4 9 ; pa-qi-du ii-ma-ti I 2 2 0 ; ba-ni-a-at ii-ma-ti I I I v i 47 cf. S i i i 1 i n (H-im-tu) tasïmtu 'understanding': [bel t]a-ii-im-ti S i v 17 v [27] s*p fiêpu 'foot': ie-ep-iu ii-ku-un I I iii 3; û-ul a-[ia-ak-ka-an ie-pi-ia] I I I i [48n]; ki-ma Hkin gïr"- -fc[û] U obv. a n 6 8 ; û-na-ai-H-qû ie-pi-ia I 245 ( P ) fi'r s i r a 'flesh' : i-na H-ri-iu à da-mi-iu I 210 225; i-na ii-i-ir i-li I 215 228 fi'r fiêru 'morning': i-na Se-re-ti I I i i 16 30 iii 6 fi'r fiftru ' w i n d ' : h-il-li-ik ia-ru I I i 14; I I I iii 17 U rev. 4 ; i-na im.limmu.ba ir-ta-kab U rev. 5 ; ia-ru uz-zu-zu I I I ii 54; te-bu-û fdrû [ ] U rev. 8 ; a-na la-a-r[i] I I I v 3 0 fi'r fiêrtu 'penalty': ièr-ta e-mi-id x rev. i i 27 4 3 ; iu-ku-un ie-re-et-ka I I I v i 25 fi't mei
m
ei
âûtu 'south w i n d ' : it-ba-a id-iû iu-tu U rev. 9 ; iu-û-tu U rev. 6 fib' sebû 'to be sated': ii-bi ni-is-sà-tam I I I iv 16 fib' sabû 'to be loud': ma-tum . . . i-ia-ab-bu I 354 I I i 3 ; [a-bu-b]u . . . — I I I iii 15; na-gi-ru . . . ri-ig-ma ûjH-ie-eb-bu-Û I 377n 392 4<>4 H ii t l 22 S iv 30 (lu-id-bu-û) fibr sebêru 'to break': [id ii-ga-r]u ii-bi-ru mi-Hl-iu x rev. ii 23 3 9 ; i ni-ii-bi-ir ni-ra J 2 8
fibfl
s/tabsûtu 'midwife': ia-[ab]-iu-tum (E tab-sû-tum) . . . li-ib-du I 290 cf. S iii 17 (iab-su-tu-um-ma) ; tab-su-ut dingir.mes' I i 9 3 n ; ta-ab-su-ut i-U I I I iii 33 sabsûtu 'midwifery' : la-ab-su-ta-am (E RU-ab-su-tal-am) i-pu-ui I 285a
195
9 obv. 2; x-ra-me $ la-âï-ku-na-li-na-ti S iv 38; ki-ma ni-if-ku~[nu a-bu-b]a I I I viii 9; ni-U-ku-u[n] I 147 [161]; i-ia-ka-an J 7; [uz-na] i-h-ak-ka-na i-na iu-na-a-H II iii 8 10; J 6; a-[la-akka-an ie-pi-ia] I I I i 48; il-ta-kan\hàn pu-bur-iu S iv 4 37; U-ta-kôn ma-a-u-alsu S v 32; [ill-QaUkà* qatsu 8 iv 36; [il-t]a-âk*mt I 28; S i 9 U-tàk-nu a-na nap-ta-ni dumu.SAL S f [22] vi 11; a-na kurummate** bu-na U-tàk-nu S v 23 vi 12; fa-ku-un U-re-etka I I I vi 25; iu-uk-ni d-uk-ba-ak-ka-li I I I vii 6; tê-H'dUtaM ûjlu-ia-ai-ki4n ri-im-ka 1207 222; ii\l[ii]-ïâ-kin-ma... a-sa-ku S iv 50 60 v [9]; [U^f]a-ki4a bi-du-tum I 303; x rev. i 20 karan
fiikna 'placing': gar ki-ma gar lêpë^ k[a] U obv. 2n 6 8 fikr sikru 'beer': sa-mi»a*a$ H4k-ri-H III iv 17 si' figm fialû 'street' : [t6]-ra-n' à iu-U41275 sagâmu 'to roar': i-ia-ag-gu-um i-na fils er-pé-H I I I i i 53; ii-ta-ag-na DN i-na salustu 'third*: Sa-lu-uS-tum la-at-tum er-pé-ti I I I i i 4 0 a I I iv n ; ia-lu-ui-tumH4[b]-H III vii 1 figr im fiigaru 'boit': [H-ga-ra n]a-ah-ba-lu ti-as u m u 'name': Sum-Sa lu na-si-rat na-pifam-tim I [15] cf. S v 1 x rev. i 6n 10 Hm 3 rev. 8; be-l$-[et] ka-la i4i lu-û ii W [11] [18] [34] Y 1 7 (xy H-ga-ru); i[u-um]-ki (P ium-kii I 248 [id H-ga]-ru ii-bi-ru mi-Hl-iu x rev. i i i m ' 23 39 fiamû 'heavens': [4-ia-ar^ri4(l la-ma-i id' I I I iii 8 U rev. 16 (sn*«); I 19; a-nu fiadû 'mountain': [k]a}-la ia-di-i I 33 sar-ri [ia]-me-e I t o i ; [fa-su-ur] ia-ma-U fiadû 'east w i n d ' : k u r - a U rev. 6 I I I i i 35; is-tur ia-me-e 1 rev. u\a-na fiijrr ia-ma-i ( M -m]a-mi) 1170 I I I iii 48; s u r j a r r u r u 'to be quiet': ia-bu-ur-ru rii-U-H su-me-e-la 1130 17 ig-mi I I I i i i 4 7 ; ia-bu-ur-ra-at I I iii 15; i m ' me-ed-ra-tu iu-bu-rat S v 33n se mû 'to hear': 0-\mjs] a-wa-tam iu-a-ti fik'n I 166; il-vuhe-tna I I ut 29; iS^né-ma sukênu 'to b o w down': ik-mis ui-kin x rev* i 39; ii-[m]é*ë-ma x rev. i 27; U obv. 3 ri-gi-im-s%-na ei-me I I I iii 43 ; e-re-ba-ka ikk di-me-tna U obv. [1] 5 7; i-la it-mu-û sakâku 'to harrow': i-na H-it-ku-ki narirgi-int-iu I I I ii 50; ii-mu-ma an-m-a-am pi-i[i-ti] I I i v 14a qd-ba-la I 244; il-mu-û si-qi-ir-iu I 63 ski 400 I I I iii 52; [up-pa ii-mu]-é I [227}; s u k k a l l u 'vizier': a-na sukkal DN I 86 e ta-ai-nâ-a a-na . . . I I viii 33; up-pa [119] IIV23 t ni-il-rne I 214; t^HM**** É obv. 4; fikn ri-ig-ma i-ie-em-mu-û ffa,. . .] 1 77; [tèMHr}ftt»flt# rùîg-ma I 179 (M); sakâmi 'to p u t ' : an-du-ra-ra ii-ku-un I I v [ 1 9 ] ; ie-ep-iu — I I iii 3 ; I I v 2 1 ; ii- te-meri-gi-im-li-4nI [356] I I i 5; 7 ki-ir-si . . . ii-k[un] I 258 ( P ) ; ii-ku-nu an-ni-a-om xa-tna-[rd[ U-iirtnu^ma I I I a-bu-ba I I I i i i 53 v 4 2 ; an-du-ra-ra viii 16; a-bu-ba . • ^ û-za-am-me-er ta-ai-ku-un I I v [ i ' J v i 2 8 ; I I v [3'] H-me-a I I I viii 19; i-ga-ru H-ta-am-mivi [ 3 0 ] ; 7 ki-ir-si . . . tai-ku-un S i i i 5 6 ; a-an-ni I I I i 20 cf. U obv. 16 ([£]an-du-ra-[ra ai-ku-u]n I 243; di-kunta-ma-ni) W obv. 14 (&*i[*]); aWa* fu-nu-H-[m]a x rev. i i 25 4 1 ; ii-ku-nu e f a i M I 227 ( 0 ) I I I v i 3 9 ; dingir.meS a-bu-ba ii-ku-nu fim'l 813163
02
mri
196
GLOSSARY
sumêlu 'left (hand)': 7 ki-ir-si a-na Su-mesu-ra-a-tum pu-ûb-1)u-ra-ma I 251 (P); li iS-k[im] I 258 (P) cf. S iii 6 (gùb) [Sà-as-s]û-ra-tum — I 277; [7] ù 7 smm Sà-su-ra-ti S iii 9 sa m mu 'plant': li-wi-sû Sa-am-mu I I i 10 *p cf. S iv 43 53 (Sam-mu) ; ia-am-mu û-ul saptu 'Iip': [bu-u]l-bi-ta û-ka-la-la Sa-apû-si-a I I iv 5 cf. S iv 49 59 v [8] (Samta-Sa I I I iii 29; fa-mi-a Sa-ap-ta-Su-nu mu); DN (H-)is-sur qd-du Sam-mi-Su I I I iv 21 x rev. i [7n] 11 cf. ii 5 12 (Sam-nù-ka) «p' 19 (Sam-me-id) 35 (Sam-mi-ùf) cf. S v [2] sapû 'to be thick': [Sa-pa-at e]-fu-tu I I I smn iii [18] samnu *oil': Sa-am-ni R 4 Spk sms ispikû 'crop': U-iS-Su-ur eqlu iS-pi-ki-Su samsu 'sun': i-na aS-qû-la-lu Sa-am-Si I I i 18 cf. S iv 46 (iS-pi-ke-e-Su) 56 I I v [ai] [3'] i 30; see also Samas" (is-pi-ke-Sû) v [5] v Spl an saplû 'lower': er-se-tam Sa-ap-li-tam I I sattu 'year': Sa-lu-uS-tum Sa-at-tum I I iv v [ i 7 n ] 31 vi 26 11; iS-ti-ta Sa-at-tam I I iv 9; Sa-ni-ta suplu 'under part': Su-pu-ul [ x rev. i 20 Sa-at-tam I I iv 10; 2, 4, 5, 6 mu t-ua saplis 'below': ia-ap-li-iS a-ii-4l-li-ka I I ka-Sd-di S v [12] [15] [18] [22] vi 4 i 12 iv 2; is\li-sa-kir Sap-HS S iv 45 55 7 11; 3» > 3 mu.an.na S v [13] v 4 ; e-li-iS ù Sa-ap-H-iS I I I i 31 ; cf. W 3 vi 1 2; 1 mu.an.na S vi 28; 600.600 mu-feLa I 352 416 (Q Sd-na-a-tim) sapâru 'to send': iS-pu-ur I 9 9 ; iS-pu-raI I i 1 (Q —) S iv [1]; 40 mu.rji.a an-ni I 124 [136] S ii 12; [ta-aS-puat-ra-am I 37; [mu.lji.a im]-nu-û I [34] rà]-an-ni I 155; Sa a-Sap-pa-rak-[ka] [36]; ki-i 7 mu.m[e§] U obv. 9 W 5 ; [a-Sap]-pa-rak-hùm-ma W 10; In' Su-pu-ur I 97 s anu I 'to change': u -mu iS-nu-û pa-nusipru 'task' : it-ti DN-ma i-ba-aS-H H-ip-ru û-Su I I I ii 48; [i]S-ta-ni fe^-e-em-Su I I I I 201; [H-i]p-ra ta-aq-bi- a-ni-im-ma iii 25 I I 'to repeat': a-ma-te-Su-nu . . . I 237; H-ip-ra le-em-na I I viii 3 5 ; i-Sa-an-[ni] Jfy obv. 13; [ter-ti] DN . . . Si-ip-ra Sa a-qâ-ab-bu-ku I I I i 18; û-Sâ-an-nu-û x rev» ii 8 cf. 30 Si-pi-ir DN I 196; H-ip-ru il-qû-û I I iv sanû 'second, other': bitu il-ta-nu z-û 19 cf. S vi 16 (kin); Si-pi-ir-Su I I vii 4 7 ; i-re-ba-ma S v 24 vi 13; [Sd]-né-e i-SaSip-ra-H-na I I ii 6' (Q) ka-an J 7; Sa-ni-ta Sa-at-tam I I iv 10 sinasam 'in pairs': Si-na-Sàm*d-na ù-ka- m â r sipri 'messenger': [iz-za-kar] ana dumu Hp-ri x rev. ii 15 la-la{-Si-na) S iii 12 13 SpSk sV s/tupsikku 'toil': Su-up-H-ik-[ku] at-ru sasû 'to call': is-si I 232; il-ta-am zs-sû-û I 149 [162]; iz-bi-lu Su-up-Si-[i]k-ka I 192; is-sû-û eS-ra arfuj I 280; — na-giI 2 cf. S i 10-13 (i-za-bi-lu tup-H-ka); ru I 403 I I ii 2 1 ; pa-na-mi DN Sa Su-up-Si-ik-ki I 34 36; Su-up-Si-ik i-li ni-Sa-si-ki I 246 (P); [a]l-ta-n I I ii 8' I 3 ; — ilim a-wi-lum H-iS-H I 191 197 (Q)î li-is-su-û na-gi-ru I 376 391 U ii G ii 12 ([Su-up-H]-ku) V obv. 3 (tu-up[15'] S iv [30]; [sa-a]s-su-ra DN H-ik-ku) ; Su-up-H-ik-ka-ku-nu a-ivi-[£]am Si-st-ma I I I vi 4 3 ; i-lu iS-te-en Si-si-ma e-mi-id I 241.&. I I vii 31; 'carrying I 173 ( K L N ) cf. S ii 7; ti-si-a tu*qûbasket': Su-up-H-ik-ki-Su-nu *girra it-taum-tam I 6in ak-Su I 66 fer s/sassuru 'birth-goddess': wa-aS-ba-at ipt D[N Sà-as-s]û-ru I 189 V obv. i n sapattu 'fifteenth day': i-na ar-fri se-bu-ti (sa-as-fr \G ii [8] S ii [6); [f]à-asu Sa-pa-at-ti I 206 221 su-ru H-gimï-mal-a li-ib-ni-ma I 190 spl cf. V obv. 2 (sa-as-su-ru) ; at-ti-i-ma ëûqqulu 'to withhold': [û-S]a-aq-qi-il Sà-as-su-ru I 194 cf. I I I vi 47; ' tuqd-as-su I 411 I I ii 29; li-Sa-aq-qi-il — uk~t[a]-bi-it DN sa-as-sû-ru I 295 I 384** 399 I I ii 15; zu-un-ni-Su DN (P -su-)\ [S]à-su-ru ba-na-at H-im-tu — I I i 11 8 iti 11; i-t[a-ad s]a-as-sû-ra I 297; Sqll [sa-a]s-sû-ra DN H-n-ma I I I vi 4 3 ; asqulâlu ( ? ) : i-na aS-qû-la-lu Sa-am-H a-na DN sa-as-sû-ri I I I vi 4 6 ; S[à-a]sI I v [21] [3'] vi 30 v
2
t
GLOSSARY sâru 'myriad': 1 Sar ku .me§ 1 gâr*» ™ x rev. ii 21 37 6
4
M sarâfu 'to tear': [u-Sa-ar-ri-if\ Sa-ma-i I I I iii [8] cf. U rev. [ i 6 n ] Srp suruppu 'plague': [Su-r]u-up-pu-û li-ib-Si I 360 (V [S]u-ru-up-pu-u) cf. S iv 9 13 (Su-ru-pu-u) ; [— i-te-z]i-ib-H-na-H I [412]; [mur]-su di-'u Su-ru-pu-u a-sa-ku S iv 12 16 28 Srq Sarâqu 'to act stealthily': (U-)iS-ta-ar-riiq . . . lil[û]-Sa-az-ni-in na-al-Sa I I ii i 7 n 31 sarrâqû 'furtive': ki-ma Sa-ar-ra-qi-tu Su-a (U-)iS-H I I ii I9n 33 Srr sarru 'king': DN a-bu-Su-nu S[ar-r]u I 7; Sar-ri [Sa]-me-e I 101; Sar-ri ap-si-i I 102; SAR-n. I 413-415 Q let serru 'child': ku-up-ra [it-ta-H Se-er-ru] I I I ii [13]; li-is-ba-at Se-er-ra I I I vii 4 ; ullia û-Se-Sèr Sèr-ra S iv 51 61 v [9]; I 351; um-mi Se-er-ri I 292 cf. S iii 19 (Sèr-ri) SS' ? SaSû 'to disturb': i ni-iS-H-a i-na Su-ubti-Su I 44x1 46 58 60 St' satû 'to drink': [Sa]-tu-ti i-Sa-at-ti I I I ii 44 t" te'ùtu 'food': [p]u-ur-sa . . . te-i-ta I I i 9 (B te-i-tam Q ti-wi-tu) cf. S iv 42 52 (ti-ta); ti-i-ti-4S [i-U\ I 339 t'm tâmtu 'sea': ta-ma-tu ra-pa-dS-tu x rev. ii 7 2 9 ; ul-da g[al-la-ta] ti-a-am-ta I I I iv 6; [Si-ga-ra n]a-ab-ba-lu ti-a-am-tim 115 cf. S v [1] x rev. i [6] 10 (ta-am-ti) ii 4 (tam-ti) 11 (ta-am-ta) 18 (tam-td) %
197
34 (ti-flm-fi ) ; ma-at-sa-ru tam-ti s rev. ii 24 40; ti-a-am-tim II vi 1 t'm(?) tâmtu 'destruction': [l]ùid-du-Sû tam-ta I 17jn (M); ï-^'-ii/tom-ta]S ii [7] t'r tara 'to turn'ï it-tu-ru I 413 îî ii 35; u -mu-um .. . li-tu-ur lùU-[iï\ III iii 35; Jf-p] U-tu-ur a-na up-[ II vif 37; [ti"J-fcrram-ma Ser-ta e-mi-id x rev. ii 27 43; kâ giâ.ma tfV-[ra] W 6 tb' tebû 'to rise': DN it-bi-ma I 104; DN it-bé-e-ma I I I v 37; it-ba-a id-Sû h-tu U rev. 9; te-bu-û XM.meS U rev. 8; i-na te-bi-Su I I I ii 54; i-na ma-ia-li u*feet-[bi-Su] I 79 tkk tukku 'lament': tu-uk-kum ha-b[i*H] G a 6 cf. I [i79n] (N) tkl tukultu 'help': tuk-la-at % rev. 3 tm' ta mû 'to swear': DN it-UM/d z rev. ii 48; . . . i-U ta-mi-ma I I iii 7 9; i-na pa-ni ta-mu-ni x rev. ii 47; dumujneS>ai it-ti-Sti ta-mu-ni x rev. ii 48; a-na mi-nim tu-ta-am-ma-n[i] I I vii 42; i nlu-tja* am-mu-ni I I vit 38 tpsk see spsk tqm tuqumtu 'war* : ti-si-a tu-qû-um-tam I 61 ; ma-aH-nu-u[m-mi ig-ra-am t]u-q&uintam I 130 142; ni-ig-ra-am — I [146] 160 (tu-qû-um-ta-am, G tu-qum-tam) trkl tarkullu 'mooring pôle': ta-ar-kurui-tt' DN lU-na-sUb] I I vii 51 cf. U rev. 15 (t[ar-kul-lt]) trr(?) tiruru (a démon): ki-ma H-ru-ru ht-a-tfj\ III iii 40n ts rusa 'as if': tu-Sa «a-aS-ba-a-ku III iii 49a 4
(198)
LIST OF NAMES I N THE A K K A D I A N TEXTS Adad: I I i n ii n 20 [25] v [16] 30 vi 10 25 I I I ii 49 53 S iv 44 54 v [3] x r e v . i M [8] i i 2 9 1632 y 4 Urev.5 A n u : I 7 13 17 97 9 9 * 4 136 168-9 ( M ) 174 I I v 16 30 vi 25 III iii 51 v 39 47 vi 11 x rev. i [4] 8 ii 2 9 (16)3247 S ii 8 12 U rev. 20 ( ? ) Anunnaki: I 511 103 172 219 232 I I v 14 28 vi [23] I I I iii 30 vi 7 S ii [5] Atra-kasïs: I [364] 368 385 387 I I viii 36 I I I i i [11] 38 40 ii 18 S i v 17 21 29 v 27 vi 18 x rev. i 12 y 9 U obv. [3] $ obv. 6 W I I (see I s n ) 0 1
1 1 1
Bëlet-ilî: G ii 8 V obv. 1 (247) S ii 6 iii 16
G i r r a : I 66 H a n i s : I I vii [ 4 9 " , and p. 172]
I 2
I [189]
E k u r : I 73 E n k i / E a : I 16 [18] 98 100 102 201 204 250 (P) 254 (P) 365 372 I I iii 9 29 v 18 vi [17] 22 vii 39 4 0 I I I i [15] 43 [45] iii [25] vi 14 [16] 42 [45] G ii 1 S i 4 iii 1 iv 18 20 22 25 [29] v [2] 28 30 x rev. i 7 11 21 [27] [39] ii 8 [14] 31 y 2 8 10 U obv. 1 [7] [13] W 12 16 î& obv. 5 7 M u t : I 8 [45] 59 69 73 82 84 85 90 92 95 104 105 112 118 125 133 137 145 [152] 165 167 168 169 ( K ) 196 335 [356] II i 5 v 22 [27] vi 22 32 vii [47] viii 35 I I I i [43] 48 iii 39 v 41 vi [5] 12 [41] vii 21 J 6 Sii[i3]iv4[37] rev. i [ i ] i i 8 31 4 4 4 8 y 5 E n n u g i : I i o n 127 139 E r r a k a l : I I vii 51 TJ rev. 15 Euphrates: S i 7n x
Igigi: I 6 n 20 113 233 6 viii 16 Isfrara: I 304a Istar: I 302 304
I I v [13]
III i v
K a l k a l : I 74x1 76 K e s (home town of mother goddess) : I 298 M a m i / M a n i a : I 193 235 246 250 (P) 296 I I I iii 33 S iii 14 16 N a m t a r : I 380 [395] 401 4 0 7 S iv 10 14 N e r g a l (see Sin) N i n t u : I 198 211 226 278 295 I I I iii 28 iv 4 13 v 37 vi 43 46 N i n u r t a : I 9 126 138 I I vii [52] U rev. 14 N i s a b a : I I i 19 vi 14 S iv 47 57 v 6 N u s k u : I [76] 7 8 n 86 87 89 91 115 [ " 9 ] 120 [134] 153 I I v 23 S ii 9
10s
eaf
15
S i n and N e r g a l : x rev. i s n 9 ii [3] [10] [17] 33 S a m a s : I I I i 30 iii 18 S u l l a t : I I vii 4 9 ^ and p. 172
1SS1
20
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A
S
B A B Y L O N I A N O F
T H E
Ï
S
S T O R Y
F L O O D
BY
W.
G.LAMBERT
A . R.
AND
M I L L A R D
with THE SUMERIAN FLOOD
BY
STORY
M. C I V I L
OXFORD AT THE CLARENDON 1969
PRESS
Oxford Umvemty Press, Ely House, London W. i G^SCOW NEW YORK TORONTO MELBOURNE WELLINGTON SALISBURY IBADAN NAIROBI LUSAKA ABOIS ABABA BOMBAY CALCUTTA MADRAS KARACHI LAHORE DACCA KUALA LUMPUR SINGAPORE HONG KONG TOKYO
JÏZs
©
OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS IQÔQ PRINTED IN GREAT BRITAIN
PREFACE THE following is the history of the présent volume. Lambert, in preparing a still [1968] unpublished corpus of Babylonian création myths first planned to include the eariier portion of Atra-hasïs, and with this in view he recopied the tablet known here (see pp. 40-1) under the symbol E, and identified among the copies of the late Dr. F. W. Geers in Chicago the fragments J - N and K 8562. A t that time Miss E. Reiner made known to him her identification of K 6634 and K 13863. This material with the other then published fragment of Tablet I he prepared for publication. However, meanwhile the big Old Babylonian tablets A and C had corne to light in the British Muséum, and Mîllard was invited to copy them for publication i n a CT volume, to which Lambert would also contribute his copies. Dr. R. D. Barnett, Keeper of the Department of Western Asiatic Antiquities, British Muséum, who initiated this plan, also suggested that the two authors should co-operate on a critical édition of the epic. The CT volume, no. 46, appeared i n 1965 ; the présent volume marks the finition of the second part of this plan. Millard made a first draft of the édition, contributing the initial decipherment of A and C . He also first worked on D, which F. R. Kraus had identified i n Istanbul. The final manuscript is largely the work of Lambert, except for the Glossary, which is largely the work of Millard. The copies and collations on pis. I - X I are the work of Lambert. A i l the original tablets have been either copied or collated for this édition, except that B has been read from photographs with the aid of collations supplied by J. J. Finkelstein; x and y have been copied from photographs since the originals cannot be located. While this is a scholarly édition, the Introduction has been written with the needs i n view of those who are not cuneiform scholars. I n doing their work the authors have enjoyed the co-operation of numerous scholars. Professor J. J. Finkelstein not only supplied collations of B, as mentioned above, but also made known to us privately the results of his work on the epic. He first read the vital sign arhu i n I 280-1 and grasped the sensé of palû i n I 282. Other suggestions of his that we have adopted are mentioned i n the appropriate philological notes. Professor R. Frankena generously allowed us to see a rough copy of D that he had made. D. Kennedy collated D for us. J. Nougayrol sent us his copy of © before it had appeared. Professor Benno Landsberger has been consuked on various points, and x
x
PREFACE
suggestions of his are noted in due place. Professor O. K. Gurney read the final draft of the manuscript and suggested improvementa. Mrs. A. R. Millard and Professor J. Emerton read the Introduction and contributed to its darity. Permission to copy and publish D has been given by Mesdames Kiwlyay and Çi$, curators of Near Eastern antiquities in the Archaeological Muséums, Istanbul, who rendered every assistance i n our work. The Deutsche Orient-Gesellschaft gave ita permission for the publication of x and y from the Babylon Photos. The Musée d'Art et d'Histoire, Geneva, consented to the recopying and republication of C , and Mlle Dunand facilitated the work. The Trustées ofthe British Muséum have allowed the publication of K 14697 and the collation of the other tablets i n their collections. For ail this help and co-operation the authors express their gratitude. Thanks are also due to the craftsmen of the Clarendon Press for a difficult but well-executed pièce of printing. W. G. L A M B E R T A. R. M I L L A R D Aprit t$6S 3
POSTSCRIPT Thanks are due to Professor \V\ von Soden, who sent a list of corrections and suggestions while the book was i n proofa» Thèse have been adopted where possible. A lengthy article by G. Pettinato, 'Die Bestrafung des Menschengcschlechts durch die Sintflut' appeared i n Orientalia^ N«8. 37. 165-200, too lato to be used. Its main contention is that 'noise' (rigmum, hubùnm) in the Epic means or implies 'evil conduct', so that E n l i l d i d not destroy the human race for mere noise. The idea ia not well founded philologically, and dépends too much on preconceptions about that mythological being, 'der oriental ische Mensch'. Attention is drawn to Addenda on pp. x i and 17a, Octob&t içôS
C O N T E N T S Abbreviations and Références
ix
Introduction
t
Excursus: Early Human History
25
A Quotation of Atra-hasïs for an Assyrian King
27
Notes on Orthography and Grammar
29
The Manuscripts
31
List of Manuscripts
40
Atra-basïs, Text and Translation Tablet I
42
Tablet I I
72
Tablet I I I
88
S reverse
106
x, y
116
U
iaa
3
ta6
W
128
The Flood Story from Ras Shamra
IJI
Berossus
134
The Sumerian Flood Story ( M . Civil)
138
Philologieal Notes
146
Bibliography
173
Glossary
175
List of Names
198
Cuneiform Texts
PLATES IHU
A B B R E V I A T I O N S h British BM Bu DT K Rm 3m Th
A N D REFER EN
TABLET SIGNATURES
Muséum, L o n d o n B r i t i s h Muséum Budge Daily Telcgraph Kuyunjik Rassam Smith Thompson
Vorderasiatisches Muséum, Berlin B E B a b y l o n Expédition V A T Vorderasiatische Abteiiung, Tontafel O r i e n t a l Institute, University of Chicago A Asiatic U n i v e r s i t y Muséum, Philadelphia C B S Catalogue of the Babylonian Section Musée d ' A r t et d'Histoire, G e n e v a : M A H L i b r a r y of J . Pierpont Morgan, N e w Y o r k M L C M o r g a n L i b r a r y Catalogue Archaeological Muséums, I s t a n b u l : Ni(ppur) Musée N a t i o n a l S y r i e n , Damaacus R S Ras Shamra A s h m o l e a n Muséum, Oxford W - B Weld-Blundell II.
AbB ABRT AfO AHw AJSL AL AMT AnBtb ANET AnSt ARM ArOr AS BA BAM BBR BBSt
PUBLICATIONS CITED
BY
INITIALS
F . R . K r a u s et al, Altbabylomtcke Briefe J . A . C r a i g , Assyrian and Babylonian Religious
Texts
Archiv fût Orientfotschung W . v o n S o d e n , Ahkadischss Handwôrterbueh American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures F . Delitzsch» Assyriscke Lesestilcke R . C a m p b e l l T h o m p s o n , Assyrian Médical Texts Analecta Biblica J . B . P r i t c h a r d (éd.), Ancient Near Eastern lexts Anatolian Studies . Archives royales de Mari (texts tn translitéra i ; Archiv Orientdlni Assyriological Studies Beiîràge zurAssyrologie ' F . Kôcher, Die babylonisch^synscheMedtm H . Z i m m e r n , BeitràgezurKemtnuderoaoyiorni L . W . K i n g , Babylonian Boundary atones
ABBREVIATIONS AND
x
BE BIN BiOr BRM BSGW BWL CAD
REFERENCES
CT GAG GSG JAOS JCS JNES JRAS JSS JTVI KAR
The Babylonian Expédition of the University of Pennsylvania Babylonian Inscriptions in the Collection of James B. Nies Bibliotheca Orientales Babylonian Records in the Library ofj. Pierpont Morgan Berichte der Sâchsischen Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften ( L e i p z i g ) W . G . L a m b e r t , Babylonian Wisdom Literature I . J . G e l b , B . Landsberger, A . L . O p p e n h e i m , E . R e i n e r , The Assyrian Dictionary of the Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago Cuneiform Texts from Babylonian Tablets in the British Muséum W . v o n Soden, Grundriss der akkadischen Grammatik A . Poebel, Grundzuge der sumerischen Grammatik Journal of the American Oriental Society Journal of Cuneiform Studies Journal of Near Eastern Studies Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Journal of Semitic Studies Journal of the Transactions of the Victoria Institute E . E b e l i n g , Keilschrifttexte aus Assur religiôsen Inhalts, i , i i ( = WVDOG
KAV
28, 34) O. Schroeder,
KBo
H . H . Figulla
LKA LTBA
WVDOG 35)
Keilschrifttexte
aus Assur verschiedenen Inhalts
et ai, Keilschrifttexte aus Boghazkot, i - v i
30, 36)
(=
(=
WVDOG
E . E b e l i n g , Literarische Keilschrifttexte aus Assur Die lexikalischen Tafelserien der Babylonier und Assyrer in den Berliner Museen, i ( L . M a t o u S ) , i i ( W . v o n S o d e n ) MAD Materials for the Assyrian Dictionary, i—iii ( L J . G e l b ) MAO G Mitteilungen der altorientalischen Gesellschaft MBI G . A . B a r t o n , Miscellaneous Babylonian Inscriptions MIO Mitteilungen des Instituts fur Orientforschung MSL B . L a n d s b e r g e r et al., Materialien zum sumerischen Lexikon OLZ Orientalistische Literaturzeitung Or Orientalia PBS Publications of the Babylonian Section, University Muséum, University of Pennsylvania PSBA Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archaeology R H . C . R a w l i n s o n et al., The Cuneiform Inscriptions of Western Asia RA Revue d*Assyriologie RU. acc. F . T h u r e a u - D a n g i n , Rituels accadiens RLA E . E b e l i n g et al., Reallexikon der Assyriologie RT Recueil de Travaux relatifs à la philologie et à Varchéologie égyptiennes et assyriennes G . R e i s n e r , Sumerisch-babylonische Hymnen wjLf I * ^ . « » Sumerian and Babylonian Psalms àJzM E. C h i e r a , Sumerian Epies and Myths SGL A . F a l k e n s t e i n , J . J . V a n D i j k , Sumerische Gôtterlieder, i , i i A . D e i m e l , Sumerisches Lexikon ™*] E C h i e r a , Sumerian Lexical Texts fSE |f K i n g , The Seven Tablets of Création frrrrn 2' j ? ; . ^ Sultantepe Tablets TCï ?™> ™" Texts of Varied Contents Musée du Louvre, Département des antiquités orientales, Textes cunéiformes L a n
G
C
d o n
u
r
r
Sume
n
e
T h e
ABBREVIATIONS AND REFERENCES
si
UET
Publications of the Joint Expédition of the British Muséum and of the University Muséum, University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, to Mesopotamia, Ur Excavations, Texts VAB Vorderasiatische Bibliothek VAS Vorderasiatische Schriftdenkmâler WVDOG Wissenschaftliche Veroffentlichungender deutschen Orient-Gesellschaft WZKM Wiener Zeitschrift fur die Kunde des Morgenlandes YBT Yale Oriental Séries, Babylonian Texte YOR Yale Oriental Séries, Researches ZA Zeitschrift fur Assyriologie ZDMG Zeitschrift der deutschen morgenlàndischen Gesellschaft III.
CITATIONS
F R O M A K K A D I A N AND OTHER
ANCIENT
TEXTS
E x c e p t w h e r e otherwise stated, quotations from the following work9 follow the line numbering o f the following éditions :
Ahiqar A . C o w l e y , Aramaic Papyri Code of Hammurabi A . D e i m e l , E . B e r g m a n n , A . P o h l , a n d R . Follet, Codex ffammurabi* Enùma EUS W . G . L a m b e r t , Babylonian Création Myths (fortheoming) ^ Erimb-uï U n p u b l i s h e d édition o f B . Landsberger, quoted b y permission Erra F . Gôssmann, Das Era-Epos GilgameS R . C a m p b e l l T h o m p s o n , The Epic of Gilgamish, supplemented from CT 4 6 . 16-35 Surpu E . R e i n e r , Surpu (AfO Beiheft n ) t
A D D E N D U M
T O TABLET
I
AFTER the proofs h a d been corrected K 1 0 0 9 7 was identified and joined to columns i i a n d i i i o f S . I t supplies the ends o f n i n e lines o f i i after a gap of about seven lines f r o m the previously k n o w n part. T h e y are so numbered i n the translitération below,
xii
ADDENDUM TO TABLET
I
a n d the paraliel lines from the main recension are added i n b rackets. I t appears that the A s s y r i a n Recension abbreviated this section. T h e portion of i i i o n K 10097 restores part or whole of the first eight lines of the previously k n o w n portion, a n d supplies traces of one preceding line, w h i c h i s here n u m b e r e d o to save r e n u m bering the rest. S i n c e the spitting i n line 4 i s p u t after the recitation of the i n c a n tation, whereas i n the m a i n recension it cornes twenty lines before ( I . 2 3 3 - 4 , 2 5 3 - 4 ) , it i s possible that the whole process described i n the m a i n recension w a s condensed.
ii
22
23 24 25 26 27
28 29 30
. ..] x x . . . e]n-lil (125) • • • ] an-nu-gal (127) tâhazt(KA X ERIN) (129) . . . ig-rd\-a giS.lâ (130) . . . b]âb «en-lil ( 1 3 3 ? ) û
... B]N
. . . d\-bu-su (136) • . . ] en-Ul (137) . . .] X [man-nu~um-ma b]el tâhazi, the s a m e d
N o t e : I f 25 should be restored fer I . 128-9 and 140-1 i n the m a i n recension. i i i 0 a-rt[a . . . 1 A N X [ . . . . d]c-â is-sà-qar 2 A N x [ . . . ] X û-ïâm*à~am-na-$i èf-/[ef-i/î tam\-nu Si-ip-ta 3 d
meâ
7 8
tf-tu-ma tam-nu'û ïi-pa-sa ru-t[a td\-ta-di eli ti-it-tUM 14 ki-[ir]-si tàk-ri-is 7 ki-ir*d ana unsttt(zag)tai-ku-un 7 M-ir-si ana himëli(giib) tas-ku-un ina be-ru-hi-nu i-ta-di libiitu tep-da-a ap-pa-ri ba-til-iq a-bu-un-na-te tep-te-H tal-si-ma er-ïe-te mu-te-te
9
[7] & 7 fô-su-ra-ts"
0
To [ ... . . [ . . . . ] E a spoke
4 5 6
1 2
T
. . [ . . . ] . he was prompting her.
4
Bëlet-[ilï] recited the incantation; After she h a d recited h e r incantation [ S h e ] spat o n h e r clay.
S
S h e n i p p e d off fourteen pièces of clay,
6
S e v e n she put o n the right, S e v e n she p u t o n the left, Between t h e m the b r i c k w a s placed.
3
7 8 9
S h e . . . the hair ( ? ) , s h e . . . the cutter of the u m b i l i c a l c o r d . S h e summoned the w i s e a n d learned T w i c e seven birth-goddesses.
c o u l d be done
I N T R O D U C T I O N THE Atra-hasïs epic is one literary form of Sumero-Babylonian traditions about the création and early history of man. For some 1,500 years during which Babylonian civilisation flourished it was copied on clay tablets, but as Babylon sank under the eastward flood of Hellenism that followed Alexander the Great i t was lost. A i l that remained for two millennia were some related Hebrew traditions worked into the Book of Genesis and a synopsis of material simiiar to i t that Berossus, a Babylonian priest about the time of Alexander, had put into Greek, though this work did not survive for long, and i n Europe i t has been known only from excerpts, occasionally garbled, quoted by Greek and Latin writers at second or even third hand. Its recovery began i n the middle of the nineteenth century A.D. when European diplomats, travellers, and savants began serious exploration of the mounds covering the ancient cities of Mesopotamia. The sites of Assyria first attracted attention, since they yielded big, showy reliefs that could adorn the galleries of Western muséums, and British and French interests were competing to secure prior rights to dig, which at that time automatically conferred the right to carry away anything found. The mounds yielded clay tablets inscribed in cuneiform script, which at first attracted little attention, but fortunately the decipherment of the script was proceeding apace as the early excavators were finding more of thèse objects, and they were then assigned a proper importance. 1
2
Kuyunjik, which covers part of ancient Nineveh, is the only site which need be mentioned here. Paul Emile Botta, French Vice-Consul at Mosul, first dug there for some weeks in 1842/3, but found few of the results then expected. British interests were furthered by Austin Henry Layard, supported at first from the private resources of the British ambassador in Istanbul, Sir Stratford Canning. Layard secured rights to dig, and this created a nice problem at Kuyunjik, which was solved by a gentlemen's agreement; the French considered one sector of the mound theirs, and the British the other sector. This arrangement lasted until Layard finally left F o r the éditions of Berossus see p. 135. F o r further information on the beginnings of Mesopotamian archaeology and the decipherment of the cuneiform script the following are recommended: the early chapters of R . W . Rogers, History of Babylon and Assyria', £. A . WaîHs Budge, The Rise and Progress of Assyriology; Seton L l o y d , Foundations in the Dust; S . A. PaUts, The Antiquity 1
2
of Iraq, chs. 11 and n i . 813153
B
2
INTRODUCTION
the country in 1851. Spasmodic digging had taken place, and toward the end the palace of Sennacherib and two c h a m b e r s rich in cuneiform tablet» had been found. The local Arabs were on the British side. Botta, abetted by a particularly brutal local pasha, had ridden roughshod over the rights of a local gentleman who held a lease on Kuyunjik from the Turkish Government, while Layard had voluntarily paid some compensation to the man. Also, after Layafd's departure, British interests were served by Hormuzd Rassam, a Christian of local extraction, who well understood the people of the district. During the intervais i n officiai excavations thèse people had conducted their own explorations of the mounds, and, as always, knew where best to dig. Thus, when i n 1852 Victor Place, who was replacing Botta, began work i n the French sector the natives were watching just where he dug. When, therefore, Place's trenches were being extended i n the direction of a particularly rich spot, they urged Rassam to act. But the place was i n the French sector, so Rassam arranged that a select group of workmen should dig there secretly by night. This was done on 20 December 1853. On the next night the diggers struck reliefs, and on the third night they began to expose a large room surrounded by the most magnificent séries of Assyrian reliefs ever found. Rassam, considering that like a prospector for gold his claim was now staked, proceeded to work openly by day. The légal position was certainly obscure since both French and British had at various times been given permission to dig at Kuyunjik. What Rassam had dug into was the palace of the last great Assyrian king, Ashurbanipal, and i n addition to the reliefs i t yielded thousands upon thousands of broken pièces of cuneiform tablets. Thèse were the remains of libraries that were collected under AshurbanipaTs supervision and which had made Nineveh a forerunner of Alexandria, where another royal patron of letters, Ptolemy I , formed a library that excelled ail others i n the Hellenistic world. Thanks to Layard, Rassam, and others who worked at Kuyunjik after them, practically everything that was recovered from Ashurbanipal's libraries was taken to the British Muséum. I n London the work of decipherment was forwarded when the British Muséum began to publish texts. The first volume, Inscriptions in the Cuneiform Character from Assyrian Monuments by Layard, appeared i n 1851 and consisted of Assyrian monumental inscriptions. Other scholars, especially Rawlinson, who had done sterling work i n the original decipherment, Birch, an employée of the Muséum, Norris, Secretary of the Royal Asiatic Society, and the French Orientalist Oppert, contributed much to the progress of interprétation. About 1857 the British Muséum committed
INTRODUCTION
%
itself to publishing a séries of volumes of cuneiform texts selected by Rawlinson, though others did much of the work. I t was planned to issue ultimately volumes in which the cuneiform plates would be opposite pages of translations, but the difficulties of this were underestimated and only the plates appeared, under the title The Cuneiform Inscriptions of Western Asia. Large portions of the monumental inscriptions and simiiar texts on clay tablets were read with case, apart from particular obscuritics, but much of the religious and literary compositions was not understood* The man who contributed most to their understanding was George S m i t h , Born in Chelsca of humble parents, at the âge of fourteefi he was apprenticed to a firm of bank-note engravers. He soon became en grosse d in the new discoveries from Mesopotamia, and \àê interest, aristng, like that of many others in his century, from an Old Testament background, was to become his life's work. At first he was just an amateur who stinted himself to buy the books from which he acquired knowledge, but by his fréquent visita to the British Muséum he attracted the attention of Birch, Keeper of Oriental Antiquities, and gave up his career as an engraver to enter the Museum's service i n a lowly capacity. There he was put to work, among other things, sorting the thousands of fragments of tablets from Ashurbanipal's library* I t soon became clear that his understanding of the texts was equal to anyone's, and in 1866 at the âge of twenty-six he was appointed Assistant i n the Department of Oriental Antiquities and worked on the Museum's publications of cuneiform texts. Others knew that works of mythology were preserved, but only George Smith collected and joined enough broken pièces to reconstruct entire épisodes, and only he could understand the content. His lack of philological training was made up for by hard work and sheer genius. His famé was assured when, on 3 December 1872, he read a paper to the Society of Biblical Archaeology announcing his discovery of a Babylonian version of the Biblical flood story. The solemnity of the occasion is vouched for by the présence on the platform of such Victorian worthies as W . E. Gladstone and Dean Stanley, fat 1876 his book, The Chaldean Account of Genesis, was published, in which he gave a gênerai account of ail the Babylonian literary texts he had discovered w i t h excerpts i n translation. Among them was 'the story of Àtarpi*, which is now known as the Epic of Atra-hasïs. George Smith knew only one copy of this epic, which, as we can now conclude, was made up from three broken pièces. They were far from restoring the whole of the tablet and Smith mistook obverse for reverse, which did not help the matter. However, we must not blâme him for this, since the correct choice of sides was only finally settled i n 1956. Also,
4
INTRODUCTION INTRODUCTION
after his prématuré death in 1876, the three pièces got separated, and though two of them were joined again by 1899, when a translitération into the Latin alphabet was published with full translation, the third pièce remained unidentified for some eighty-five years, was finally published i n 1965, but was not joined to the other two until work on the présent édition of the epic was almost complète, i n 1967. While Smith had transiated two portions with remarkable accuracy for his time, he understood nothing of the story as a whole. The next stage in the recovery of the epic seemed at first unrelated. I n 1898 V* Scheil, a French priest, published a fragment of a flood story difFering from George Smith's, and dated to the reign of king Ammi-çaduqa of Babylon, some thousand years eariier than Ashurbanipal of Assyria. After Scheil had had the fragment it was acquired for the American miUionaire John Pierpont Morgan, and to this day it remains in the Morgan collection. I n the same year part 6 of Cuneiform Texts from Babylonian Tablets in the British Muséum appeared, and this contained a mythological fragment of roughly the same date deseribing the création of man, copied by T . G . Pinches. T h e following year Heinrich Z i m m e m , a German of outstanding ability at comprehending Babylonian and Sumerian texts, composed an article i n which he gave the transliterated text of two of Smith's three pièces (as mentioned above), proved that what Scheil and Pinches had published belonged to the same work, and that the hero's name was not to be read Atar-pi, but Atra, or Atar-hasïs. Zimmem had made his copy of the London fragments available to a cornpatriot, Peter Jensen, who was preparing a complète édition of ail known Babylonian myths and legends, and he too became aware of Zimmern's conclusions. T h u s i n 1900 both Zimmern's article and Jensen's book appeared. While they put the study of this epic on a firm footing, the results were scarcely epoch-making. There was an account of the gods' plagues on the human race for its sins, an allusion to the flood, and some lines about the création of man. Jensen saw clearly that the choice of aides for obverse and reverse was in doubt, so that no firm order of the varioue preserved extracts was possible. A n d there the niatter rested for half a century. Some new small pièces were published, but they did not alter the situation. 1
Only in 1956 did the Danish scholar Jorgen Laess0e finally demonstrate For full bibliographical références to this article and to the other publications mentioned i a dus and the following paragraph see the Bibliography on pp. 173-4. A list of Mesopotamian kings with dates (where possible) is given by J . B r i n k m s n i n the Appendix to A . L * Oppenheim, Ancient Mesopotamia, Since dates eariier than xooo B.c. are still not settled, we have usuaily accepted Brinferaan't as the best available. 1
5
the correct séquence, and thereby produce a story, First, man was created, but as the human race multiplied its noise disturbed the most important god, Enlil, who tried out various means of reducing the population, They ail failed for one reason or another, so finally a flood was sent to exterminate the lot. Even this, however, was frustrated, for the god Enki warned his favourite Atra-^asls, who built a boat and escaped with his family and a sélection of animais, With the séquence established, more text material was needed to fi 11 out the détails, and this was soon fort h corn in g. I n 1965 the présent writers made available a large quantity of new text in Cunei1
form Texts from Babylonian Tablets in the British Muséum, part 46. ft consisted of two large tablets from the same scribe who wrote the fragment that Scheil had published in 1898 (they had been in the British M u s é u m since 1889I), ' smaller pièces both Old Babylonian and Late Assyrian. It is this accumulation of new material that justifies the présent work, and to it there are added in this volume still more new pièces, both Old and Late Babylonian, so that some two-thirds of the complète work can now be presented. a n c
J ust what is the Epic of Atra-hasïs ? With a modem literary work the question could not be put in this way. A work of Dickens, say Oliver Twist, will always be that work no mat ter how many éditions it goes through. But the ancient world had no proper titles, no sensé of literary rights, and no aversion to what we call plagiarism. Succeeding âges often rewrote old texts to suit new language forms and tastes. With Atra-hasïs the only 'title' in use was the opening words 'When the gods like man*. At the end of each clay tablet there was usuaily a colophon giving such détails as we expect on a title-page. O n the rare occasions when complète tablets are available the colophons usuaily seule the connections of the text. But where only small fragments survive the question of identification ia complex. What is available for Atra-fyasïs is discussed in détail and iisted on pp. 31-41» below, but the following summary may be useful. T h e main édition used here, since it is the most complète, was copied out in the reign of Ammi-çaduqa, great-great-grandson of the famous Hammurabi, by Ku-Aya 'the junior scribe*. There ia nothing in the tablets to suggest that K u - A y a was a mère schoolboy, or that his work is a school exercise. I t was an édition in three tablets. Of the other pièces of about the same âge two agrée very closely with Ku-Aya's text, but others differ considerably and probably belonged to variant éditions. Most other pièces are Late Assyrian copies (c. 700-650 B.C.), and clearly they do not However, Sidney Smith aoticipated Laessee in 1935 by roundly asserting that coi. ii 'should be v and col. i i i 'should be reckoned col. iv {RA as, 63, and 67). 1
1
f
INTRODUCTION
6
ail belong to one édition. From this source there is the only other édition which is known to have gone under the title W h e n the gods like man'. This is George Smith's 'story of Atarpi', now associated with other pièces, which we call the Assyrian Recension because i t shows Assyrian dialectal forms. The story is essentially the same as Ku-Aya's, but i t has been substantially rewritten. Corrections from paraliel passages, such as are well known i n manuscripts of the gospels, occasionally obscure the development of the story. I t was written on two tablets, not three. Of the other Assyrian fragments some adhère more or less closely to Ku-Aya's text, but are expanded by the insertion of extra lines ; others are clearly différent. Since there is no means of knowing i f ail such pièces belong to what was called 'When the gods like man' we have adopted the practical expédient of including ail related text material except that version of the flood story which George Smith discovered and which belongs to the xith Tablet of the Epic of Gilgames'. The Late Babylonian fragments, two i n number, differ substantially from the Old Babylonian text, as do both Middle Babylonian texts. The one from Nippur is a pièce about the flood. That from Ras Shamra on the Syrian coast dealt only w i t h the flood, omitting ail the eariier épisodes. A modem reader must not expect to find our translation immediately appealing or fully intelligible. Literary taste has changed over the past 3,000 years, and, i f one may use a musical analogy, to turn from the English classics to Atmrhasis will be like turning from Wagner and Chopin to plainsong. The lack of dynamism and lush harmonies may give a first impression that plainsong is just dull. The visual arts can often make an immédiate impact, but appréciation of literature and music dépends very much on acclimatization. Our text is poetry, but lacks rhyme and mètre. The basic unit is the line, which is a unit of sensé, and i n this text i t consists of three or four words, with very few exceptions (certain monosyllabic particles not being counted for this purpose). I n Ku-Aya's édition the lines are grouped i n couplets (again as a matter of sensé), but other recensions are not consistently so arranged. The shortness of the line was a great inhibition to style i n the modem sensé, but the ancients were content with simplicity of wording. A musical analogy may help again. A simple melody may occur i n many styles of music, but Western music since the seventeenth century has developed harmony to an extent that now a musical hack can dress up a simple melody w i t h ail kinds of har1
English translations are available by E . A . Speiser i n J . B . Pritchard (éd.), Ancient Near Eastern Texts 9 3 - 6 ; and by A . Heidel, The Gilgamesh Epic and Old Testament Parallels. A detailed scientific bibliography is given in P. Garelli (éd.), GilgameS et sa légende.
INTRODUCTION
7
monies each of which conveys a particular flavour to the tune. The use of elaborate literary style to dress up thoughts is of course much older than Western harmony—Plato was already a master at it—but the Western tradition, which came down from Greece and Rome, is altogether alien to the ancient Near East. Plenty of literary ability existed there, but its subtleties occur within such stark simplicity of wording that most of it is inevitably lost i n translation. There is no scope for that kind of rendering of Cicero's speeches into modem English where the thought of the passage is extracted and re-expressed i n another idiom. Apart from modifying some metaphors and putting the words in English order the translator can do little but render word for word. Anything else would not be translation. I f , then, our readers find the style of the translation bare and jejune, we must assure them that study of the original is more rewarding. However, i n the authors' judgement the literary merit of this work is not outstanding considered within its own world. The content gives i t its exceptional interest. As with the majority of works of Babylonian literature, Atra-hasïs is anonymous, but one must nevertheless ask what prompted its writing. Our use of 'epic' to describe the text is simply modem Assyriological convention. Simiiar texts in ancient Mesopotamia were called 'songs' and were therefore 'sung'. What style of singing, chanting, or declaiming may have been used is unknown, though most likely the music came from a stringed instrument. This information conveys nothing, however, about the atmosphère of the occasions on which the 'singing' took place. The M y t h and Ritual school has an answer to this question: that many myths sprang out of a cultic environment and served in the cuit. As far as Mesopotamia is concemed this is a hasty généralisation from one spécifie example. The Epic of Création is known to have been recited to the statue of the god Marduk i n the course of the New Year festival at Babylon at least from c. 700 B.c. and perhaps eariier. No other simiiar cases are known, and even with this one it must be observed that the épilogue to the epic states its purpose as being to educate mankind generally in the greatness of Marduk, with which the content wholly agrées, The cultic use does not seem to have been intended by the author. The same can be concluded about Atra-hasïs. The advice it freely offers on marriage and midwifery was hardly intended for the loneliness of some dark cella shared only with a cuit statue. I n this epic there is no express statement of purpose, but the 1
2
1
See the concluding section of the Erra Myth (Iraq 24.125) and the last two lines of the Epic of Création (Enûma EUS) in the fortheoming édition of the first-named author, See S. H . Hooke, Myth and Ritual, and Myth, Ritual and Kingship. 1
2
8
INTRODUCTION
content gives the impression of having been intended for public recitation (note especially the conclusion), and the Homeric poems offer a fair paraliel. Whether a religious aura surrounded the recitation is unknown. Oral performance was necessary since the cumbrous system of cuneiform writing restricted literacy to a small élite of professional scribes, but there is no reason to suppose that only scribes sang epics such as Atra-hasïs to audiences, whether for édification or entertainment. No doubt there was a class of illiterate story-tellers who had memorized their stock-in-trade. We must therefore suppose that an oral tradition existed alongside the copying of texts on clay, but we can only speculate on how the two traditions may have interacted. The existence of widely difFering recensions may be accounted for as arising from oral tradition, which is much more fluid than the written. The story itself begins i n the time conceived by the Babylonians and their Sumerian predecessors when only the gods lived i n the universe, and they therefore had to toil for their daily bread. I n this particular story the three senior gods, Anu, Enlil and Enki, agreed on their sphères of influence (i. 7-16). Under their conception of the universe like a tiered wedding cake we are told that Anu went up to heaven, Enlil (we are left to infer) remained on the earth, and Enki (also called Ea) went down to the Apsû, a body of water believed to lie beneath the earth, from which springs drew their water. Enlil put the junior gods to work digging the rivers and canals (Babylonian has only one word for both), on which, i n historical times the agriçultural prosperity depended. However, forty years of such labour proved too much, and the junior gods decided on a showdown w i t h Enlil, set fire to their tools, and surrounded his house (the temple Ekur i n Nippur) by night. He was roused by his servants and at once convened an assembly of the major gods. A t the suggestion of A n u , EnhTs vizier Nusku was sent out to the rebels to demand an explanation of their conduct. He returned with the anawer that the hard labour was too much, so they unanimously decided to defy authority (1. 33-152). W i t h tears (whether from pity or indignation is not clear) Enlil suggested that A n u should return to heaven and there exact exemplary punishment on one of the rebels, but Anu replied that the grievances were well justified(l. 166-81). At this point the main recension breaks ofF, but i f a fragment of another recension can be taken as the continuation, namely G , column i l , then Enki spoke up and presented the same case for the rebels, but added the praçtieal suggestion that man should be created w i t h the help of the mother goddess to take over the hard labour. The main recension sets i n again at % 189 as this suggestion is being made. The gods generally
INTRODUCTION
o
accepted it with alacrity and summoned the mother goddess, variously called Mami, Marna, Nintu, and Bëiet-ilî. While not declining the suggestion she deferred to Enki's superior skill, and so the arrangement was worked out that the two would co-operate in the task. I n efFect, man was to be made from clay, like a figurine, but mixed with the flesh and blood of a slaughtered god. There is much interesting cultic and anthropological content in lines 206-30, which will be discussed in more détail later, The god slain is called either Wê or Wê-ila, but neither name is known elsewhere. The actual stages of the work are not too clear. From line 231 it appears that the clay was at that point of time mixed, and after the gods spat on it the mother goddess talked as though everything was finished and accordingly she received congratulations and the assignation of her name Bëlet-ilï 'Mtstress-of-the-gods' (235-47). However, the work was not over, since i n line 241 Enki and the mother goddess proceed to what i i called 'the House of Destiny* and there set to work in earnest, helped by fourteen birth goddesses. First Enki trod the clay to mix it, then the mother goddess took fourteen pièces from it which the birth goddesses moulded into seven maies and seven females. The latter détail ia taken from the Assyrian Recension (obv. iii), since there is a gap in the main recension. The moulded figures were next put into two groups of seven, the maies in the one, the females in the other, separated by what is called 'a brick*. This was probably not a single builders* brick, but a brick structure referred to i n other Babylonian texts on which women performed their labour, and by bringing in this object the author related the myth to actual births in contemporary society. The next stage in the process is lost, but when the main recension sets in again (271 ff.) the various divine actors are waiting for the end of the gestation period. With the arrivai of the tenth month the womb (the formation of which is lost in the preceding gap) breaks open and mankind is born. A t this point in the main recension, and a little later i n the Assyrian Recension, the mother goddess takes the opportunity to give advice on obstetrics and marriage. After this the text is lost or so incomplète as to give no sensé until line 352. We now pass from myth to legends about early times. The human race multiplied and their noise became such that Enlil—still on the earth— could not sleep. He therefore resolved to reduce their numbers by plague, and Namtara, the god of plague, was commissioned to put this plan into effect. Enki, no doubt fully insulated from the noise in his subterranean abode, and in any case sympathetic to his own création, was petitioned by Atra-hasïs, who, unless he was mentioned in the eariier missing section» ia introduced very abruptly in line 364. To understand the narrative properly
INTRODUCTION
one needs to know that he was king. Enki gave h i m instructions for averting the plague. The normal custom of the Babylonians i n time o f need was to pétition their personal gods, just as i n the story A t r a - h a s ï s approached his personal god Enki. F o r most Babylonians the personal deity was very minor, but i t was his duty, i f suitably provided w i t h offerings by his client, to look after the latter as need arose. However, under the divinely sent plague spécial measures were needed, which were m e d i a t e d by Atra-hasïs to the city elders, and by them to the people. They were ail to direct their dévotions to Namtara i n person, who would be pleased by the unwonted attention and would relax the plague. A i l this happened and, at the beginning of Tablet n , mankind multiplied once more, Enlil again lost his sleep, and having failed w i t h plague, he now tried famine to reduce the human population. Adad, the storm god, was instructed to withhold his rain. This was done and i n the ensuing famine Atra-hasïs once more entreated Enki, who repeated his previous advice, which was again successful, and Adad discreetly watered the earth without attracting Enlil's attention. This second attempt of Enlil covered the first column and the top half of the second column of Tablet 11, and the gap between the preserved portions i n the main recension can be filled from the Assyrian Recension. From this point onwards to the end the difficulty arises that fréquent gaps obscure the development of the story, and especially for the remainder o f Tablet H . The Assyrian Recension is as incomplète as the O l d Babylonian text, and the use of the two Late Babylonian pièces does not fully restore the narrative. The following reconstruction seems reasonably sure to the présent writers. W i t h the relaxation of the drought mankind presumably multiplied (with its noise) so that for the third time Enlil lost his sleep. The only surviving account of what he then ordered is x rev. i , which can be compared with column v of the Assyrian Recension (which contains some of this material conflated w i t h other things) and w i t h backward allusions i n later parts of the story. I t appears that Enlil was now thoroughly suspicious that some god was deliberately frustrating his plans. He d i d not, therefore, think up a third method for diminishing the numbers of the human race, but instituted a rigorous renewal of the drought. Since previously the earth had been watered without his knowledge, he set guards at each levrf of the universe to watch that no b reach of his rules occurred. Anu and Adad guarded the heavens. He himself (one Late Babylonian copy substitutes Sin and Nergal) guarded the earth» while Enki supervised the régions below. Thus the drought was resumed. T h i s much was probably contained i n the bottom half of Tablet i l , column i i ,
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ti
of the main recension, and when, in column iii, we find Atra-hasïs absorbed i n dévotions to Enki, we may be sure that he ia disturbed that the renewal of the drought seemed to imply that Enki no longer cared for the human race. Enki, however, did respond to his pétitions and communicated with him. T h e text is very damaged, and breaks off at this point (n. i i i and x rev. i), and when i t résumes again in n. iv the rigours of the famine are being described. I t is possible that the gap between the preserved parts of columns i i i and iv of the main recension contained an account of Enki's interrupting the famine a second time, but this seems unlikely. For the moment Enki saw no way out and communicated only his benevolent intentions to Atra-hasïs. Just as column iv (and Tablet I of the Assyrian Recension) breaks off i t appears that Atra-hasïs is making a final desperate plea. Enki did then act, though what he did we can only surmise from his explanation when called to account by Enlil in n. v and x rev. ii. I t appears from the Late Babylonian x that a cosmic sea was conceived to exist at the very bottom of the universe, a kind of primeval monster that had been subdued and was held i n place by a cosmic bar. The lines deseribing the actual happening as explained by Enki are broken and very obscure, but perhaps there was some kind of tussle down there and as a resuit the bar was broken. Somehow i n connection with this fish were apparently caught up i n a whirlwind and released on starving humanity. Whatever the exact détails Enki excused himself to Enlil for this escapade, but the latter was far from satisfied with the course of events and held a council of war i n which he laid down that no god must again rescue humanity. Enki's hilarious outburst at this solemn warning ( i l . vi) hardly reassured Enlil, so a new plan was formed. Enki had used water to frustrate Enlil's plan, so now water would be used to further it. The human race was to be wiped out by a flood, and Enki was bound by an oath, against his wishes, to co-operate. A t this point Tablet II ends. Tablet U i contains the flood story and the version known to George Smith from Tablet XI of the GilgameS Epic is in fact largely derived from the account i n Atra-hasïs. One pièce of the Assyrian Recension dealing w i t h the flood also survives, and a few small pièces of uncertain connections, but Ku-Aya's text is the main source. As the tablet begins Enki and Atra-hasïs are i n communication. Apparently the king had received a dream on which he sought more light. (Enki had already found a way around his oath 1) I n reply Enki addressed the reed hut with the instruction to pull down the house and build a boat. We are to conceive Atra-hasïs aa living i n a reed house such as are still found in southern Mesopotamia, where reeds grow to an enormous height. No doubt the wind might
ia
INTRODUCTION
through the reed walls, and Enki seems to have whispered to his devotee i n the same way, since it was no longer himself but the w a l l that transmitted the message, Since reed boats were as common as reed houses, the obvious course was to pull up the bundles of reeds which composed the walls of the house and to fasten them to a wooden framework as a boat. To make it watertight it was thoroughly coated with pitch. The Old Babylonian Atra-hasïs does not have the midrashic élaboration of Gilgames' x ï , where the boat is a véritable Titanic w i t h six floors. Indeed, in Atra-hasîs Enki gives the hero only seven days in which to prépare for the onset of the flood, and, interestingly, sets his water-clock for t h e seventh night. Atra-hasïs now has to explain his actions to the elders. H e told them quite truthfully that Enki and Enlil had fallen out, so he, a protégé of the former, could no longer live on the Iatter's earth. H e must, then, be off in his boat to live with his own god. W i t h this explanation the boat was built and loaded with the hero's possessions, and w i t h animais and b i r d s . Before embarking w i t h his family he held a banquet, i n which he could not participate, being overcome w i t h horror at the impending destruction. Once aboard, the flood came, and save for those inside, the human race was wiped out. I n the event the gods were not pleased. Enki and the mother goddess were sorely grieved at the loss of their création. The other gods began to find the disadvantages of a world without humans. The toil which men had taken over, digging the rivers and canals, for example, was part of the agricultural process, and, w i t h this interrupted, supplies of food and drink were eut off. The mother goddess wondered how she could have consented to such a scheme, and bitterly blamed Enlil. whistle
The flood lasted for seven days and seven nights, and i n the gap at the end of column i v and the beginning of column v the rain must have ceased and the boat corne to rest wherever i t did. This gap is particularly u n fortunate i n one respect, that the Gilgames Epic at this point inserts the épisode of sending out three birds to ascertain i f the waters were subsiding. This is the closest paraliel of any Mesopotamian flood story w i t h the Book of Genesis. I t would be interesting to know i f the O l d Babylonian version already contained this item, but while there is room for i t , there is no certainty that other items did not fill ail the space. On disembarking, Atra-hasïs promptly instituted an offering for the gods, psychologically a good move, since this would powerfully remind them of the advantages of fiving mortals, and i n this condition they would be less likely to take a severe view of the survival of this remnant from what was planned as total destruction. The mother goddess was emphatic ia her condemnation of Anu and Enlil and wished to exclude them from
INTRODUCTION
sj
partaking of the offering. Using her grief as a pretext, she appropriated some lapis lazuli Aies which had been Anu's and insisted that she would wear them as a perpétuai reminder of the time when her offspring were floating on the surface of the waters like Aies. This is aetiological, to explain actual necklaces of fly-shaped beads around the necks of statues of this goddess i n the author's expérience. When Enlil discovered what had happened he was furious at yet another frustration of his plans. Of course Enki was blamed, but he excusée! himself and in the damaged portion of column vi Enlil was presumably prevailed upon to accept the continuance of the human race. He required, however, that Enki and the mother goddess organize them better, no doubt to spare him the noise. Enki accordingly set forth proposais, in which the mother goddess shared. The only preserved portion occurs at the top of column vii, and this concerna women who do not bear children, that is, certain catégories of priestesses. I t so happens that we know thèse women best from Old Babylonian Sippar, where Ku-Aya probably worked. Save for the concluding épilogue the rest (perhaps nothing very essential to the plot) is missing. Purely as a work of literature the présent writers view Atra-hasïs with mixed feelings. The ancient author nowhere shows any real poetic spirit, and the purple passages of Gilgames that grip the modem reader are absent. I n Tablet n i especially one has the feeling of a second-rate poet. Yet the author has his strengths. There is a simple charm about the way he tells the story of the gods on strike, and there is a real dramatic build-up throughout the story. I t opens by setting the scène i n a time well known to the first hearers, before man was created. After establishing thia common bond the author proceeds to the remarkable épisode about the gods refusing to work, which leads on to the création of man. By insisting on the view that what happened at the first création of man is repeated with every human birth, the author brings home the relevance of his myth. From this he turns to the main thème: Enlil's désire to extirpate humanity and Enki's countering this plan, which is built up step by step until eventually Enlil does his worst and thereby brings the other gods around to sympathy for Enki's cause. So the story ends with the salvation of man and more about social classes and their fonctions. I t should be remembered that the first hearers of this epic were vitally concemed with many of the issues presented. The sociological system described was that which they actually knew, and they conceived that their existence was really dépendent on what Enki and Enlil did. 1
See R. Harris, Journal of the Economie and Social History of the Orient vi. 121-57 and i n Studies Presented to A. Léo Oppenheim 106-35; J . Renger, ZA 5$. n o f f . 1
INTRODUCTION
To appreciate Atra-hasïs as a work of literature a translation and a little understanding of the life and history of the author's times are the essentials for the modem reader, I t can be read just as one reads a play of Shakespeare, but for scholarly purposes something more is needed. The fullest understanding of, say, Shakespeare's Julius Caesar is only possible when the various sources for Roman history available to Shakespeare have been compared, so that one may see how he selected and modified his material, so imparting to it his own stamp. This kind of critical dissection is ail the more important with an ancient text from a milieu that knew no literary rights and had no aversion to plagiarism. The wide divergencies between the Old Babylonian copies illustrate how the scribes and editors could take a free hand in rewriting the text. Was the author of Atra-hasïs merely retelling a traditional story, or was he a créative artist? W i t h so much written material perished and with no surviving oral tradition there can never be a définitive answer to this question, but a review of related materials w i l l at least give some perspective. The Sumerian epic edited by M . Civil on pp. 138-45 cornes closest to Atra-hasïs. Although only about a third of the text remains, this is sufficient to show that i t has roughly the same content. The first column deals w i t h the création of man, the second w i t h the early history of the human race, the third and fourth (which are consécutive) cover the gods' décision to bring a flood and Enki's divulging this secret to his client, the fifth describes the end of the flood, and the sixth and last column tells how the flood hero was made immortal. Despite the similarity i n content, the size is quite différent (some 300 Sumerian as opposed to 1,245 Akkadian lines), and the wording nowhere agrées. Furthermore, the relative dates of composition cannot be fixed. I n its présent form the Sumerian text is hardly much older than the tablet on which i t is written (c. 1600 B.c.), and this i n ail probability is the time that the Akkadian Atra-hasïs was first being written down. I t is possible that the Akkadian author knew the Sumerian text, but this cannot be proved, and the various éléments of the story are suflSciently well known outside thèse two texts that one must say that the Akkadian author did not need to know the Sumerian text to write as he d i d . I t is unknown i f the Sumerian epic survived the fall of the First Dynasty of Babylon c. 1600 B.c. There is a small partly bilingual fragment, CT 46. 5, that cornes from Ashurbanipars libraries and might be a late édition of a missing portion of column i i i , but another possibility w i l l be mentioned below. I t contains the end of a list of antediluvian kings and mentions E n l i l and the noise, which, as we know from Atra-hasïs, led on to the flood. The only other closely related work of literature is Tablet x i of the
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I 5
Babylonian GilgameS Epic. This, however, as already remarked, is largely dépendent on Atra-fiasïs, though probably on a lost Middle Babylonian édition, since i n détail it différa widely from the Old Babylonian text, though there ia some identity of wording. For a more comprehensive view of the background of Atra-fcasis the whole range of cuneiform texts must be combed, and the results can be grouped under three heads: (i) the création of man, (ii) the early history of man, and (iii) anthropology and sociology. (i) The Création of Man Since W . G . Lambert has a corpus of Babylonian création myths i n an advanced state of préparation, détails will not be given here, but only a summary of results. The idea that man was created to relieve the gods of hard labour by supplying them with food and drink was standard among both Sumerians and Babylonians, so the author of Atra-hasïs was just following a common tradition in the main thème of his opening sections. Only two aspects are new to us from his text. The first is the gods' downing of tools, and perhaps some récent expérience in actual life suggested this, whether i t was a new composition or something borrowed from an eariier text not available to us. The other original aspect is the author's anthropology, which will be discussed under (iii). (ii) The Early History of Man
1
From Berossus i t has long been known that the Babylonians had a traditional history beginning with a line of antediluvian kings. I n cuneiform the best-known document embodying this tradition is now named the Sumerian King List, and a number of more or less complète copies dating from c. 1800 to 1600 B.C. have been published. It is a list of dynasties from the eariiest times to c. 1800. However, only some of the copies contained the antediluvian section, others lacked it. Had this section been an original part of the compilation there is no explanation of its lack from some copies. Contrariwise, had the original text commenced after the flood, there would have been every encouragement to add the antediluvian section to make the work more complète. When, furthermore, it is noted that there were copies of the antediluvian section quite separate from the King List, the conclusion becomes inescapable that thèse kings were at first an independent tradition only secondarily prefixed to the King List. This conclusion is confirmed by différences i n the way that transference of power
1
F o r the literature on this topic and for extracts quoted see the excursus on pp.
25-7.
INTRODUCTION
from one city to another is described i n the two documents. Unfortunately no single copy of the original, short form of the King List has the opening fines preserved. I t has been suggested that it began w i t h what is now column i , line 4 1 , of the longer édition: 'After kingship had corne down from heaven, the kingship was i n Kish . . .\ T h i s is far f r o m certain, and the importance of this question is that i f this conclusion were accepted the original King List would have contained no mention of the flood. A pointer i n favour of the opposite conclusion, that the opening words were, 'After the flood had swept over the land and kingship had corne down from h e a v e n . . i s contained i n a rival king list. For some reason the kings of Lagas are omitted from the standard list. T o compensate for this, there is a list exclusively of kings of Lagaâ, and this begins : 'After the flood had raged* (egir a.ma.ru ba.ùr.ra.ta). There is one reasonably certain allusion to the tradition of the flood as contained i n the King List, i n a text naming Isme-Dagan, king of Isin c. 1940 B.C.: 'after the flood had raged\ T h i s occurs in a sentence deseribing the appointment of this king, and not only is the wording identical with that of the two king lists, but the context— kingship—is the same. A less certain allusion occurs i n a simiiar text naming Ur-Ninurta of Isin (c. 1900 B.C.). T h e copy seems corrupt, but the sensé can be extracted by comparing a small unidentified Sumerian fragment: In that day, [in that remote] day, In that night, [in that remote] night, In that year, [in that remote] year, When the flood ( . . . Unidentified fragment
I n the primeval day, that day . . . [ . . . n i g h t . . n i g h t . remote [. . . I n the remote year, the year . . [ . . . After the flood had been brought about, Ur-Ninurta
Thèse lines merely speak of the flood as occurring i n the beginning, and though 'bring about* is used of the great flood i n Akkadian texts, nothing here connecta i t , though the allusion no doubt refers to a current version of a flood. A i l the material i n list form just described is f r o m the first half of the second millennium B.C. So far there is no évidence for this tradition o f a great flood among the Sumerians of the t h i r d m i l l e n n i u m . T h i s , however, is an argument from silence, since very little Sumerian literature has corne down to us i n third-millennium copies. Most is now available only in copies from the first half of the second millennium. I t is not u n Iikely that the Sumerians d i d have traditions of destructive floods, since the country is notoriously liable to them, indeed there is some flooding o f the rivers every year. Several ancient sites have revealed flood layers
INTRODUCTION
l 7
separating strata of différent civilisations. Presumably at various sites and on several occasions floods did wipe out the existing culture. What we do not know is whether the tradition of a flood in this part of the world reflects one particularly bad expérience of this kind in a certain year of early times, or i f the literary tradition is more loosely connected with actual events and has telescoped memories of several disasters. (The présent writers do not belong to that school which relates flood stories ail over the world to one prehistoric cosmic disaster.) Thèse problems, however, are not of spécial concern here. T h e antediluvian section lists from eight to ten kings i n several cities ruling for vast periods of time. The best preserved copy of the Sumerian King List, the Weld Blundell prism (W-B 444), has eight kings from five cities ruling a total of 241,200 years. The small tablet W-B 62, an indépendant form of the tradition, offers ten kings from six cities ruling a total of 456,000 years. A small tablet now in California, not quite complète, had either seven or eight kings from four cities, and the seven preserved reigns add u p to somewhat over 186,000 years. The five cities of W-B 444 are also given i n column i i of the Sumerian flood story. Between this second-millennium material and Berossus only one, or two, documents of the same type survive. Ashurbanipal's libraries have yielded one pièce of a related dynastie list: King, Chronicles 11, pp. 143-5. The first column is ail but gone: traces of 'reigned [ . . . years]* are visible. From the second column ail that remains are the second, third, and fourth kings of the first postdiluvian dynasty as known from the Sumerian King List Column i i i is completely gone, but iv has remains of the names of the kings of the First Dynasty of Babylon followed (apparently) by the beginning of the Sea L a n d Dynasty. What survives from column v ia a listing of the small dynasties about 1000 B.C. The sixth and last column has no writing preserved. Quite clearly this document listed kings from before the flood to nearly the time of Ashurbanipal himself, but there is mystery about the first column. I t is possible from columns iv and v to calculate that each column must have contained at least some seventy lines. The missing kings of Babylon from the First Dynasty onwards are known independently. I f the list contained more than the names and lengths of reign, then more than seventy lines a column bas to be assumed. The problem is that the first postdiluvian dynasty d i d not begin until some little way down the second column. I t follows that some eighty lines (or more) wej?e occupied with what preceded this dynasty. I t is impossible to stretch out even ten kings for this length of column space. The Ashurbanipal fragment mentioned above, CT 46. 5, may offer the solution. I t could be part of this dynastie
813153
C
i8
INTRODUCTION INTRODUCTION
list. I t contains the end of a list of nine antediluvian kings, set out i n list form, but then suddenly breaks out into literary style mentioning Enlil and the noise. There would be no difficulty i n fîlling a whole column w i t h a literary version of the flood story, especially as i t is bilingual, and the Sumerian could still have been taken from the source already suggested. I t is misleading to refer to this Late Assyrian copy of the dynastie list as a copy of the Sumerian King Lût on the basis of three names only, but one can consider i t a descendant, brought up to date by the addition o f further material. Berossus, the last witness, i n the second book o f his Babyloniaka, gave a list of ten kings i n three cities reigning 432,000 years. The idea of the flood as a point of time i n world history became generally accepted in ancient Mesopotamia, at least by 1000 B.c., and allusions to i t and to the antediluvian kings are not scarce. Ashurbanipal himself professes to have read 'stone inscriptions from before the flood*. T h e Epic of GilgameS, i n its Late Babylonian recension, has a prologue stating that the hero inter alla 'brought news from before the flood*. A learned compilation of names for philological analysis (hardly eariier than 1400 B.C.) explains one group: 'Thèse are postdiluvian kings, but not i n chronological order*. The names of antediluvian kings occur i n omen texts, lists of divine names, and i n litanies. T h e seventh king, according to W - B 444 and Berossus, Enmeduranna (or Enmeduranki) is named i n a ritual text w h i c h describes h i m as king of Sippar and patron saint (as i t were) o f diviners, so that ail diviners considered themselves his sons. A related bilingual text describes a king (probably one of the Second Isin Dynasty) as 'distant scion of kingship, seed preserved from before the flood'. T h e first king, Alulim, is addressed i n at least one Babylonian incantation as, ' A l u l u , k i n g from before the flood'. Also there survives part o f an apocryphal letter alleged to have been written to h i m by the sage Adapa. T h e 'sages' (apkallu) play an important part i n the Babylonian conception o f early times. F r o m Sumerian literature to Berossus i t is everywhere assumed that the human race was at first and naturally barbarous. Civilization was a gift o f the gods, and that is the way to understand kingship coming down f r o m heaven, as quoted above. The gods gave i t as an institution for regulating society. Works of Sumerian literature express this concept more precisely as the giving of me*. A me was the concept of any one of the numerous aspects of organized human life, from sexual intercourse to gold-smithery, and ail alike were given to man and had to be respected as divine ordinances. T h e Babylonians explained that i n early time the sages had taught the human 1
T h e most interesting expression of this idea occurs in a Sumerian m y t h only partly translated, see RA 55. 186, no. 17.
io
race what it needed to know. Berossus names eight of them and correlates them with the antediluvian kings. The first, for example, Oannes, emerged daily from the 'Red Sea' for a period. He was fish-like in appearance. I n cuneiform Van Dijk has published a list of seven sages (the more usual number) dated by the first seven antediluvian kings. A médical text confirms this picture by stating i n the colophon that it is 'according to the old sages from before the flood'. However, the same basic idea had other expressions. A n exorcistic text offers a quite différent group of seven sages. Only four are named, but not one of thèse occurs in the other lists. The first is attached to Enmerkar, a postdiluvian king according to the King List. T h e second was born i n Kish, of which city no antediluvian dynasty is anywhere recorded. This diversity surely proves that the sages were only fixed i n that they had to appear at the beginning of human history. I t was a tradition not specifically related to the great flood, but only secondarily and i n some cases synchronized with i t . One antediluvian king is named i n a third-millennium document. This is Suruppak, who occurs i n one copy of the King List only, W-B 62, as an extra génération between Ubâr-Tutu and Ziusudra, the flood hero. Suggestions have been made that since this is the dynasty of the town Suruppak the extra name results from a misreading or misunderstanding of an epithet 'man of Suruppak' applied to Ubâr-Tutu. This view, however, is no longer acceptable, since the source of the extra génération has been identified. A literary work, of which copies contemporary with those of the King List are extant, professes to be the teaching of Suruppak to his son Ziusudra. I t consists of admonitions of a quite gênerai kind, and throughout the ancient Near East such moral instruction was often presented as the advice o f a father to his son. Early Dynastie fragments of c. 2500 B.C. have been identified, but here the son's name is not Ziusudra, but TJR.A§.2 I t is uncertain how thèse two signs should be pronounced, but i t can hardly have been Ziusudra, which contains three well known Sumerian roots. There is, therefore, no certainty that Suruppak as conceived by the author of the Early Dynastie version of this text was a king (though this is not unlikely) and no assurance at ail that the son was the flood hero. GilgameS x i . 13 states that before the flood the gods were i n the city Suruppak. This no doubt reflects a local tradition, but i t was not accepted i n the Old Babylonian Atra-hasïs. Here only Enlil remained on earth, and he lived i n Ekur, his shrine i n Nippur. T h e .survey of traditions about early history just given is a necessary 1
2
1
2
H . Z i m m e r n , ZDMG 78. a i ; T . Jacobsen, M. Civil and R . D . Biggs, RA 60. 1-5.
Sumerian King List
75 . 32
zo
INTRODUCTION
background for a study of Atra-hasïs. The account of Berossus and what can be gleaned from Ashurbanipal's libraries might suggest that views about the beginnings of human history were fixed and rigid. I n fact there was (i) a tradition of sages unrelated to the flood» (ii) another tradition of kings which may have begun after the flood, and (iii) still a t h i r d tradition of a succession of kings before the flood. I n Berossus ail three are combined. I n the third tradition as we have listed them (the order has no chronological stgntficance) one would expect the king who survived the flood, Ziusudra i n Sumerian» Atra-ljasïs or Uta-napi5tim i n Akkadian, to be a key figure* Yet curiously i n W - B 444 he is missing, and this cannot be explained as due to scribal omission, since the list is summed up, and no king or reign is missing. There has been much spéculation on this point» and Atra-hasïs seems to offer the reason as w i l l become clear. The loss of most of lines 307-51 from Tablet 1 is most unfortunate i n this connection» since they dealt w i t h the initial organisation of the human race after its création. The only two lines nearly complète, 337-8, show that shrines were being built and canals dug. Presumably the complète text told of mankind's instruction i n the arts of civilization, and probably the building of at least one city was described. Also a king must have been appointed. The acute problems are» which city or cities, and which king? D i d Atra-hasïs name the same five cities as the Sumerian flood story, the same in which kings reigned according to the lists ? A t présent there is no way of finding the answers to thèse questions» though i t is very doubtful if a list of kings was given or alluded to. T h i s follows f r o m lines 352-5, as restored a little from the same passus at the beginning of Tablet 11. W e are toîd that before the end of 1,200 years the population increased and w i t h i t the noise. I t is difficult to conceive that this could be anything b u t the initial growth of the human race, and this excludes anything like eight kings ruling for 241,200 years (as W - B 444 has i t ) , since that was plenty of time both to multiply and to make noise. Even i f i t is supposed that the gap contained a list of kings, and that during their reigns both reproduction and noise were somehow inhibited, the number 1,200 still suggests that we are not dealing with the tradition of the lists. 1200 ia neither a mystical nor a terminal number, unlike 7 or 3,600. T h e two 1,200-year intervais are part of a chronology of the reign of Atra-hasïs. Due to the damaged condition of Tablet n the scheme cannot be followed, b u t one could have expected another 1,200 years to be interposed at each successive reprieve of humanity. Such a scheme would probably have given a total of 4,800, which is on an altogether différent plane from the 36,000 years o f W - B 444 or the 64,800 of Berossus. Certainty w i l l not be reached u n t i l the gaps are
INTRODUCTION
ti
fllied, but at présent it seems that Atra-hasïs had its own version of antediluvian history. One king only, Atra-fyasïs, reigned for a comparativery modest period and he it was who survived the flood. This is the fourth strand that was worked into a common tradition in due course. 1
(iii) Anthrapology and Socfology The Sumerian view of the world provided a stimulus for a compte» hensive view of human society, which has been lacking in many civilizat ions. AU too often thinkers and poets have considered themselves above the world of pots and pans. Tbe Sumerians and their Babylonian successors, as mentioned above, conceived of the human race as originally barbarous, civilized only by the express intervention of the gods. Thus every aspect of civilized life, public or private, important or trivial, was looked on as ideally conforming to a divine pattern. With such a conception there is no such thing as the unmentionable, whether that be an effect of social snobbery or moralizing prudery. Every aspect of society was of divine origin and was worthy of study. This does not of course mean that literature lacks plenty of gods, heroes, kings, wars, and conquests, but even in the traditions of early times the kings are matched by the sages. The former are an aspect of political history, the latter of social history. Atrahasts shows more interest i n anthropology and social forms than any other Babylonian epic. This first shows i n the account of man's création. The author used what was the generally accepted view of this matter among those who wrote in Akkadian, that man was formed from clay mixed with the blood of a slain god. T o understand what the author of Atra-hasïs was achieving i n his account one must know not only this fact, but also ita implications, though no ancient text formally offers a commentary on the meaning of création. 'Clay' i n this context is the material substance of the human body. This can be learn t from a number of passages that speak of death as a returning to clay'. Exactly the same concept is shown i n the Hebrew account of man's création where the penalty for disobedience was laid down: 'You are earth, and to earth you shall return* (Genesis 3:19). The présent writers have not found any simiiar Mesopotamian clue explaining the blood, but this does not mean that spéculation ts out of place. I t is well <
2
A Hittite fragment, Keilsckrifturkunden aus BoghazkSi vm, 63, names an Atra-basîs, son of cjamsa ('Fifty')» who figure i n a story mvoîviag Kumarbi. A translation ts given by H . G . Gûterbock, Kumarbi 3.0-1, who rightly comments on p. 93 that there can be no assurance that this Atra-hasïs is the flood hero. 3 târu ana fiffix BWL xo8. 6; Erra 1. 74; Gtfe. x i . 118 and 133; SENS 117. u . 7. Note also fiftiS êmû/êwûm i n the lexica. 1
INTRODUCTION
known that many catégories of Sumerian and Babylonian texts are i n themselves incomplète» and need to be understood i n the light of explanat k m which in the ancient world were no doubt given by word of mouth. I n explaining the material substance of the human body one has by no means explained the phenomenon of life, and the problem is as acute today as it has ever been. What is the life élément imparted from the parent into its young, whether i n animal or human, and how did it arise in the first case? T h e Hebrew account of création in Genesis 2 ex plains that God imparted "the breath of life into man, and so animation began. T h e iealîty of this is that breathing is an essential accompaniment of life, and at death we 'expire'. N o simiiar doctrine i s known among the Babylonians or Sumerians. Instead we may présume that the divine blood was held to supply life to matter. A Hebrew paraliel is again helpful: the Pentateuchal laws i n a number of respects work on the principle that *the life îs in the blood' (Levrricus 17:11, etc.), and parallels to this idea among other peoples are well known. Hence i n ail probability the Babylonians conceived of man as matter ('clay*) activated by the addition of divine blood. 9
T o this traditional concept the author of Atra-hasïs has added one item, which occurs i n a passage ( l 208-30) full of perplexing phrases. I t was a common Mesopotamian view that man had a spirit that survived death, which could, i f not properly buried and supplied with offerings, trouble the living. I t is this spirit (Bab. etemmu) that the author i s explaining in
INTRODUCTION
23
institutions. O n the assumption that every human b i r t h repeats what happened at the beginriing, the mother goddess lays down i n the story certain norms of ancient midwifery (1. 289-305). The Babylonian conception of society as c o n f o r m i n g to a divine blueprint means that no distinction was made between immutable physiological requirements of the human species and local customs which hardly two «vilizations will share. Since there is no freedom of choice in the physiological aspects of birth, the epic concentrâtes on those matters of local custom which might easily be forgotten : the need to have the birth 'brick' i n place for nine d a y s , the marriage célébration of the same length, and t h e invoking of IStar (goddess of love) under the name Ishara during t h i s period. Enlil's demand for a reorganization of the human race after the flood provided the author with his last chance, but unfortunately most of the section is lost. From what remains i t appears that there was a classification of people by marital status, and that the social structure of the author's âge is being described. I f only i t had survived i t would have been an important document of social history for the Old Babylonian period. Under this heading one may also note that the kind of city organisation présume d for the reign of Atra-hasïs—a king and council of elders—is not peculiar t o this text, but is found in other ancient texts, especially Sumerian. This is one constituent of Jacobsen's theory of primitive democracy i n early Mesopotamia, but i t must be stressed that he uses the term democracy i n its classical rather than modem sensé. 1
addition to the usual material aspects of life. N o other surviving création account from Sumerians or Babylonians attempts to explain this. L i n e s 2 1 0 - n (<£. 225-6) mention the slain god s flesh, as w e l l as his blood. 5
Both aie mixed i n the clay, so that i n lines 212—13 this i s spoken o f as a mixing of god and man. A t first this seems a non sequitur, since m a n does not yet exist, but since 'clay* was the material substance of humanity its mixing with die divine flesh and blood could be so described. T h e statement about the drum i n 214 (cf. 227) is quite obscure, see the note ad l o c , but the following fine is abundantly clear. T h e flesh of the slain god is the source of tbe spirit of man. W e might have preferred the blood, as not being so material and soiid, but i n traditional mythology it seems that blood supplied the purely animal life, that ends at death. L i n e s 216-17 (cf. 229-30) are tantalizingly ambiguous, but they seem to say that living man is a mémorial to the slain god, and his spirit (presumably after death) likewise. T h e technique of finding a continuing aspect of myth i n human life provided the author with his first oppoitunity for dealing with social
Thus Atra-hasïs may be analysed as follows. The plot was traditional, though the author had to choose from variant forms of the tradition, and to blend his sélection into a dramatic whole. The careful build-up of the material used, and the interest shown i n human life and society clearly compels belief i n one author rather than i n a traditional story that was worked up over a period of time by successive générations of story-tellers. T h e freedom of individual scribes to make their own versions does not conflict w i t h this conclusion. I t w i l l be appreciated from what has been written that no précise date of composition can be given. AU one can ask is, when roughly was the text written down i n more or less the form we know ? The eariiest surviving copies are from the seventeenth century B.C.—that they are copies is shown by the scribal note 'broken' found i n two manuscripts of 11. L 12— and from gênerai knowledge of the history of Babylonian literature the text can hardly have been written down more than one, or at the most 1
JNESz.
159-72; ZA 52. 90 ff.
INTRODUCTION
two centuries eariier. There is hardly a scrap of Semitic literature i n cuneiform from the third millennium B.C., and this cannot b e explained as an accident of discovery when so many tablets of other content are known from this millennium. Babylonian literature first developed i n the early centuries of the second millennium, which are rightly considered its classical period. While Sumerian was still taught i n the schools and was used by scribes, Babylonian was the every-day language and despite some literary archaism there is reason to believe that literary idioms and popular speech were doser than at any other time. This was, then, a period comparable with fifth-century Athens, when great poets w e r e competing for the drama prises i n the public théâtre. I t was an âge of much literary creativity. We have considered Atra-hasïs i n Mesopotamia» and i t remains to look at its relationships with other literatures. T h e only certain paraliel occurs m the Book of Genesis. From at least the time o f Josephus i n the first century A.D. the similarity of Hebrew and Babylonian traditions of the early history of mankind has been noted. Josephus had to dépend on Berossus; today with large numbers of cuneiform sources at our disposai the observation is still valid. T h e first eleven chapters of Genesis begin with création, and proceed through ten long-lived patriarchs to the flood, in which only the tenth, Noah, is saved, w i t h his family and birds and animais. As the waters were aubsiding Noah let out of the ark three birds in turn to discover how far the waters had abated. Even f r o m this brief and inadéquate summary i t is obvious that the différences are too great to encourage belief i n direct connection between Atra-hasïs and Genesis, but just as obviously there ia some kind o f involvement i n the historical traditions generally of the two peoples. They were p u t i n w r i t i n g i n Babylonia first, since the O l d Babylonian period ended several hundred years before Moses, the traditional author of the Pentateuch. One possible expianation is that the origin of thèse traditions is to be sought i n the Tigris-Euphrates valley, and they spread to Syria and Palestine i n the Amarna period, c. 1400 B.C. I t has been mentioned above that a pièce o f a Babylonian flood story has been found at Ras Shamra, o n the coast of Syria, written about this time (see the édition on pp. 131-3). However» the question ia very complex and cannot be discussed further here. T h e Graeco-Roman flood story with Deucalion and Pyrrha as ita heroes ia not certainly related at ail. Unfortunately i t is only known from late sources, 1
2
1
I
See the extracts quoted i n tbe éditions of Berossus. T h i s view is advanced by W» G . Lambert, Journal
of Theological Studies, N.s. xvi.
INTRODUCTION
»
s
the fui lest form is that i n Ovid's Métamorphoses from early i n the first century A.D. This portrays a succession of âges getting progressively worse, termed gold, silver, etc., until mankind is wiped out for its sins and the chosen pair, saved i n a boat, started off the human race again. I f one could trace back this story it might of course have antécédents more closely resembling its Mesopotamian counterpart, but in its known forms there is no certain connection. 1
EXCURSUS E A R L Y
H U M A N
H I S T O R Y
(i) T h e Sumerian King List THE standard édition is that of T . Jacobsen, AS 11, who suggested that it was first compiled about 2100 B.C. F. R . Kraus, in ZA 50.29-60, published a little new material and proposed that the date of compilation be in the Isin-Larsa period, c. 1900-1800 B.c. M . Rowton, i n JNES 19. 156 ff., offered arguments i n favour of a date c. 2100-2000 B.C. New material and appropriate discussions have been offered by: M . Civil, JCS 15. 79-80; J. J . Finkelstein, JCS 17. 39-51 ; W. W . Hallo, JCS 17. 52-7. The lastnamed author, loc. cit. 56, has argued that the title nam.lugal in a catalogue of texts from U r ( VET VI/I. 123.25, cf. RA 55. 171) proves that the short form of the King List began with i . 41. I t is difficult to see the logic i n the argument, and the more recently published king list of Lagas (JCS 21) begins w i t h what is i . 40 i n the Sumerian King List. (ii) T h e Sages T h e Late Babylonian tablet giving a list of seven sages correlated with the first seven antediluvian kings is published i n H . J. Lenzen, XVIII. vorlàufiger Bericht ûber die von dem Deutschen Archâologischen Institut und der Deutschen Orient- Gesellschaft aus Mitteln der Deutschen Forschungsgemeinschaft unternommenen Ausgrabungen in Uruk-Warka pp. 44ff.The other, quite différent version of the seven sages is a bilingual text edited most recently by E. Reiner i n Or. N.s. 30. 1-11. The sages are specified ME4F as antediluvian i n a colophon to a médical text: H pi apkallé la-bi-ru-ti sa la-am abubi (a.mâ.ùru), AMT 105. 22. t
(NUNM .E )
(iii) Other Allusions to the Flood (a) [egi]r a.ma.ru tir.ra.ta 'After the flood had raged* (PBS x/a. 9 rev. i . 23 = TCL 15, p l . xx. 27, cf. W . H . Ph. Rômer, Sumerische See art. 'Deukalion* i n Pauly-AVissowa, Real- Encyclopédie. 1
EXCURSUS
26
'Kônigshytnnen' 46. 119-24 for the context). The line occurs in a sentence explaining the appointment of ISme-Dagan by Enlil.
EXCURSUS
(b) I n god list as names of Tammuz: am.m[e.l]u.an.na = dumu.[zi] [am.me.g]al.an.na ~ [MiN] [ am.me.si]pa.zi.an.na ~ [MiN] CT 24. 9, K 11035. 7-9 m CT 24. 19. i i ( + K 15160) 6-7 = CT 25. 7, K 7663+ 7-9 (LA) d
(b) and (c) l ]»[.•• an. en.li'l.bi.da ^ [ n . k i . . . u .ri.ta u .[sù.râ.ri.ta] gig.ri.ta gi .[sù.râ.ri.ta] mu.ri.ta mfu.sù.râ.ri.ta] u a.ma.ru X [. . . STVC 4
d
d
4
u .ul.li.a.ta u . b i ba Si? la [. . . g i UD ri bi ri g i ba su [. . . mu.sù.da m u ba Si [. . . egir a.ma.ru ba.gar.ra.[ta] Sumer x i , p l . x m . 1-4 4
6
4
6
4
87 B
6
(b) is a fragment from the Old Babylonian period not further identified, (c) is the opening passage of a hymn mentioning U r - N i n u r t a of Isin. Both passages are saying in effect 'in the beginning', and on this thème i n Sumerian texts see Van Dijk, Acta Orientalia x x v m 31 ff., where (b) is translated. One may suspect that the text of (c) is corrupt. (d) Ashurbanipal: hi-fa-ku mihilti(gù.sum) ab-ni là la-am a-bu-bi là kak-ku sa-ak-ku bal-lu T study stone inscriptions from before the flood, which are obtuse, obscure and confused' (VAB v u . 256 18-19 = F. Lehmann-Haupt, Samalsumukin pl. xxxv, cf. T h . Bauer, Das Inschriftenwerk Assurbanipals 80). y
(e) GilgameS: ub-la tè-e-ma là la-am a-bu-bi (1. i . 6). (/) Name List: an-nu-tum LUGAL-e là a-bu-bi a-na sa-dir a-ha-mel la sad-ru (v. i? 44. i . 20). (g) Bilingual text related to BBR 24 (below iv d): . . . ] a.ma.ùru.na.an.na.ke li-i-pu ru-û-qu là lar-ru-ti z[e-r]u na-as-ru là la-am a-bu-bi JCS 21, "Enmeduranki and Related Matters" i 8 (iv) Mentions of Antediluvian Kings 4
(a) I n litanies i n which they are equated w i t h Tammuz: am.me.l[û.an.na . . . am.me.gal.an.na [. . . Gros, Nouvelles Fouilles de Tello 211, A O 4346. 1-2 (OB) am.i.lu.an.na am.me.ga[l.an.na] # E x x x 1. i i i . 8 = 12. i i . 15 ( = PBS x/2. 15) (OB) ^m.me.lu.an.fna. . . am.me.gal.an.n[a . . . rfam.me.sipa.fzi.an.na . | f p K 5044. s ff. ( L A )
d
(c) I n omens ('the omen of . . . ' ) : am-me-lu-an-na MAN [. . . KAR 434 rev. (?) 14 (LA) e-me-lu-an-[na . ., CT 30. 10, K 3843+ rev. 8 (LA) (d) I n ritual text: en-me-dur-an-ki làr sippari JCS 21, "Enmeduranki and Related Matters," i i 1 and 23 (LA) kl
(e) I n incantations: én a-lu-lu sarru là la-mu a-bu-bu B M 45686 = 81-7-6, 91, i . 19 and 25, i i . 12. (The continuation has nothing relevant to the king.) én a-lurlu sd-nu-û-um
EGIR
d
d
d
d
Vf
B M 45686 = 81-7-6,91, i . 21. (This is cited i n a ritual section in a broken context.) (LB) (/) I n an apocryphal letter: a-na a-lu-lu qi-bi-ma um-ma a-da-pa ap-kal-um-ma T o Alulu speak, thus says Adapa the sage (STT 176. 14, LA) m
m
Allusions to a flood brought about by Marduk occur i n the Erra Epic, I 132-48 and I V 50. However, every détail referred to is either lacking from, or cannot be reconciled with, the various versions of the story of the great flood. Presumably, then, this is another flood.
A
Q U O T A T I O N O F ATRA-ffASlS ASSYRIAN K I N G
FOR
AN
ONE of the reports sent by astrologers and incantation priests to advise Late Assyrian kings cites our text. The document, K 761, was published by R. Campbell Thompson, Reports No. 243, and was compiled by a Babylonian incantation priest, Bël-lë'î of the Egibi family (rev. 6: ia
EXCURSUS
aS
bël-î>A, mât e-gi-bi ^maà.maâ), as advice on a drought. Its various sections are separated by rulings, ail of which were omitted by Campbell Thompson. The first two sections (obv. 1-2 and 3-5) quote astrological omens with explanatory glosses. Evidently the conditions stated i n thèse omens were then prevailing, for line 6 includes the words: 'Abundant rain will fall for the king, my lord.' ( à è g gap-su-tu ana sarri be-U-ia il-[la-ku]). The following section (obv. 7-10) consists of instructions on 'how to make Adad send rain* ( adad èèg a-na xa-na-n[i])> of which the only preserved détail is the use of 3u.fl.la prayers or incantations. The reverse, save for the last line, which gives the compilera name, is as follows: mà
m
N O T E S
O N
O R T H O G R A P H Y
AND
G R A M M A R
meô
d
1 2 3 4
[(là) ad]ad-ma Si--a bâb-sû bi-li û-p[u-un-tû] *à}-na qu-du-mi-Sû lil-lih-Sum-ma ma-a[S-ha-tû] ni-qu-û ina se-re-e-ti im-ba-ru li-s[d\-a\z-niri\ eqlu ki-i Sar-ra-qu-tu ma-a-mu lis-s[i] d
5 ki-i zu-un-nu ina mât akkadî
ki
1 2 3 4
^ .
i-te-qï-ru an-na-a e[p-sà\
Seek the door of Adad, bring meal I n front of it. The offering of sesame-meal may be pleasing to him, He may rain down a mist i n the morning, So that the field will furtively bear water.
5 When rain has become scarce i n the land of Akkad, do this. The lines quoted are Tablet n . i i . 11-13, 16, and 19 of Ku-Aya's recension with a few variants. up[untu] for e-pï-ta, and ki sarrâqûtu for ki-ma sa-arra-qi-tu are substitutions of more common words and phrases for less common, a phenomenon also noted i n the Assyrian Recension. However, the substitution of 'water' for 'grain* (su-a) i n 4 cannot be explained i n the same way. Bël-lë'î may have made the change by accident, or perhaps deliberately, since his point i n the use of the line is made clearer thereby. I t is similarly uncertain i f the four missing lines were already lacking from the text then i n use, or i f the compiler omitted them to shorten the excerpt. The significance of this direct quotation is that i t reveals the Babylonian priest operating on a principle that is put forward i n the epic itself, though in other connections, namely that what was done on divine instigation i n the beginning can be repeated at intervais throughout history. T h e technique whereby Atra-fcasîs got Adad to send rain could be used again whenever there was a drought. 1
O n Ùm prineiple in Babylonian thought generally, see W . G . L a m b e r t , JSS 104 ff. 1
xm.
SINCE Atra-frasis
is the longest preserved Old Babylonian epic, i t is of course of great value for study of orthography and grammar. This statement must be qualified, however, in that linguistically speaking the epic's extent is inadéquate to provide the basis for a c o m p r e h e n s i v c study of its dialect. Serious linguistic work would have to draw on ail Old Babylonian literary compositions, and be done with a knowledge of the other contemporary and eariier speech-forms of Akkadian. This falls outside the scope of the présent volume, but attention will be drawn to points of interest which occur. Only the Old Babylonian material will be used. A fundamental observation is that the édition of Ku-Aya is not always consistent, especially i n matters of orthography, note the following examples : Sa-ma-i 1. 19; m . i i i . 7, 48 Sa-ma-ii ni. i i . 35
ti-i-ti-iS 1. 339 te-i-tam 11. i . 9 (B)
Normally the syllables qa and pi are written with GA and BI, but examples of the signs qa and pi occur (1. n and n i . vi. 40, see notes). Normally Anunnakku is written a-nun-na, but once a-nun-na-ku (1. 5, see note), and similarly there is one example of naSSïku (the title of Ea) against several of niSSïku (see note on 1. 16). Orthographically the text must be classified as Northern by the rules of A . Goetze, in Neugebauer and Sachs, Maihematical Cuneiform Texts, pp. 146-7, though the syllables ti/te are often written with the Di-sign, a Southern usage according to Goetze. I n a text internally inconsistent a few other individual 'Southern* usages are of no great importance. We have adopted sqr rather than zkr as the root 'speak' (see note on 1.63), and this créâtes a variety of 'Southern* forms such as is-sâ-qar and si-iq*rà. Since thèse are particularly epic words used i n stock formulas they may well have had their own orthographie tradition unrelated to that of Sippar. Mimation throughout is optional. There are two striking sandhi-writings: bâbiSatmâni (1. 69) and lïteddilirtaSa (11. i . 19), on which see the notes. d
d
Several interesting phonological phenomena occur. Twice a doubled consonant is resolved into the glottal stop followed by a single consonant: u'pur (*= uppur, 1. 284) and lïti[lu] (= littï[lu]> 1.300). Examples elsewhere
ORTHOGRAPHY
AND
GRAMMAR
are very rare, but note ma-'-me-tum (DP v i . 37. v i . 3), normally written Mammïtum. The consonant w has not completely disappeared. A t the beginning of words i t may be simply lost, note âlittutn i n n i . v i i . 2. I t is replaced by m i n the following forms: ilmû (1. 113), i-ta-mu (1. 366), (t)umaSier (11. v . 20, vi. 29). Thèse seem to be the eariiest occurrences of this m though it is normal in Middle Babylonian. tisia for Hsia is paralleled in Old Babylonian letters (see 1. 61 and note), but $anitti!![ka], for the normal tanïttù[ka], in m . viiL 14 could be a scribal error, see the nota» I f burra ( n i . vii. 8) is a form of bukra, i t is without paraliel. I n word forms one naturally looks for 'hymno-epic' idiom, on which see W. von Soden, ZA 40. 163 ff. and 41. 90 ff. A detailed study w i l l be included i n W. G. Lambert's forthcoming Babylonian Création Myths so the material is quoted here w i t h little or no comment : d
y
T H E
THE best-preserved édition of the epic, and so the one which is used here as the main recension, is an édition i n three tablets from the hand of K u Aya i n the reign of Ammi-saduqa. One copy of each of the three tablets survives (for détails see the list below), and they are dated as follows: 1
I
iti.bâra.zag.gar ud.2x.kâm mu am-mi-sa-du-qâ lugal.e alam.a.ni mâs.gaba.tab.ba su X ( X ) ù alam.a.ni 5u.silim.ma ab.di'.a
%
Alone:
Ending -U Hkrii n i . iv. 17
Construct: bâbis atmâni 1. 69 ahriâtil ûmï 1. 214 == 227 bubûtiS niH tîitâ [Ui] 1. 339 pûtii nâri 11. i i i . 26 Suffixes: qâtiUa X. 11 bâbiSka I. 113 tërëtii\ka\ n i . viii. 12 ianîttii[ka] n i . viii. 14
Ending -um azoïlum 1. 1 kïma iarrâqïtu I I . i i . 19 m 33 simânu Hmti 1. 305 cf. 280
f
M o n t h Nisan, 21 st day, the year when Ammi-saduqa, the king, a statue of h i m s e l f . . . a kid held at the breast and a statue of himself victorious ( ? ) . . . 2
II
iti.as.a ud.28.kam m u am-mi-sa-du-qâ lugal.e dûx-am-rni-sa-du-qi** ka.id.zimbir .ra.ta in.ga.an.dim.ma.a ki
ba'ûlâtuHu 1. 14
The only unusual thing here is the ending -um w i t h the meaning 'like', see the note on 1. 1. A less common ending is -ia (or -i$a) for -lam (or -Uam) on iamêSa (1. 13, 17, see the note) meaning 'to heaven'. Also i n 111. i . 37 mûHiu seems to have the ending -ht or -iiu = ana. T h e nominative case-ending i n the construct state occurs i n the following passages: nahbalu tiâmtim 1. 15 (acc.) màrû râmânika 1. 94, 96 (acc.) Hpru iiqû I I . iv. 19 (nom./acc.)
M A N U S C R I P T S
ina c&qulàlu samH 11. v i . 30 (gen.) ina birku àlitti 111. v i i . 5 (gen.)
A totally unexpected révélation is that the t h i r d person fem. precative with f-prefix is not lû taprus, but i taprus (see 1. 295 and note o n 1. S i i i . 16). Several difficult uses of the acc. occur, see 1. 5, n i . v i i . 8-9 (perhaps also n i . iii. 33) with notes.
M o n t h Shebat, 28th day, the year when Ammi-saduqa, the king, con* structed Dûr-Ammi-saduqa at the mouth of the Sippar canal. III
iti.gud.si.sâ [ud. X .kâm] m u am-mi-sa-d[u-qâ lugal.e) alam.a.[ni. . . [x]x[..| M o n t h Iyyar [ x t h day], the year when Ammi-saduqa, [the king], a statue of himself [. . .
Scheil i n 1898 {RT xx. 55) proposed to read the name either Ellet-Aya or Mullil-Aya, and the former has been generally accepted. T h i s , however, as pointed out by B. Landsberger privately, has no sound basis. J . } . Stamm, i n Die akkaduche Namengebung {Mitteilungen der vorderasiatisch-aegyptischen Gesellschaft 44) 301 f., commenta that the type kù-f divine name ia Sumerian; and i n the period of the First Dynasty of Babylon one finds not only k u i n this type, but also kù.babbar and once a phonetic writing ka-sa-apiitar ( VAS 8. 22. 4). N o writings *el-le-et-iitar have been noted. T h u s in ail probability the scribe was called Kasap-Aya, but since there is no proof, we have used the Sumerian form. * T h e meaning o f Su.silim.di i s suggested by Erimhus x. 6 ( C T 18. 47, K 214 » C T 1 9 . 8 , R m i l . 587. 6 « KBo 1. 44. 6 ) : su.silim.di = iit-ru-sû in the context of its group and by the meaning of the éléments i n Su.silim.di. 1
THE
3*
MANUSCRIPTS
Tablet I was thus Written (or finished) on the 2ist day of the first month of Ammi-saduqa's I 2 t h year (c. 1635 B.c.), and Tablet n on the 28th day of the eleventh month of the preceding year. The t h i r d tablet is dated i n the second month of a year which cannot be certainly ascertained, since the 5th, i 2 t h , I 5 t h , and one other, unidentified year formula of this king begin with mention of a statue. I t could well be the same year as that of Tablet 1, since they both reached the British Muséum together. The rest of the colophons of thèse three tablets concerna the number of lines and the scribe: 1
dub.l.kâm.ma i-nu-ma i-lu a-wi-lum mu.sid.bi 416 Su kù.4a.a dub.sar.tur
n
dub.2.kàm.ma i-nu-ma i-lu a-wi-lum [mu.S]id.bi 439 Su k&.<*a.a dub.sar.tur
m
aLtil dub.3.kàm.ma i-nu-ma i-lu a-wi-lum?* *'^ *] mu.Sid.bP 390 0
1
r
su.nigin 1245 Sa 3 tup-pa-t[im] Su kù. a.a dub.sar.tur d
I
Tablet 1, 'When the gods like man' Number of lines: 416 Written by Ku-Aya, the junior scribe
II
Tablet 11, 'When the gods like man' Number of lines: 439 Written by Ku-Aya, the junior scribe
m
Finis Tablet n i , 'When the gods like man' Number of lines: 390 Total: 1245 for the three tablets Written by Ku-Aya, the j u n i o r scribe
Tablet m , cited here under the symbol C (see the list below), results from the combination of two pièces, one i n Geneva, the other i n L o n d o n . The way that the two pièces are broken and ail other considérations suggest that they are parts of the same tablet and might just touch i f they were put
THE
MANUSCRIPTS
together. From the first publication of Tablet 11 in 1898 by Scheil (RT XX. 55) i t has been argued that Ku-Aya worked in Sippar. The reason, which has not changed since Scheil wrote (see Finkelstein, JCS 11. 83-4) is that the overwhelming majority of tablets from Arnmi-saduqa's reign corne from Sippar, and the two London tablets, 1 and i n , reached the British Muséum in a collection mainly of such material. The Ku-Aya tablets are written in eight columns of about fifty-five lines each, save for the last one, which is shorter, and each column is numbered consecutively from the top (the wedge for 'ten' is put against each tenth line), then the total is given on the bottom edge under each column. The division of the work into tablets is purely scribal. The author wrote it as an uninterrupted séquence, and other éditions divide it differently from Ku-Aya's. Another copy of Tablet 11 belonging to the same recension is now in Istanbul ( D ) . F. R. Kraus has shown that other tablets in Istanbul which, like this one, bear Nippur numbers, certainly corne from Sippar, and in view of the close resemblance of this to B, Ku-Aya's Tablet n , he has concluded that this too is from Sippar. The two have the same eight-column format, and where both are preserved they are sign for sign identical, except for i i . 18 (B has na-as-Sa, but D na-al-la) and orthographie variants i n i . 9-10, v i i . 48, and viii. 36. Other différences are that the text is not broken into columns at exactly the same points; that D uses ten-marks on the obverse i n the style of Ku-Aya, but neglects to do so on the reverse; and that there is no colophon preserved. I t is true that the bottom of the last column is broken away, but even i f the date was put there and is thus lost, the number of lines and the name of the scribe, which should have followed close o n the last line to conform to Ku-Aya's style, is certainly lacking. 1
2
W i t h B there is a more direct pièce of évidence. Scheil only wrote on its origin that it was 'parmi les découvertes de ma ueptiksnt campagne en Orient' (RT xx. 55» Bévue biblique 7 . 5 ) . However, at the meeting of the Eleventh International Congress of Orientalists held i n Paria, 1897, he had said substantially more. T h e Actes of the Congress conta in nothing by h i m , but reports are given by two British scholars who attended, Sayce and K i n g . F i r s t , A . H . Sayce, in the Préface to his Early History ofthe Hebrews (1897), p. vii, states : At the récent meeting of the Oriental Congress in Paris, D r . Scheil stated that among the tablets lately brought back from Sippar to the muséum at Conatantinople is one w h i c h contains the • . . story of the flood . . . inscribed in the reign of Ammi-zadok. . . .' L . W . K i n g ' s Babylonian Religion and Mythology (1899), p. 114 says, 'It was found during the excavations that were recently undertaken by the Turkish Government at A b u - H a b b a h , the site o f the ancient city of Sippar.' However, somehow the tablet became Scheil's property (cf. C . H . W . Johns, Cuneiform Inscriptions 41), and the informative paragraph i n Sayce's book was omitted from the otherwise unchanged second édition of 1899. 1
1
a
F . R. Kraus,
818168
Altbab. Rechlsurhunden aus Nippur
D
58;
Edikt 12-13.
34
T H E
MANUSCRIPTS
The other Old Babylonian pièces, E, F, G , can be assumed to come from Sippar on the same kind of évidence, but i f so they attest the présence of at least three widely différent recensions i n the one town. E has a text which is basically the same as Ku-Aya's, but w i t h many orthographie variants and one more substantial one i n i . 295. However, this tablet had six, not eight columns, also there are no ten-marks. F is a small fragment with traces from the line-ends of one column and better-preserved beginnings of a second. From thèse one can see that the couplets were written on a single line i n this copy, and its columns must have been very wide. But when allowanoe has been made for the différait format, i t is clear that there were recensional différences from Ku-Aya's édition, and the traces from its first column, which should come near the beginning of Tablet 1, cannot be identified at ail. G also offers a widely différent recension, and again differently arranged. The tablet has only four columns, two on each side, and a ruling is put after each couplet, which is written over two Unes, as i n the majority of tablets from ail periods. T h e first line of G corresponded with I . 157 of Ku-Aya's édition, and the whole tablet must have contained much less material. I f the édition represented by G covered the same ground as the main recension, i t must have consisted of some eight tablets. However, i t may not have contained ail the same épisodes. Even the few words left i n its column i offer variation f r o m K u Aya's text I t is not clear i f its column i i is to be inserted i n a gap i n the main recension, or is something differing recensionally f r o m a preserved épisode. The traces of its column i i i are totally unidentified, which is only explicable as due to its déviation from Ku-Aya's édition. Of the two Middle Babylonian pièces, one from Ras Shamra ( f t ) and one from Nippur (3), i t can only be said that they differed recensionally from Ku-Aya, and J$ covered only the flood. The fourteen Late Assyrian pièces ail come from the Ashurbanipal libraries and are ail i n Late Assyrian script. Even i f some were appropriated by Ashurbanipal from other existing collections there is no reason to suppose that any one is more than a century or so older than he. They are not uniform in any other respect, and they can be divided into three groups. The first, of nine mostly very small pièces (J-R), can be regarded as descendants of Ku-Aya's édition or something simiiar. T h a t is, they often agrée verbally with i t , though offering many orthographie and phonetic variants. They do diverge more seriously i n places, by way of addition or omission, or in other ways. Thus L omits 1. 116-17; before 1. 241 P has some lines not in the Old Babylonian text, and the same copy transposes the coupletJ 301-2 between lines 295 and 296; Q has remains of five
THE MANUSCRIPTS
35
lines covering 1. 413-15; P also has a correction from a paraliel passage: cf. its readings in 1. 241-3 with the main recension at IL vii. 31-3, Only four of the nine pièces seem to be from the same tablets, j and K, and O and P, and in view of the small extent of thèse pièces generally one cannot be sure that their recensional connections have been properfy assessed. Certainly there is diversity among them, and there was no one text, as in the case of Gilgamei, that had been thoroughly worked over and was standard i n the late periods. Old Babylonian orthographies remain unchanged, e.g. the use of -sac i n 1.255 P. Also there is no standard format. M turned from obverse to reverse after 1. 181 ; L (a pièce from the righthand side of the complète tablet) did the same at about I. 150 ; P did so at about 1. 275. Ku-Aya's tablet (A) does so after 1. 227. Thus P could have contained the same number of Unes as A, but M and L must have been only about two-thirds the length of A, so that if they contained ail the material from Ku-Aya's édition they probably formed a séries of four tablets. Q was no doubt Tablet 11 of such a séries, since its obverse covers the end of Ku-Aya's Tablet 1 and the beginning of Tablet n , while its reverse overlaps column i i of Tablet i l . L obverse has a ruling and some damaged signs just above i t that seem to be colophonic. I f this is a correct understanding of the traces, L is derived from a séries of which one (presumably the first) tablet ended with 1.110. The second group of Ashurbanipal fragments is formed by V and W. We lump them together because they seem to be unrelated to Ku-Aya's édition, and they may well be unrelated to each other. V, for the Uttle of i t preserved, seems to have some relationship to the Old Babylonian G. Somewhere among the eleven Ashurbanipal pièces just dealt with there are no doubt remains of one Ashurbanipal recension of the epic in which i t was part of a larger whole. This émerges from the colophon of K 4175+ Sm 57+80-7-19, 184, and 82-3-23, 146 (see CT 18.47 and RA 17. 189): e-tm-ma t<-& a-[me-hm] dub.2.kâm.ma me.me [kûr.kûjr i-li 4
This tablet itself contains the bilingual création myth with the Silbenalphabet alongside, and is given i n this colophon as the second in the séries which begins w i t h the Silbenalphabet itself in its bilingual version. The catch-Une is the opening phrase of Apa-ham? so the epic formed the t h i r d , and no doubt also subséquent tablets, i n this combine d séries. T h e only identified fragment of the bilingual Silbenalphabet from 1
1
See B . Landsberger,
Iraq 4- 33-4-
AfO Beiheft 1 {Festschrift von Oppenheim)
177-8; C . J . Gadd,
THE MANUSCRIPTS AshurbanipaTs libraries is T h 1905-4-9, 26 = B M 98520 (RA 17. 202), and as this could well be from the same scribe who wrote K 4175+» i t is probably from Tablet 1 of this séries. On the same basis of script one may wonder i f V also cornes from the same scribe and so belongs to the séries. The only post-OId Babylonian text of Atra-hasïs o f sufficient estent and of such character to be called a recension is made up by the remaining Ashurbanipal pièces, S, T , and U . George Smith first made the epic known from S, which is now represented under three K-numbers. Smith knew ail three as parts of a single tablet, but after his death they got separated, and only i n 1967 was K 8562 finally joined to the other two. The small pièce T is almost certainly the concluding fragment of the same tablet Script, clay, and content lead to this supposition, and the line of colophon therefore identifies i t as Tablet 1 of Atra-hasïs. Along w i t h the three joined pièces i t covers Tablet 1 of the main recension and the first half of Tablet 11, so obviously i t was a two-tablet édition, and reason w i l l be offered shortly for taking U as the only surviving pièce of the second and last tablet i n this édition. For reasons which w i l l become apparent, this can be called the Assyrian Recension. T h e format of Tablet 1 is one of six columns. 1
2
The most striking feature of this recension, as already observed by Laessoe, îs the occurrence of Assyrian dialect forms (the corresponding word of the main recension, where preserved, is given i n brackets): T h i r d person fem. tS iii. 3 iii. 5 i i i . 5, 6
tam-nu-u (ittanaruti) tàk-ri-is (uktarris) tas-ku-un (iikun)
lu* instead of Ii- i n precatives iii. iv. iv. vi
19 30 48 27
lu-har-ri-sâ lu-sa-bu-u (lisebbû) lu-ti-id lu-ri-id
Vowel harmony, etc. 33 vi. 17
su-hu-rat (sahurrat) e-tar-bu-ma
In his Chaldean Account ©/ Genesis ( 153-6; 1880, 155-8) he refera to the epic as knownfromose copy only, and confuses obverse and reverse of the tablet. He translates the bottom half of column ir.rf K 3399+3934 and then from K 8562 as the last preserved portion. * dub.l.kam.rna ji u[m mui. ':: 1
l
THE MANUSCRIPTS Short form of verbal suffixes iii. 12
37
û-ka-la-la-ti-na Assyrian I I / i
iv. 32 | i ka-i-la Late Assyrian préférence for a (cf. RA 53. 125) iv. 35
kat-ra-ba-ma
Thèse forms certainly resuit from Assyrianization of an underlying Babylonian text, since often the Babylonian form occurs more frequently. For example, as against the one example of the short form of the verbal suffix there are three examples of the longer -UnâU (iv. 11,15,38). Assyrian influence also occurs i n orthography, and some of thèse features are very curious. Single consonants are often written where most scribes would write double, and the tablet is not self-consistent. It contains some glosses, which, however, are of significance for the study of Late Assyrian rather than for Atra-hasïs. A few examples only are given: Unusual writings:
ti-ta
iv. 42, 52
rd-se-e iv. 42, 52 Single consonants: a-li-te (àlitte), li-na-di [linnadi) Inconsistencies:
ta» 15
i-tm-ru/i'-ru iv. 49, 59 it-ta- - [dar]jat-ta-ar* "dar iv. 2,7 pl
Three reasons support the assignment of U to the Assyrian Recension. First, U obv. 5-8 is a pair of repeated couplets like S iv. 23-6 (both are restored a little). They are of a kind not found i n any other text of the epic. Secondly, U rev. 20 and S iv. 30 both use KA (gù) for rigmu (as proved by the main recensions paraliel Unes), something very unusual in Akkadian texts generally. Thirdly, U shows the same kinds of divergence from the main recension as S. For orthography note W-ta-sa-a (ittasâ: rev. 18), and for grammar si-qu-su siq-si-qu (rev. 7), which shows s for a, as is characteristic for many Middle Assyrian literary texts and copies. From internai évidence i t may be suspected that the Assyrian Recension goes back to a Middle Assyrian original. Such Akkadian literary texts as do survive i n Middle Assyrian copies (e.g. AS 16. 283-8) show the same mixture of Assyrian and Babylonian forms (see also BWL 334 on b) and the same orthographie features. Whether this recension had a longer history i n Assyria cannot be ascertained. The use of GI for Ai in iii. 5 is an O l d Assyrian custom, but i t is possible that the correct expianation is
THE MANUSCRIPTS
38
T H E MANUSCRIPTS
grammatical rather than orthographie, that the Geers L a w d i d not fully operate and the word should be read girfu or qirsu. Since i t is known that Tukulti-Ninurta I used his sack of Babylon to acquire literary and other texts (AfO 18. 44. 2-11), and that Tiglath-pileser I had a library of such material (AfO 16. 197 ff.), i t is perhaps more probable that this recension was Assyrianized i n the middle period. So far as can be told from its incomplète state, the Assyrian Recension follows the order of events i n the main recension. There is nothing to suggest that i t differed i n more than détail. For example, its Tablet 1, column i i , offers a fragment of narrative sharing some wording w i t h the main recension, but i t is différent i n détails of the events. Thèse do not, however, affect the gênerai r u n of the story. I n the description of the averting of the first plague the editor has avoided the répétition of the main recension (his iv. 29-36 covers 1. 372-415 î), but conversely his account seems to conflate at each occurrence the events o f the second, t h i r d , and fourth attempts of the gods to quieten the human race, which b o t h obscures the plot and pads out the narrative. T h e biggest différence between the two recensions is i n wording. While there is some phraseology i n common, there is much more of the epic where the wording has been changed quite deliberately on one side or the other. Generally i t seems a reasonable conclusion that the main recension is primary and the Assyrian Recension secondary. This is particularly clear where obscure words and phrases of the Old Babylonian text have been altered: 11. t n (zumSu) li-sa-aq-qi-il = zu-un-na-su lu~td-qir (iv. 44) 11. iv. 14 i-na H-it-ku-ki na-pi-i[i-ti] vi. 15)
= i-na lu-par-ke-e napisti (v. 26 = 1
The same kind of corrections can be observed between Tablet 111 o f the main recension and GilgameS x i . Metrically too the Assyrian Recension is far less consistent than the main recension. I t s lines more commonly diverge from the accepted patterns, and some parts are not written i n couplets even though the corresponding O l d Babylonian lines are, e.g. S 12-26 = v i 1-15 compared w i t h 11. i v . 7-18. I n short, the Assyrian Recension is a reworking of Ku-Aya's text (or a simiiar one) and i t is scarcely an improvement. Whether the éditorial work was done i n Babylonia before the text was taken t o Assyria, where local dialectal forms were inserted, or whether both sets o f changes were
B
rian is at présent an unanswerable question. There is one passage h shows that tfae other Late Assyrian copies could have connections | P b the Assyrian Recension: for 11. i . 5-6, Q has substituted a couplet of
39
roughly the same content but differently worded. This is also found in S iv. 4-5. The two Late Babylonian fragments, x and y, are hardly big enough for their recensional characteristics to be drawn out. But clearly they do ditTer from the Old Babylonian édition in some places quite substantially, and they too may not always keep the Old Babylonian couplet form. However, they do not agrée among themselves on who guarded the 'middle earth\ Our reconstructed text is based on Ku-Aya's tablets where they are preserved, but the text is arrangée! metrically. Lines of poetry spread over two lines of script due to the narrowness of the Old Babylonian columns have been joined and spacing is used to indicate couplets. Tablet I is cited by line only (e.g. 1. 241) since, with the help of the ten-marks (those for 220 and 320 are omitted i n CT 46. 1) and the total number of lines given i n the colophon i t is possible to give a consécutive n umbering throughout. I n Tablets i l and 111 the gaps between the preserved portions of the columns cannot be estimated accurately, so thèse tablets have to be cited by tablet, column, and line number, e.g. m . iv. 17. Where the ten-marks enable i t , the ancient line numbers are used; otherwise the preserved lines are numbered from 1. So far as possible, ail other tablets, both Old Babylonian and later, are cited i n the apparatus. However, where Ku-Aya's édition is déficient, i t has been restored from other Old Babylonian texts without any spécial indication of this fact when it is reasonably certain that they can properly be so used. This applies almost exclusively to E i n Tablet 1 and D i n Tablet 11. Where the Late Assyrian fragments that are descended from Ku-Aya's text, or something simiiar, alone are preserved, they are used to restore the Old Babylonian text, but distinguished by smaller type. T h i s occurs only i n Tablet I, 171 ff. and 251 ft With the divergent texts, the smaller pièces have been inserted, where possible, in opportune gaps i n the main recension. Thus of the first tablet of the Assyrian Recension, the small surviving portions of the obverse are inserted i n the course of Tablet I, but the larger portions of the columns on the reverse are given on their own after the end of Tablet IIL And so with the other divergent pièces. The location of each can be found from the following list o f manuscripts.
LIST
LIST Symbol
O F
Symbol Muséum number K « K 6235
M A N U S C R I P T S
Muséum number
Copy
ZtiVse* preserved1
fi « M L C
1889
C * C i « B M 78942+78971+80385 ( B u 89-4-26, 235 + 266+ B u 91-5-9» 524) and C « M A H 16064 (see JCS 5.18) 2
L
CT 46. 1*
I. 1-50, 52; 57-114; 115-30» 39-7o; 20927; 228-51; 281-308, 319-20, 322, 324-5» 3^7-33; 334-89; 39o~ 416
2
RA 28. 92, 94 7-8 P i s . 1-6
Pis.
D « N i 2552+2560+2564
B M 92608 (Bu 91-5-9» 269)
F G
M
1
RT x x . 56-8 YOR v/3, pis. 1, 11 BRM i v . 1 CT 46. 3
CT 6. 5 PBS x / i , p i s . n i , i v = Le Poème p l . X CT 46. 4
B M 17596a (94-1-15, 310a)
CT 46.
B M 78257 ( B u 88-5-12, 113)
CT
44- 20
22. 421 3 « C B S 13532 *
RS
LATE ASSYRIAN (ail from | « K 10082
CT 46. 1a CT 46. 11 CT 46. 8
K6831
•* K 7 1 0 9 + 9 9 7 9
BE
v.
Ser. D v / i
I. 237-60; 288-306
292
JSS v. 123 07*46. 14 BWL pl. 65
(l. 410-n.i. 13) ; (n. i-ii)
CT 15. 49
(1. 18-40); (1. 170 ft);
1
m . i. 28-50; ii. 28-55; iii. 3-54; iv. 3-28, 3948; v. 8-14, 28-52; vi. 1-27, 38-51; vii. 1-27; viii. 3-19
R — K 4539 S = K 3399+3934+8562
m . i . 11-26; i i . 9-21; vii. 36-41 n. i . 2-23; i i . 8-36; i i i . i-35 ; i v . 1-25 ;v. 1-33; vi. 1-32; vii. 30-535 viii. 31-7 1. 123-46; 188-220; 271-300; traces c. 340
T = K 12000c
m . vii. 10-18?
(3399+3934)» (1.253 #.);(*• 352-n.iV, CT 46. 6(8562) (11. ii-iii);(n. iv). Pp. 106-14 CT 13. 31 (11. iv). P. 114
(T is probably the e n d of the same tablet as S)
U = B M 98977+99231 ( K i 1904-10-9, 6 + 263) V = K 6634 W = D T 42
JSSv.
116
( m - i); ( n i . P p . 122-4
CT 46.
9
(1. 189-91); (1. 360 ff.) (m. i). P. 128
Delitesch,
101,
iv.
Al?
JR 50,
iii).
1
iv. R? Additions p. 9, Haupt,
158-66;
Nimrodepos p. 131, CT 46.
NEO-LATE BABYLONIAN
X5
x = B E 39099
(182-97);
(ii-ni). P.
132
unidentified; P . 126
1804)
v
a
3: S:
Unidentified;
1601)
(11.
ii
m Pl.
(ni. i).
(r. 49-52); 109-11 ?
4, 9-10
(n. v-vi). Pp.
(Photo B a b y l o n
B:
l
Pis.
(Photo B a b y l o n
Ashurbanipars library)
CT46. 7
I. 226-33
(complète) (O a n d P are probably parts o f the same tablet)
unidentified
167
T. I06-22; 169-75 I. l63-8l I. Ï72-9
1
CT 46. 13
y = B E 36669/243 Ugaritica
identified
Pl. 5 BA v. 688 (7816 only)
K 7816+13863
Q *= S m
T h e semicolons separate the material of the preserved columns in séquence of each tablet or fragment, Where a recension widely difîering from K u - A y a ' s is offered, the corresponding line- and column-numbers o f his recension are given i n bracketa. Where the lines concemed have not been used for our main text and are not given adjacent to the corresponding passage, they can be located from the page références given i n the above list. * Collations are given on pl. 11. 1
«
P -
MIDDLE BABYLONIAN $
Lines preserved I. 68-80; 168-77; un-
10'
O « K 14697
24; vit. 37-54Î viii. 33-7
1. 2
Copy CT 46.
N ~ Bu 8 9 - 4 - 2 6 , 97
II. i . 1-20; i i . 8-9, 13-
1. u n i d e n t i f i e d ; 103-24
a
41
(J and K are probably parts of the same tablet)
OLD BABYLONIAN A = B M 78941+78943 (Bu 89-4-26, 234+236)
OF MANUSCRIPTS
5
116-20
( i l . i i - i i i ) , P. 116
PHOTOGRAPHS
RT x x , p l . w i t h 55-9; Johns, Cuneiform Inscriptions, Frontispieçé and p . 11 ; YOR v/3 p i s . v - v i ; BRM i v , p l . 11; Clay, Origin of the Biblical Traditions 223 (enlargements of some signs) RA 2 8 , p l . w i t h p p . 9 1 - 7
BE
S e r . D v/x
Catalogue v , p l . v m (part only) Sollberger, The Babylonian Legend of the Flood,
Bezold,
W : E.
1
Collations are given on p l . u .
p.
37
(42) (43) T A B L E T A
I TABLET
1 i-nu-ma i-lu a-wi-lum 2 ub-lu du-ul-la iz-bi-lu
fu-up-H-[i]k-ka
1 When the goda like men 2 Bore the work and sufTcred the toil
3 lu-up-U-ik i-li ra-bi-[rri\a 4 du-ul-lu-um ka-bi-it ma-a-ad la-ap-Sa-qum
3 The toil of the gods was great, 4 The work was heavy, the distress was much—
5 ra-bu-tum a-nun-na-ku si-bi-it-tam 6 du-ul-lam û-la-az-ba-lu H- gi-gP d
5 The Seven great Anunnaki
r
6 Were making the Igigi suffer the work.
7 a-nu a-bu-lu-nu ia[r-r]u 8 \ni\a-li-ik-Su-nu qû-ra-d[u\ en-lil
7 Anu, their father, was the king; 8 Their counsellor was the warrior Enlil;
d
9 [gu -u]z-za-lu-lu-n[u]
[ni]n-urta
d
5
10 [ù] gal-lu-lu-nu
9 Their Chamberlain was Ninurta; 10 A n d their sheriff Enitugi.
[en]-nu-gi
d
11 [q]a-tam i-hu-zu qa-ti-la 12 is-qd-am id-du-û i-lu iz-zu-zu
11 The gods had clasped hands together, 12 Had east lots and had divided.
13 ^a-nu i-te-liî\a-mé\- e^-Sa 1
x
14 [X x ] x x X W-se-tam
13 Anu had gone up to heaven, 14 [ . . ] . . . the earth to his subjects.
ba-û-la-W-ul-hi
15 [H-ga-ra n]a-ak-ba-lu ti-a-am-tirn 16 [it-ta-a]d-nu a-na en-ki na-ai-H- W d
I
15 [The boit], the bar of the sea, 16 (They had given] to Enki, the prince.
T
17 [ii-tu a-nu-u]m i-lu- û ta^-me-e-la 18 [ù *en-ki a-na a]p-si- P [t]-ta-ar-du r
17 [After Anu] had gone up to heaven
r
18 [ A n d Enki] had gone down to the Apsû, •
19 20
' • ' . ] û X [ï]a-ma-i .] x [e]-lu H-gi~gi
21
•§£»'•] i-fye-er-ru-nhn
22
' . . . n]a-pi-it~ti ma-tim
23 24
. i]-fye-er-ru-nim na-p]i-il-ti ma-tim
25
. idtjglat na-ra-am . . . ] X-di/ki-tam '
4 8
^
1 2 3 4
. . . ] they were digging . . . ] the life of the land . . .] they were digging . , . ] the life of the land
i
n
K
4175+
(see p.
35).
*
*
*
The Assyrian Recension of Unes 19 ff. is offered by K 8562 (S), column i :
. . . ] . . the heavens . . . ] . upon the I g i g i
* I
*
5
. . . ] ^e^-tar-du . . . ma-li-k]u-ut ap-se-e . . . -rfi-du-ma . . .] X ud £#(idim) d
• • ,• - i~her]-ru-iï nàra
6 . . . n]a-pûl-ti mâti 7 . . . ] X pu-ra-na-ta ar-ki-ld 8 . . .] i-na naq-bi 9 ^ .]-fu-nu il-tâk-nu 7-xo
cf.
Gilg.
a.
] went down rulerjship of the Apsû went] down ] • • Ea I I ] ] ] ] ]
were digging the river the life of the land . the Euphrates after it from the deep their [. . . ] they set up
I
ATRA-rJASlS 44
.. . i-na n]a-aq-bi ... S-i\a-ak-nu
jk 28
3° 32
S
f
] the Apsû J . . of the land J . within i t
' ' • J " * qi-ri-ib-iu u!-ï\u-û re-H-su
3
*T-S*;Si ïO~l ; 1 ^
] they set up
.. . ajp-tsa^-a . . . ] X-at ma-tim
29
1
from] the deep
] they raised its head
. . . è]û 33 [sanâtim m-nu-é\ f n
sa-di-i iu-up-H-ik-ki
] X sû-si-a ra-bi-a |35 36 [s'anâtim im]-nu-û ia iu-up-H-ik-ki . . . ] x 40 itfm&tm(mu.hi.a) at-ra-am 37 [ X X db]-iiMeai iz-bi-lu mu-si û ur-ri 3
14 ..] sum'-i/-im*-iikakbu?la 15 traces
J . they surrounded
5
* * * * * J3 • • »] ail the mountains, 34 [They counted the years] of the toit 35 . . .] . the great rnarsh, 36 [They] counted [the years] of the toil 37 Excessive [
] for 4 0 years
38 [. .] they sufïered the work night and day.
8
39 [i-da-bu\-bu-ma i-ik-ka-lu ka-ar-n ¥> [ut-ta-az]-za-mu i-na ka-la-ak-kz 4
1
[ X x ] X - m guzzalâ i [ka-a]b-tam du-ul-la-m
40 Grumbling in the excavation: 41 ' L e t us confront our [. .] ., the Chamberlain,
ni-im-hu-ur-ma li-sa-d-ik el-ni
42 T h a t he may relieve us of our hezvy work. 43 [• •] counsellor of the gods, the hero, 44 Come, let us unnerve him in his dwelling!
43 [ X X m]a-H-ik i-li qu-ra-dam 44 [al-k)/BMdm i ni-is-H-a i-na su-ub-ti-su
45 [Bolil], counsellor of the gods, the hero,
45 [*€*-& m]a-ti-ik i-li qu-ra-dam 46 [al-k]a-mm i ni-is-H-a i-na su-ub-ti-su
46 Come, let us unnerve him in his dwelling!' 47 [• •] • opened his mouth 48 [ A n d addressed] the gods, his brothers,
47 [ X ] X pi-a-hi i-pu-ia-am-ma 48 [is-$â-qa]r a-na i-U ah-U-su 4
49 ' . . . . ] . the Chamberlain of old time
• - ] X GVJA.l Ia-bP-ru-tîm
49
39 T h e y [were œmplaining], backbiting,
r
M4*
50
] KH»1
2
_ _ JE
*
*
*
*
*
K 10082 ( J )
T h e last four lines of Column i , 53-6, are broken away, b u t K 10082 ( J ) probably belongs at this point: 1
j» î
, . J - a i nir^na-ra^-a [i-tu\
2
È&Ê • ] X i ni-ii-bi-ir
m-ra
3 [ . . . pâ-su] i-pu-ia-am-ma 4 [is-sa-aq-qa-r\a ana Us ah-he-e-iu 5 - - J X gazait kt-bi-ru-tim d
2
. . . ] . let us kiU [him] ê # . ] . let us break tbe yokeP
3 [• - •] opened pus mouth] 4 [ A n d addressed) the gods his brothers, % * J « the Chamberlain of old rime
ATRA-tJASÏS 46
6 7 8
. . .] i-sa-ak-ka-na en-lil . . . ia]-né-e i-Sa-ka-an . . .] X X iq-qû-û X X X X d
•
•
1
*
*
57 tna-li-\ik] qû-ra-dam 58 al-k[a]-(nim} V ni-is-H-a i-na hi-ub-ti-su 59 en-lil [ma-li-i]k i-li qû-ra-dam 60 al-[ka]-(nim) i ni-û-H-a i-na Hs-ub-ti-Su
57-84;J 6-8
6 7
. . .] Enlil will appoint . . .] will appoint another
8
. . •]
*
ii 57 The counsellor o f the gods, the hero, 58 Come, let us unnerve him in his dwelling!
d
61 a-nu-um-ma ti-H-a tu-^qtP-um-tam 62 ta-ha-za i ni-ib-lu-la qd-ab-la-am
61 Now, proclaim war, 62 Let us mingle hostilities and battle/
63 i-lu is-mu-û H-qi-ir-Su 64 i-ïa-tam ne-pi-H-su-nu id-du-û-ma 65 ma-ar-ri-su-nu i-sa-ta-am 66 hi-up-H-ik-ki-hi-nu girra d
K
6 7
63 The gods heeded his words: 64 They set fire to their tools,
it-ta-ak-su
68 i-ta-ah-zu-nim i-il-la-ku-nim 69 ba-bi-sa-at-ma-ni qû-ra-di en-lil
71 èfta
/a-«w
mu-ïum i-ba-as-H
M-M/
i-fti
65 Fire to their spades they put 66 A n d flame to their hods. 68 They held them as they went 69 T o the gâte of the shrine of the hero Enlil.
d
70 mi-H-il ma-as-sa-ar-ti
59 Enlil, counsellor o f the gods, the hero, 60 Come, let us unnerve him in his dwelling 1
70 I t was night, half-way through the watch, 71 The temple was surrounded, but the god did not know.
72 mi-H-il ma-as-sa-ar-ti mu-sum i-ba-as-H 73 é-kur la-wi en-lil û-ul i-di
72 I t was night, half-way through the watch, 73 Ekur was surrounded, but Enlil did not know.
74 û-te-eq-qi kal-kal û-te-[H] 75 il-pu-ut si-ïk-ku-ra i-hi-it [ x
74 Kalkal observed it and was disturbed. 75 He slid the boit and watched [. .]
à
d
X]
76 kai-kal id-de-ki [nusku] 77 ri-ig-ma i-h-em-mu-û s [a . . .]
76 Kalkal roused [Nusku], 77 A n d they listened to the noise of [. . . ]
78 ànusku id-de-ki be-[el-hi\ 79 i-na ma-ia-li û-k-et-[bi-hî\
78 Nusku roused [his] lord, 79 He got [him] out of his bed,
80 be-li la-wi bi-[it-ka] 81 qd-ab-lum i-ru-sa a)-\na ba-bi-ka]
80 ' M y lord, [your] temple is surrounded, 81 Battle has come right up [to your gâte].
82 dtft-fiZ fa-fp[f bi-i]t-ka
82 Enlil, your temple is surrounded, 83 Battle has come right up to your gâte.*
d
d
{
83 qd-ab-l[um i-ru]-^ 84 <^-#/
X X X
g75 K S!. [/]f-ift^u-r[a i S f i *
a-na [b]a-bi-ka
û-ïa-ar-di a-na su-ub-ti-ïu 7 1
K :
I*"*
70 K : m]a.a-a-a/ [
73 K :
84 Enlil
to his dwelling.
ATRA-HASÎS
4**
85 ffien-Hlpa-a-su i-pu-sa-am-ma 86 a-na sukkalU
87 mtsku e-di-U ba-ab-ka 88 ka-ak-ki-ka U-qi i-zi-iz
85 Enlil opened his mouth 86 And addressed the vizier Nusku, 87 'Nusku, bar your gâte,
d
ma-ah-ri-ia
89
88 Take your weapons and stand before me.' 89 Nusku barred his gâte,
ma-har en-Ul d
90 Took his weapons and stood before Enlil.
91 nusku pi-a-su i-pu-ia-am-ma 92 is-sà-qar a-na qû-ra-di en-Ul
91 Nusku opened his mouth 92 A n d addressed the hero Enlil,
93 be-K bi-nu bu-nu-ka 94 ma-ru ra-ma-m-ka
nd-m-su ta-du-ur
93 ' M y lord, sons are your . . . 94 W h y do you fear your own sons?
95 ^en-lil bi-nu bu-nu-ka 96 ma-ru ra-ma-m-ka mi-in-su ta-du-ur
95 Enlil, sons are your . . . 96 Why do you fear your own sons?
97 su-pu-ur a-na[m] ti-ie-ri-du- [nim-m]a 98 en-ki\ H-ib-bi-ku-mm a-na m[a-ah-ri-k]a
97 Send that A n u be fetched down 98 A n d that Enki be brought to your présence.'
99 ik-pu-ur a-nam û-se-ri-[du-m-i]s-su 00 *en-ki ib-bi-kti-nim a-na ma-a[h-ri\-hi
99 He sent and Anu was fetched down, 00 Enki was brought also to his présence.
01 wa-si-ib a-nu 02 sar-ri ap-si-i
01 A n u , king of heaven, was présent, 02 K i n g of the Apsû, Enki, was in attendance.
à
d
à
sar-ri \ia\-me-e en- ki A-[me-re-é\k- kP
d
r
r
04 %B-JSF it-bi-ma ia [. . ,]-dijM-rm
03 W i t h the great Anunnaki présent 04 Enlil arose . [ . . . ] . .
05 àen-Ulpi-a-su i-[pu-sa-a]m-ma 06 is-sà-qar a-n[a i-li ra-b]u-tim
05 Enlil opened his mouth 06 A n d addressed the great [gods],
07 ia-a-H-im-ma-a it-te-ne-e[p-pu-us] 08 ta-ha-zae-ep-pu-uiia X X X [(x)]
07 'Is i t against me that it is being done? 08 Must I engage i n hostilities ?
09 *'-«* mi-na-a a-mu-ur a-[n]a-ku 10 qd-ab-lum i-ru-sa a-na ba-bi-ia
09 What d i d my very own eyes see? 10 That battle has come right up to my gateP
03 ra-bu-tum a-mm-\na(-ku) é
w]a-ai-bu
11 A n u opened his mouth 12 A n d addressed the hero Enlil,
11 a-nu pi-a-iu i-pu-sa-am-ma 12 is-sà-qar a-na qu-ra-di en-Ul é
13 rf^ra fa m W-ntu-û 15 U'si-ma *nusku x [ . . .
ba-bi-is-ka
I l Û-IW ma-[ri-ka .'.*,>. 108 L : ] x x x à t i [
15 L e t Nusku go out and [ascertain (?)]. 16 A command . [. 17 T o [your] sons [ . . /
16 te-er-ta X [. . •
X07 F r ^ ^ ^ f
13 'The reason why the Igigi have surrounded your gâte
100 F :
^-slû813153
116-17
om. L
ATRA-tfASlS 50 %!$ *m-Ulpi-a-hi i-\pu-ia-am-ma] 119 is-sà-qar a-na [iukkalli «nusku]
I 11 S-150
118 Enlil opened his mouth 119 And addressed [vizier Nusku],
120 *nuskupi-te [ba-ab-ka] 121 ka-ak-ki-ka l[i-qi. - •
open [your gâte], 121 Take your weapons [. . .
120 ' N u s k u ,
122 i-na pu-uh-ri [ka-la i-li-ma] 123 kz-mi-is i-zi4[z
122 I n the assembly of [ail the gods] 123 Bow down, stand up, [and repeat to them] our [words]
*r
m
124 ii-pu-ra-an-ni [a-bu-ku-nu] a-nu 125 ma-li-ik-ku-nu [qu-ra-du en-l]il
124 " A n u , [your father], 125 Your counsellor, [the warrior] Enlil,
d
126 gu^-uz-za-lu-kur[nu *nw\-urta 127 ù gal-lu-ku-n[u en]-nu-gi
126 Your Chamberlain Ninurta, 127 And your shenff Ennugi, have sent me (to say),
d
128 ma-an-nu-um-nd [
qd]-ab-Um
128 'Who is [the instigator of] battis? 129 Who is [the provoker of] hostilities?
129 ma-an-nu-um»[mi... . . ta-h]â-zi 130 ma-m-nuru\mrnù ig-ra-am {\u-qu-um-tatn 131 [qà-ab-lam
130 Who [declared] war 131 [And battle] ?'
j X X X
132 \irna 133 [ib-ba-
•.] X X ] X X X X
132 [ I n 133 [Bring
en-Ul
â
] .. ] .. .
Enlil."'
134 \il-U4k nusku a-na pur4thrti k]a-la ûU-ma 135 . . . ] X X X ip-hsrur
134 [Nusku went to the assembly of] ail the gods, 135 . . . ] . . . he explained,
136 [ii-pu-ra-an-ni a]-bu-ku-nu a-nu
136 'Anu, your father, 137 [Your counsellor, the] warrior Enlil,
à
137 [morUrih-ktirnu qii-rd\-du
m-[tt]l
d
138 [gu -uz-za-lu-ku-nu rî)fn-urta 139 W \gah-bi-ku-nu ^éfanm-gi
138 [Your Chamberlain] Ninurta, 139 And [your sheriff] Ennugi, [have sent me (to say)],
140 -[an-nu-um-mi. ..jÊ^ . 141 ma-[an-nu-um-mi.,. , . , .
140 "Who is [the instigator of] battle? 141 Who is [the provoker of] hostilities?
d
5
m
qd\-ab-lim .;.ta-ha]-zi t
142 ma- [an-nu-um-mi ig-ra-am tu-qû-u]m-tam 143 qd-a[b-lam . . . . . ] x X
142 Who [declared] war 143 [ A n d . . . . . . . . ] battle?"
144 i-na [ . • 145 ft-&a-[.. .......
144 I [ 145 Bring [. .
# >
,,
J | , , .]x .
146 ku-uLla-a\t ka-la ûli*ma 147 ni4i-ku~u[n x x - w ] ^
n
ni4g-ra-am tu-qu-um-td\m k[a-la-ak-ki]
1 4 9 tu-up-$S~ik-[ku ai-ru id-du-uk-ni-a-ti] *&> ka-bi-it du^[ul-la-m-ma ma-a-ad ia-ap-ia-qum] M * FL'pa-a-fu L : )-n*
n J U < z * a i-x [ 146 E : *-TJO 9
uo L:jrf-le
% v
3• *.. .] Enlil.'
146 'Every single [one of us gods has declared] war; 147 We have . . . our [.] . in the [excavation]. 149 [Excessive] toil [has killed us], 150 [Our] work was heavy, [the distress much].
ATRA-tfASlS
t
151 ti ku-ul-l[a-at ka-la i-li-ma] 152 ub-lapi-i-ni [na-X-X-am
it-ti
1 151-181 151 Now, cvcry single [one of us gods] 152 Has spoken in favour of . . . with Enlil.'
en-lil]
d
153 ^nusku il-q[i ka-ak-ki-Su (. . .)] 1
153 Nusku took [his weapons . . . 154 He went, he . [. . .
154 il-U-ik û-X [. . . 155 be-lia-n[a
ta-ai-pu-ray^an-ni
1
155 ' M y lord to the [ 156 I went [
] X X
156 al-l[i-ik
] X ra-bi-tam ] X X zi
157 ap-su-u[r 158 na-ab-[
G
159 k[u-ul-la-at ka-la i-l]i-ma-mi ni-ig-ra-am 161 n[i-ii-ku-un x ] x-ni i&a ka-la-ak-ki 160
tu-qû-unfl-ta-am
r
164 [d ku-ul-l\a-at ka-la i-li-ma 165 ïpi-i-ni na-X-X-am
it-ti
1
157 I explained [
] great [
158
] . . .
•[
] .
159 ["Every single one of us] gods has declared war; 161 We [have ] our [. . ] . in the excavation. 162 Excessive [toil] has killed us; 163 Our work [was heavy], the distress much. 164 [Now, every] single one of us gods 165 Has spoken i n favour o f . . . . with Enlil.'"
en-lil
d
166 a-wa-tam su-a-ti 167 en-Ul [i]l-la-ka di-ma-lu
166 When Enlil heard that speech 167 His tears flowed.
168 en-Ul i- x -ar a-wa-assu 169 à-rd-g[ar a-na q]û-ra-di a-nim
168 E n l i l . . . his words 169 A n d addressed the warrior Anu,
d
d
II
you sent] me ] •. .
r
162 «*-ra W-du-uk-ni-a-ti M 163 [fcz-W-tï du-u\l-la-ni-ma ma-a-ad Sa-ap-Sa-qum
[K
13
170 e-te-el'U iï-ti-ka a-na ïa-ma-i 171 par-sa-atn ta-ba-al-ma li-ql id-ka
170 'Noble one, with you to heaven i v 171 Carry your authority, take your power,
N
172 While the Anunnaki are présent before you 173 Summon one god and have him done to death.'
172 a£-6u a-nun-na-ki ma-frar-ka d
173 t-fe tf-fe-«i Jwi-m[a
t]i-id-du-M tam-ta
174 A n u opened his mouth 175 And addressed the gods his brothers,
174 da-HM pa-a-su i-pu-ïâ-[am-ma\ 175 [tt-*à]-ag-0ar amz x-tf aJ}-hi-M
176 'What are we accusing them of ? 177 Their work was heavy, their distress was much!
176 mt-fwm kar-si-tâ-nu n[i-ik]-ka-al 177 *a-6# duUla-tû-un r
m[a-a-a]d ïa-ap-Saq-hi-un
178 K-wi-fam.m^^.^-x (. . .)]X-na-a-/ 179 [te^te Ao-ft]iW[(
178 [Every d a y ] . [ ] •• • 179 [The lamentation was] heavy, [we could] hear the noise.
tt
ni}-h-e]mwn-ig-ma
180 181
. . .] X »**Jf
1 8 0
*
*
•
wm
||.].todo . . . assigned] tasks i
*
•
*
I
qar ana a-tf-su a-nu 169 K: en~Ul t-to- X L: [ ] x x x mu x x [ M: -nijfi-mi 177 K: ijs-W-aq-qar ana a-bi-tu a~mê 17© K: e-toi-a û
163 M : fa-ap* 166 M : Ai-tf-W M : ] X : is-sà-aq*
* û
à
M:
^
ATRA-rJASlS
The last eleven lines, obtained from the Late Assyrian fragments, have been numbered and organized as continuing the O U Babylonian A , since they overlap i t where i t is preserved at the bottom of column i i i . Column ii of the Old Babylonian G has a speech assigned to Ea which begins like 176 ff., but then diverges. The différences are recensional, but i t is q u i possible that in the main recension Ea spoke after A n u and repeated some of his words before making the suggestion about the création of man te
S i i ; G ii 1-10
^
^ n f \ « P - * ' where the main recension sels !V * " ) ° ^ i ] " * Assyrian V substantially duplicates the latter part of Ea s speech on the Old Babylonian G, so thèse two portion! are given here. Firtt, however, column i i of the Assyrian Recension S is mterposed, smce this offera a third recension, by which the proposai to slaughter a god is followed by a further trip of Nusku to the rebels I f
8
T
e
e
E
a
r
S
W
e
v
b
t h e
t h e
K 8562 ( S ) , C o l u m n i i 1 trace 2 IK-X
K 8562 ( S ) , Column i i
[. -.
3 * K « ••-
3 You [. . . 4 Take [. . .
4 K-q[i... 5 às-bii-ma [«a-nun-na-ki ma-har-ka] 6 âs-bat be-let-i\W sà-as-su-ru\ 7 isHën H-si-ma i-d[i-su tam-ta] â
5 [While the Anunnaki] are présent [before you], 6 And while Bëlet-ilî, [the birth-goddess], is présent, 7 Summon one and do [him to death].
adk
8 «a-nu pâ-su tpusa** i-qab-bi izzakar (MU) [ana . . . 9 «nusku pi-U bâb-ka: ^ kakJâ -ka [li-qi . . . 10 i-napuhri sa item* * rabûti : ki-m[is . . . n qi-ba-su-nu-ti [. . . 12 is-pu-ra-an-ni a-[num abï-hi-mt] 13 ma-Uk-ku-nu q[u-ra-du «en-IS] 14 traces u
0
tne5
mei
d
*
*
*
*
*
B M 78257 ( G ) , C o l u m n i i
8 9 10 11 12 13
Anu opened his mouth to speak, addressing [ . . . 'Nusku, open your gâte, [take] your weapons [ . . . I n the assembly of the great gods bow down [. . . Speak to them [ . . . " A n u [your father] has sent me, Also your counsellor, [the warrior Enlil],
*
*
*
*
*
B M 78257 ( G ) , Column i i
1 «é-apa-a-su P-[pu-ia-am-ma] 2 is-sà-qar a-na t S ™ a[h-ki-su]
1 Ea [opened] his mouth 2 A n d addressed the gods [his brothers],
3 mi-nom kar-si-su-nu n^i[k-ka-aT\
3 'What are we [accusing] them of ? 4 Their work was heavy, [the distress was much]!
r
1
4 ka Mît
du-ul-la-hi-u[n
ma-a-ad sa-ap-sa-qum]
5 u^-mi-ia-am-ma ir-si- x [. . . 6 tu-uk-kum ka-b[i-it. /.
5 Every d a y . . . [ . . . 6 The lamentation was heavy [. . .
7 i-ba-as-H x [.
7 There is/was . [. . . 8 While [Bëlet-ilî, the birth-goddess, is présent],
8 tca-ai-ba-at «[be-U-et-i-U ià-as-su-ru] 9 U-îb-ni-ma lu-u[l-la-a 10 ab-ia-nam H-bi-i[l
a-wi-lam]
9 Let her create Lullû-[masï] . 10 Let h i m bear the yoke [.
B I B U O T H E Q U E BiôLHjUfc
wÈÊÊÊÊÈm
ATRA-tf ASlS 56
u
[ab-S\a-n[am
I 188-207j O i i u - i S j V obv.
l]i*U4[l...
i a [iu-up-U\-h* * [X X ] x x
[*-«*~ X [
n
*. a]W*-*[<w*
1 7 - 1 8
•
11 Let him bear the yoke [. . . 12 [Let man carry the] toil of the gods.
*****
lum
1 4
traces.
•
broken
away.
*
*
*
is
t r a c e
*
K 6634 ( V ) , Obverse 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 g
të-bat *be-fa*t-i-U sa-as-[su-ru] sa-as-su-ru lû.u .l[u-a U-ib-ni-ma] tu-up-8-ik-ku i-U W-[me-lu lii-H] U-ib-ni-ma lûJu \\hi-a a-me-lu] fàb-iâ-a?-nam U-bi-i[l. . . [aWtf-a-»]am K-bt4[l. .. trace
1
a 3 4 5 6
x
•
*
*
. . .] X X b[e-le-et-i-U ià-as-s]û-ru
188 189 wa-af- ba-af r
A
*
*
*
K 6634 ( V ) , Obverse
x
•
*
*
While Bëiet-ilï, the birth-goddess, is présent, Let the birth-goddess [create] LuUû. [Let man carry] the toil of the gods, Let her create Lu/M- [man]. Let him bear the yoke [ . . . Let him bear the yoke [ . . .
*
*
*
*
*
189 While [Bëlet-ilî, the birth-goddess], is présent,
190 [f]d-o^Mi-ni U-gimi-mai-a HiMb-ni-tna 191 s'u-up-H-ik itim a-wi-lum li-ii-H
190 Let the birth-goddess create offspring (?), 191 And let man bear the toil of the gods.'
192 il-ta-am is-sû-û i-ia-hi 193 tai-xii-irt ttf * e-rùii-tam
192 They summoned and asked the goddess, 193 The midwife of the gods, wise Mami,
m
ma-mi
1
194 at-ti-i-ma ià-as-sû-ru 195 U-ni^ma hi-ul-la-a 196 ab-ia-nam li-bi-il 197 su-up-H-ik itim
A
ba-ni-a-^af a-wi-lu-ti li-bi-il ab-ita-nam 6
H-pi-ir en-Ul a-wi-lum li-ii-H d
198 «mn-tu pi-a-ia te-pu-[S]a-am-ma 199 is-sà-qar a-na iU ra-bu-ti miA
200 it-H-ia-ma £2
a-na e-pé-H
201 t M I ^n-fe-ma i-ba-ai-H H-ip-ru
194 'You are the birth-goddess, creatress of mankind, 195 Create LuUû that he may bear the yoke, 196 Let him bear the yoke assigned by Enlil, 197 Let man carry the toil of the gods/ 198 Nintu opened her mouth 199 And addressed the great gods, 200 T t is not possible for me to make things, aoi Skill lies with Enki. aoa Since he can cleanse everything ;. ^ 203 Let him give me the clay so that I can make h / :
202 fn-ti-ma ^-«T-iï-fa]/ ka-la-ma 203 fi-it-fa-am li-id-di-nam-ma
a-na-ku lu-pu-uï
204 **n-ki pi-a-fu i-pu-ia-am-ma 205 is-sà-qar a-na *& * ra-bu-H
204 Enki opened his mouth 205 And addressed the great gods,
me
206 i-na a r - # w-6ti-fï à ïa-pa-at-H
207 te-ti-il-tam lu-fa-al-ki-in
ri-im-ka
206 'On the first, seventh, and fifteenth day of the m 207 I will make a purifying bath.
ATRA-HASlS
s
2 0 8 iêm B*4e-m K-if bm km ma 2 0 9 h-t^-fc-h sim^ i-na îi^P-hi
I aat-Sfi
208 Let one god be slaughtered 209 So that ail the gods may be ckansed in a dipping.
210 i-na n-ri-su ù da-mi-sn 211 ^nzn-tu b'-ha-al~li-il ti-if-fa Swk ta al B-bt
pm-ku-ur i-na
w
214 mk-ri-a-ti-éS u^-mi 215 HM Jt-t-àr î-fi 216 bmml §m it-ta-m 217
*$-J* It
210 From his flesh aod blood 211 Let Nîntu mix day, fs-it-ti
mp-pa 1 mi iT bm
214 So that we may hear tfae drum for the rest of time 2 1 5 L e t there be a spirit from the god*s flesh.
e-té-rm mm H-sb-U K-se-és^su^ma
mu-vs-sï-s
e-te-em-mu
ra-Av-im
218 I n the assembly answered Tes' 219 T h e great Anunnaki, who admîmster desdniefc.
si-ma-fi
4SN
HM
216 Let it prociaira living (man) as its sign, 217 So that tins be not for gotîen let there be s wpkaJ
fcib-si
218 HM pm-mk-ri i-pm-Im a-an-na pa-qi-éu
219
2 1 2 That god and man 213 M a y be thoroughfy mixed i n the day,
22.1 *r-J* se-bm-ii m sa-pa-at-ti 222 te-U-U-tam m-sa-as- kf-in rti
221 O n the farst, seventh, and fifteenth day of the month 222 H e made a purifying both.
T
223 %e € - * i a IM r - » - i P te^-e-tma r
223 Wê-Da, who had penooshty, 224 H i e r slaughtered i n their assembly.
224 HM pat-wA-ri-im-mm d-fa-ah-hu fo^S H M g-f*-Jg » I226 é^fà^baNS-S
MiM ntt-SM
W/K/XJ *ï-MH*]-if
flè-f**^[t-f?
227
225 F r o m fais flesh and blood 226 N i n t a mixed day.
ti-ii-îa
1228 HM J*-MT ihB
JTO
229 ba-aî-ta it-ta-ht
é4*-éi-s[m-ma]
230
o£-!a Je
231
û-tu-ma ib-bi-la
232 ifrsr
«K-uf-i-f
4M-MHHM
233 H-gi-ps. i-iu
227 For tiie rest [of time they heard the drum],
r
e-te-em-mu
T 228 From the âesh o f tfae god [there was] a spirit. 2 2 9 I t proclaiœed fiving ( n ) as te sign, 2 3 0 A n d so that dûs was not forgottea [there was] a spirit.
[ib-n\
231 After she had mixed that day 2 3 2 She summoned the Anunnaki, tbe great gods.
p-fà^Ba^M^-
S-JI
ra-èii- l!p r
2 3 3 T h e Igigi, the great gods, 2 3 4 Spat upon the cby.
ra-bu-twn
am td-du-é e-èu
fi-if-fi
2 3 5 M a m i opened her mouth 2 3 6 A n d addressed the great gods,
HBBÉ^HM" p*-o-$&
te-pu-ia-om-ma 2 3 6 [is-s]a-qor a-na i-b ra-bu-iim
3TJ7 W*jhrm ta-aq-bi-a-tà-im-ma 239 irlam ta-af-bu-ka qd-du fe -im-su
237 'You commanded me a task, I kave œmpkîed k ; 239 Y o u have sfcrngktraed a god together with h» persoaali
é-ia-ak-b-il
t
240 I have removed your heavy work, 241 I have imposed your toâ on man.
1740 Mtha&-tamt tÈu-ui-La—tcu-nu u-sa-as —ss-tk pgl
•
h*-up-U-ik~ka-ku-r.u
H
K
Ni
a-wi-[l\am
e-mi-id
a i l EiBhm&M mm IsâfnHM **7 * ; W9r§^€m-mm0k- a r t O: aay O t é f c rfwffi 228 Ozom,
215 B : * * * » 8
ATRA-tfASÏS
6 o
1 242-260; s iii i-^7
f 242 ta-ai-ia-i-fari-ig-ma a-na ^a-wi-luMi 243 ap-fû-ur ul-la an-du-ra-[ra ai-ku-u]n
242 You raised a cry for mankind, 243 I have loosed the yoke, I have established freedom.'
244 ii-mu-ma an-ni-a-am qd-ba-ïa
244 They heard this speech of hers, 245 They ran together and kissed her feet, (saying,)
245 id-da-ar-ru-tna û-na-ai-iï-qû iê-pi-fa 246 pa-na-mi ma-mi ni-ia-si-ki 247 i-na-an-na be-k~[et] ka-la i-li d
248
lu-û
246 'Forrnerly we used to call you Mami,
S[u-utn]-ki
247 Now let your name be Mistress-of-AU-the-Goda (Bëlet-kâla4H).'
249 i-te-er-bu a-na bit ïi-im-ti 250 »fWW[f-A«] é-a e-ril-tu ma-ma
249 They entered the house of destiny 250 D i d prince Ea and the wise Mami.
251 i[à-a]s-su-ra-a-tum pu-ûb-bu-ra-ma 252 [fwQ'"' i-kab-ba-sa-am ma-ab-ri-ia
251 W i t h the birth-goddesses assembled 252 He trod the clay i n her présence.
253 [Jï]- f H-ip-ta it-ta-na-an-di 254 iP-ïam-na-H é-a a-H-ib ma-ab-ri-ia
253 She kept reciting the incantation, 254 Ea, seated before her, was prompting her.
255 ii-tu-ma ig-mu-ru H-pa-as-s[a^\
255 After she had finished her incantation 256 She nipped off fourteen pièces of clay.
d
d
a
r 1
x
d
256 [A]t«£r-
257 Seven she put on the right, 258 Seven on the left.
257 *7*1 ki-ir~si a-na i-mi-it-t[i] 258 ki-ir-si a-na ïu-me-li iï-k\un\
259 Between them she placed the brick 260 . . . ] . . the umbilical c o r d . . .
259 » [W - Û ô]i'-n-iftt -ww it-ta-di li-bit-t[t\ 260 . . .] X X a-bu-un-na~ti u[§] X ( x ) r
1
*
*
•
•
•
*
*
*
*
*
There is a gap i n the main recension and the related late copies, but the Assyrian Recension fills this gap and overlaps a little at beginning and end. K 3 3 9 9 + 3934 (S), Obverse i i i K 3399+3934 (S), Obverse iii 1 [^nin-H-kù ]é-a is-sà-qar 2 ...]x ù-lânh' -na-H 3 . . . tatn]~nu U-ip-ta ii-tu-ma tam-nu-ù U-pa-sa 4 [qd-sa ta-at]-ta-di eli tl-i\-\i-ià 5 [14 M4r]-fi tàk-rUq 7 kUir-fi ana imittifag) tai-ku-un 6 [7 M]-ir-fi ana iumlli(gixb) tai-ku-un i-na be-ru-iu-nu i-ta-di libitta d
am
Seven she put on the right, 6 [Seven] she put on the left, Between them she placed the brick. 7 [. . ] . . hair ( ?), she . . . the cutter of the umbilical cord.
7 [. • p -d]a-a ap-pa-ri ba-ti\-iq a-bu-un-na-te l
l
^
ï
tep-te-H
^ * # ; Qà-d]H-um fè-mi-su 244 P: qa-ba-ia 246 P: *47> 248 P: •Ijetp lu fum-hi 250 P: [ nin]-Ji-kù 7 T a b l e t : ba^i-iq p
1 [Prince] Ea spoke 2 • . . ] • he was prompting her 3 • • • she] recited the incantation After she had recited her incantation 4 [She] put [her hand out] to her clay. 5 She nipped off [fourteen] pièces of clay,
P
û
ATRA-HASÏS
I 271-292; S iii S-21
8 [pah-r]a-ma er-Se-te mu-îe-ti 9 [7] ^ 7 fà-sit+m-ti 7 û-ba-na-a zikarî^niti"**) 10 [7] m-ba-na-a sinni$âti 11 [s]à-su-ru bc-na-at si-im-tu 12 n-na-ionr**-** û-ka-la-îa-H-na 13 B-na-sànt^' û-ka-la-la mah-ru-sà 14 m~n*-ra-te sa nisï ^^-tna û-sa-ar ma-mi r
8 The wise and leamed 9 Twice seven birth-goddesses had assembled, Seven produce d maies,
meè
10 [Seven] produced females.
11 12 13 14
90
d
15 i-na bH a-li-îe ha-ris-ti 7 «n•** li-na-di tibittu 16 f tuk-ia-bii bëlet-i^dmgii.màh) e-ris-ta 17 îab-su-tu-um-ma ina Mt ha~rU-H li-îh-du 18 ak-kî a-li-it-tu ù-la-dii-ma 19 ummdsèr-ri bt-har-ririd ra-ma-an-[hi] 20 \x\^ka-n ^a-na [ordaté] 21 [ x ] x d fi x [ . . .
ma-mi
à
*
x] 272 273 274
273 ...J-3f ? zi-iq-nu 274 . . j X B-à et-b' *75 276
275 276
îb}-ra-ti ù su-li-i
]-4I-£I as-sa-tum i
mu-us-sâ
a-ûs-sjû-ra-tœn pu-uh-hu-ra-ma 278 [«M-al-Aa]-tf/ «nsn-tu \i-ma\-an-nu m
[JI-JM-JW] H-ma-ti
ar-H
*
*
. . . ] her breasts . . . ] . beard . . . ] . the cheek of the young man . . . ] open air shrine and street . . . ] . . wife and her husband.
283 W i t h a beaming, joyful face 284 A n d covered head she performed the midwifery.
283 [«Jtf-am-rtt-nw ha-du-û pa-nu-la 284 ii-p&m ka-aq-qà-as-sà fa-ab-su-ta-am i-pu-us 2 $ s
286 She girded her loins as she pronounced rhe blessing, 288 She drew a pattern i n meal and placed the brick,
P286 \g}a-ab-li-ia i-te-zi-ih * irha-ar-rarob 288 a-fMr 9?-j!uz â K-bi-it-ta id-di 289 a-na-ku-mi a6~m
*
280 [ A t the] destined [moment] the tenth month was summoned. v i 281 The tenth month arrived 282 A n d the elapse of rhe period opened the womb.
is-sù-û es-ra arha 281 es-ru arku il-li-ka-am-ma 282 [ $ ] * - & M f p pa-le-e si-U-tam ip-te
2
*
277 The birth-goddesses were aasembled 278 A n d Nintu [sat] counting the months.
277
280
The birth-goddess, créâtress of destiny— They completed them in pairs, They completed them in pairs in her présence, Since Mami conceived the régulations for the human race.
15 I n the house of the pregnant woman in confinement Let the brick be i n place for seven days, 16 That Bëlet-ilî, the wise Mami, may be honoured. 17 Let the midwife rejoice in the house of the woman in confinement, 18 And when the pregnant woman gives birth 19 Let the mother of the babe sever herself. 20 The man to [the young lady] 21 [ . ] . . . . [ . . .
1
271 . X x [x 272 . . .] i-ir-ti-sa
6g
7
289 ' I have created, my hands have made it* 290 Let the midwife rejoice i n the prosotute's house.
i-pUrta qà-ta-ia
290 ia-[ab]-sû-tum I-M fa'-à qà-di-is-ti li-ih-du 291 a-ti OrU-it-tum û-ul-la-du-ma 992 um-m se-er-ri û-k\a-ar\-ru~u nhma-an-ia
291 Where the pregnant woman gives birth 292 A n d the mother of the babe severs herself,
14 cf. R | 2S5 B: *tf(error far iàyeb^e^'ta\-am 289 P : qd-to-e-'* é& E ; Ué~$à~twn . S91 P: }-ta<Ju~û-m[a] 293 B: é~ba[r}-ru~û P : ra-ma-an-Ià 1
ATRÂ-HASÎS
64 AEP 294 9 f]i-Ù9-H42-di li-hi-it-tum 295 1 tm-*k-t[m) èi it mm-tu sa-a$-$à-ru
1
294 Let the brick be in place for nine days, 295 That Nintu, the birth-goddess, may be honoured.'
é
296 mthm[i x ] X -of-** i-ta-ab-bi 397 i-t[++d sje-assû-ra i-ta-ad ke-$a 4
2 9 6 Without ceasing proclaim Mami their [.] .
298
297 Without ceasing praise the birth-goddess, praise Kesh !
299 HM [. i i %] X HM A e e-er-$i [301 i-«r-»w! <M-»a> â f i [ » - £ t ]
1}
[li-ti-sja-kwiî ki-du-tum fait «iJ-fuj-ra
3 0 5 HM [
. ] x - / i H i d - i w h'-im-tî
306
. . . ~î]a-ab-bi-x
3°7
. • . ] X ir x
308 trace
*
*
301 When, to institute marriage,
i-ia-i-duif-tar
303 9 * -»w 304 tfcar 4
2 9 9 When [ . . . . ] . the bed is laid 300 Let the wife and her husband lie together.
mu-tu-ti
302 HM Infr [HMI m - i e J - V
**f-3jS
3 0 2 They heed lltar in the house of [the father-in-law], 3 0 3 L e t there be rejoicing for nine days, 304 L e t them call IStar Ishara. 305 . . [ . . . . ] . . at the destined moment
X [. . .
*
*
3 9 x i . . .
3»
ffî&ï
322
.,
333 * x
3*4
»s x
IM
' H * € 328 W*-ÀM 3 2 9 sru-uk-ki mu-sa-[ab . . . ; 3*7
r
33°
«w-mO-JM
33»
X giS
A man [ . . . 329 Cleanse the dwelling ( ? ) [ . . . 330 The son to [his] father [. 328
a-in-[iu....
33* > • 332 They sat and . [. . «' 333 H e was carrying . [. v i i 334 He saw and [. 335 E n l f l . ( . . ] - . [ . . . 336 Were becoming stiff «|L.[.] . 337 W i t h picks and spades they buih the shrines,
x
r
333 334
«a-Js x 1
l*ê£k
—« Mi-imr [.
335 ^oMB X £ x X]-«r | | m ^ ^ l a q d - t i x X [{X)]X 337 «~à ma-nr-ri &-*»*é et-[re]-*i g p B î-fc* ibmm m ra-bu-t[im]
338 They built the big canal bardes. 301-a P :
296B:infidMî
JMs £ : mm?*****
9» B : -t}ak èiùHe-U-et-i-U
**-T[A]-«WI-DI5 I-PW-ZC
298 P : *#HP-*I^A: Jùt T * b k t ( A ) :
209 E P : g * - * *
(-*)«-«-t», -d\* itiwprmib) ^
»
bttwem *95
3*3 P*
IM*
2* oo A
ATRA-tfASlS
339 bu-bu-ti-U ni-H ti-i-ti-ii 340 . . .] X H [
341 a-[. . . 342 . . .] X X [ 343 .. 344 . . .] 345 346 347 348 349 350 350a
[i-li] ]
339
F o r f o o d for the people*, for the sustenance of [the gods]
] pa X .]iu-X-[t]im iu-[(x)]-nu
*
. . .] H X X j . . ] x X Si • • • d]ijk]i-il . . . ] Ii X X [X ( X ) ] X-am-na . . . ] X ka-an [x ( x ) ] X-Sa . . ,]-na-an-na . . . ] x la x
1
351
...
339-369;V rev.
1
*
*
*
*
s]e-er-ra
352 [û-ul il-li-ik-ma 600].600 mu.hi.a 353 [ftia-tum ir-ta-pi-if\ ni-$u im-ti-da
352 Twelve hundred years [had not yet passed] 353 [When the land extended] and the peoples multiplied.
354 m[a-tum M-ma li]- i i-Sa^-ab-bu 355 t-na [hu-bu-ri-M-na] i-lu tP~ta^a'-da~*-ar
354 The [land] was bellowing [like a bull], 355 The god got disturbed with [their uproar].
356 [ en-Ul ti-te-me] ri^gi-im^-H-in 357 [is-sà-qar a]-na i-li ra~*-bu-tim
356 [Enlil heard] their noise 357 [And addressed] the great gods,
358 [ik-ta-ab-ta] fri-gi-m* a-wi-lu-ti 359 [i-na hu-bu-ri-H]-na û-za-^am^-ma ii-it-ta
358 'The noise of mankind [has become too intense for me], 359 [With their uproar] I am deprived of sleep.
r
r
d
r
360
. . . Su-r]u-up-pu-û U-ib-^iP
361
. . . ] X X H-n[a]
. J | •. 363 H-X [. ... 362
X
[.
.] X
X
X
67
XXX
[. . . ]
360 361
. . . ] let there be plague -..]
362 • [ ]...[..-] 363 . . [ . . . ' 364 Now [Atra-hasïs] 365 Was informing his god Enki.
364 ù Su-[û at-ra-am-ffa-si-is] 365 U-hi en-ki û-ba-[as-sa-ar] l
d
366 He spoke [with his god] 367 And his god [spoke] with him.
366 i-ta-mu i[t-ti i-li-Su] 367 ù hi-û il-iu it-t[i-$u i-ta-mu] 368 at-ra-am-fu2-si-is pi-a^-[iu 1369 is-sà-qar a-na be-[li-§u] l
[
i-pu-ia-am-ma]
368 Atra-hasis [opened] his mouth 369 And addressed [his] lord, m
e
Note: the remains at the right of the column between lines 340 and 350 show one more line than the ten-marks at the left of the column permit, so that one of thèse 'lines' must be an overrun. Since the overrun cannot be identified, the numbering is consécutive' and 350a accounts for the extra 'line' 1
[; ] &-*-X
a t n i 1-8 A diflering recension from this point onwarda ia offered 352-9: restored from 11.1. 1-8. * £ * f ^hup^u [; n-fjwsby S , see pp. 106-14. 3 • *' W
1
H-na ki-m[a\ £]u-rH*up-pu-u [
1
n
y
v
r c V > :
ATRA-rJASÎS
68
1370 a-di-nta-nu w - l . . • 371 mu-ur-sa i-im-mi-du-ni-a-ti a-[na da-ri]
I 370-406
370 '9o long as . [. . .
372 en-ki pi-a-hi i-pu-Sa-a[m-ma] 373 is-sà-qar a-na ar-di-[$u]
371 Will they impose disease on us [for ever] ?'
d
374 i\i]'bu-ti 375 W?-[r]ai
372 Enki opened his mouth 373 And addressed his slave,
st-[m]a-m- P ni-a qi-ri-Hb bi-ti mil-k[a] r
374 'The e l d e r s . . . . 375 . . . . counsel in the house,
1
376 [qi-b]a-ma-mi li-i[s-s]u-û na-gi-ru 377 ri-[ig]-ma li-[$e]-eb-bu- û i-na ma-tim r
378 e t[a]-ap-la-ha 379 e tu-[sa]-al-li-a
376 "[Command] that heralds proclaim, 377 And make a loud noise in the land,
1
f-li-ku-un [i]S-ta-ar-ku-un
r
378 'Do not révérence your gods, 379 Do not pray to your goddesses,
380 nam-ta -r[a] si-a ba-ab-Su 381 bi- la e-pi-ta a-na qu-ud-mi-Su r
1
r
380 But seek the door of Namtara 381 And bring a baked (loaf) in front of i t
1
382 U-il-li-tk-hi ma-as-ha-tum ni-q[û-û] 383 li-ba-al-ma i-na ka-af-[re-e] r
3 8 4
li-sa- aq-qi-il qd-as^-sû v
385 at-ra-am-ha-si-is il- qi-a? te-er-tam 386 si-bu-ti û-pa-ah-hi-ir a^na ba-bi-hi ï
382 The offering of sesame-meal may be pleasing to him, 383 Then he will be put to shame by the gift and will lift his hand/ "
Y
385 Atra-hasïs received the command 386 And gathered the elders to his gâte.
1
387 at-ra-am-ha-si-is pi-a-su [i]-p[u-$a-am-ma] 388 [wj-jd-^ar fl-«a £-&tt-[rï] I
387 Atra-hasïs opened his mouth 388 And addressed the elders,
1
389 H-bu-tt' si-[m]a-ni- P 390 [ii ? a-ni-a qi-ri-ib bi]-ti r
389 'Elders . . . . 390 [ . . . . ] counsel [in] the house,
mil-ka
r
1
39 [qi"ba-ma li-is]- su?-û na-gi-ru 392 [ri-ig-ma li-ïe-e]b-bu-û i-na ma-tim
391 [Command] that heralds proclaim, 392 And make a loud [noise] i n the land,
393 [* ta-ap-la-hd] *i-Urkù)-un 394 [g tu-sa-al-T\i-a i[ï-tar-k]u-un
393 " [ D o not révérence] your gods, 394 [Do not] pray to your [goddesses],
395 [nam-ta-ra si-a] ba- aP-su 396 [it-Za e-pi-ta a-na q]û-ud-mi-ïa
395 [But seek] the door of [Namtara], 396 [And bring a baked (loaf)] in front of it.
397 [li'i]l'li-ik-hi ma-as-ha-tum n{i-qû-û] 398 [li]-ba-aS-ma i-na ka-at-re-e [li-S]a-aq-qi-il
397 The offering of sesame-meal may be pleasing to him, 398 Then he will be put to shame by the gift and wiB lift his hand/'
1
v
r
399
400 [ & - % - t a m ii-mu-û
si-q[i-ir-hi]
401 [n]am-ta-ra t-na a-[#
402 {jb. ^ nu
403 [iq]-bu-ma is-su-û [na-gi-ru] 404 [ri-t]g-ma û-te-eb-b[u-û i-na ma-tim] 4^5 [406
[û-ui]ip-la-hui-[li-iu-un] \û-ul]û-se-el-lu-û[ii-tar-hi-un]
bi-[is-sû]
qà- as-su) x
400 The elders hearkened to [his] words, 401 They built a temple for Namtara in the city. 403 They commanded and [heralds] proclaimed, 404 They made a loud noise [in the land], 405 They did [not] révérence their gods, ^ 406 They did [not] pray to [their goddesses],
ATRA-rJASÎS
I 407-416
70
4°7 Y «ought [the door] of Namtara 408 And [brought] a baked (loaf) in front of [it].
A 407 [nam-ta]-ra H^-si-^û [ba-ab-Su] 408 [ub-hî] V-pi-tam a-na qû-ud-m[i-su]
B
1
u
t
t h e
409 [i-il-li-ï\k-su ma-as-ha-tum ni-[qû-û] 410 [i-ba-a$-m]a i-na ka-at-r[e-e û-sa-aq-q]i-U qà-as-su
409 The offering of sesame-meal was pleasing to him 410 [He was put to shame] by the gift and lifted his hand.
412 [ht-ru-up-pu-û i-te-z]i-ib-H-na-ti
412 [Plague] left them 413 . . . ] . they returned.
4 1 1
413
. . ,]-na it^tu-ru
1
414 ...]... 415. . . . [ . . . ] . [ . . . ]
414 . . .] X r u X 415 X am k u X [.. .] X [. . .] 416 [û]-ul il-(U)-ik-[ma] Qi yqilqa-as-su n-gtm-h-na; J tt-tu-ru;
411
416 Twelve hundred years had not yet
600.600 m[u.hi.a]
4 » Q : -z]i-ib-Si-na-a-ti ] u ne-e-ii; ] x - m «ir-rt.
413-15 Q : ] *MJD-™. l 416 Q : ] x fà-na-a-tim
y
passed
731 T A B L E T
I I T A B L E T
I I
C o l u m n i : B i-ao» D 2 - 2 3 , Q 1-13 1 à-wl 0JV^k-m$*]
r
Column i
6oo.6oo »u~hLa 1
4 r*-«r* *»4»-#t-&-M
-<**-«
1 T w c h e htmdred years had not y et passed 2 When the land extended and the propfcs niuMpaed. 3 The Und was b e u o m g like a bull, 4 The god got chsturbed with their uproar.
r
5 E r i i l beard their noise
4» ànsà^nw <MM t-Jf M-fcMMI 7 AV ât
n i *t g* An *
6 A n d addressed the great gods,
M ât
7
T b e noise of mankind has become too intense for sac
8 Wrth their uproar I MS deprried of sleep. 9 C u t ofi suppbes fer the prnpics» 1 0 L e t there be a s u a u t j of phnf hfe M sansry their hunçcr l » I ^ M » â # H U ^ i 14 f - J 4 M l i » - f »
g
u
Jb f
11 Adad should wrthhold his rain. i a A n d below, the flood should aot corne up from the abyss.
MKAI MM mm**f-èi
14 L e t tbe wind biow and parch the g r e i d . 16 L e t tke douds thîckec bn* not release a downpOM,
ft mB-**r-ri
18 L e t tbe fields dirnànsh theàr yiekis, 1 § *Bêt*iéP>ëir m mmAUià
19 L e t X k a b a stop up her breast.
êmêm ^mmèm
ao T h e r e m e t be no rçoicing among Aem, 21 [. . • .] must be ni|l|ni HT rt
m S11 i l f [ — ]
22 May there net t .
tr
-ir -
m»
•
Sr
T i r i r a * s n » fines o f C o h a n s B are a b o HÙMiiif, firxm tike O B tabkts, M d fc. |
••%rfCoi^
m Mttfe wfecwîfae O B crôkaoe « n s i i H Ë é ^ mi Q . jj. j i f k
î f r r t ^ w » ^
SQ i w *
9
te
i mm
2
1
1
^
Jàià'J*******
1S-19 c£ S ïr-
, T é w i i » : r « i
ATRA-HASÎS
74
Column i i : B 8-9, 13*$$
D
8
-3 ^ Q 6
f**M
mm . . . ] x rMM" .. .] ~^ ~k* . . .] be-U-su . , . - j ana ha-la-qi . . . ] X 8p-r»&-na - . .] X -ri-im-ma X * . . à\i-ia-si - ] X -^-ata - -Êiîfa • p}u-uh-ru «1 «a-*»-*»
* * ^
Column i i
r
3
mxk a
3
ff Y g' 9'
Io' II' 12'
a
% 1 , 5
4
ï 5
1 1
13 ' p» t » lî û-Wia\mé-e 14' [*?-«? i l ?•"•*?-*? §*-n& &*-**]«
r
9 " D o not révérence your goda, 10 Do not pray to your [goddesses],
r
ifï-tf ba-ab]-iû e-pi-ta [a-na qù-ud-mi-s\û
11 But seek [the door of] Adad 12 A n d bring a baked (loaf) pn front of it].
13 b-il-b-ik-iu \ma-m-ha-tum m-qû-u] 14 B-ha-aë-ma [i-na ka-djjt-re-îé
1
1 5
.%$ ima se-re-ti ib-ba-ra U-sa-az-m-in 17 b-S-ia-ar-ri-iq i-na mu-H-im-ma
20 i s adad i-na a-ti é
-..].. '•'•§•] assembly
15' '[Command that] heralds [proclaim], 8 [And make a loud] noise in the land,
9 e ta-ap4[a~hd\ .f-ii~ku-zm 10 e J*-£a^-4£-&-[
19 «fia fc-m ïa-ar-ra-qi-tu
g - . . ] I shouted
13' [ - . ] . . [elders] *4' [• ] counsel [in the house].
!$* Jf*-A*-*** IHV-W-S] na-gi-ru 8 ri-[ig-ma b-it-eb-bu-u] m ma-ti
11 12
—3 • • -] to go - • . ] his lord • • .] to disappear '..** -] . their work
H-ia-aq-qi-[iI]
1 8
li-ïa-az-fd-m
iu-a fi-d-Ji
ib-nu-û U-ù-su
21 iq-bu-ma ù-su-û na-gi-ru 22 ri-ig-ma u-h-ét-èu-é i-na ma-tim
qd-as-su na-al-la
13 [The offering of sesame-meal] may be pleasing to him, 14 Then he will be put to shame [by the] gift and will hft Us hand. 16 H e may rain down a mist i n the morning 17 A n d may furrively rain down a dew in the night, 19 So that the fields wiîi furtxveiy bear grain.*** 20 They built a temple for Adad i n tbe dry. 21 They commanded, and the heralds proclaimed 22 And made a loud noise in the land.
23 û~tâ ip~la~fei î-k-w\-un 24 [é*d\ ^û-se-eT-h-éU-tar-iul-m
23 They did not révérence their gods, 24 They did [not] pray to their goddesses,
H
25 But they [sought] the door [of Adad], 26 [And brought] a baked (loaf) in front of it.
[ adad i4%-u ba-ab-su 4
26 [«MB] e -pi-ta a-na qû-ud-mi-hi r
1
^
ATRA-tfASÏS
I I U 27-iii 22
27 [i-iI-U-i]k-$u ma-as-ha-tum ni-qû-û 28 [i-èa]-aS- ma i-na ka-at-re-e [û-$]a-aq-qi-il qd-as-su
27 The offering of sesame-meal was pleasing to him, 28 He was put to shame by the gift and lifted hit hand.
30 [i-n]a fsei-re-tiib-ba-ra û-ia-az-ni-in 31 fiS-ta-ar-ri-iq i-na tnu-H-im-ma
30 I n the morning he rained down a mist, 31 And furtively rained down a dew in the night.
r
]
2 9
1
33 [eqlu ki-ma 34 35 36
3 2
[«-/]a-a [ar-in-*]* na-al-Sa
33 [The fields] furtively bore grain, 34 . . . the famine ( ?)] left them. 35 . . . ] their [. .] they returned.
fa-ar-r]a-qt-tu iu-ati-h ... i-t]e-zi-ib-si-na-ti . . it-tu-ru . . . ] X û ri X X X •
Remainder o f column lost • • •
*
•
*
. . .] X i ki/di
2
. . . ] i-li-Su
2 . . .] of his god 3 [ . . ] . . he set his foot.
3 [t-na] X -U ie-ep-hi iî-ku-un
4 Every day he wept, 5 Bringing oblations i n the morning.
4 [u*\~mi-sa-am-ma ib-ta-na-ak-ki 5 [m]u-ul-$a-ak-ki i-za-ab-bi-il [i-n]a ïe-re-ti 6
7 He swore by [.] . . of the god, 8 Giving [attention] to dreams.
7 [ x ] x-a i-li ta-mi-ma 8 [inr-fia] i-Sa-ak-ka-na i-na
hi-na-a-ti
9 [ X X - n ] en-ki ta-mi-ma 10 [uz-na i-f\a-ak-ka-na i-na
9 He swore by [. . .] of Enki, 10 Giving [attention] to dreams.
hi-na-a-ti
11 ia
d
12
IJ&L * ] i W - a 6
3
1
*4
ib-ta-ak-ki
13 14
. . . ] X X à*-<£"i r
. . . ui-i]a-ab
5 *-[• • • p | • - | f . . . ] X
l
ib-W-ak-^kP
15 . [ 16 I n [
la-hu-ut-ra-at
17 A-if*/?- . 18 û-id-^for a-na
. . ] x û-am-rw ] na-ri
19 # - # f [ t ? 20 g ^ j ï ? - , . . ,
. li-b)i-il na-ru
|
Column iii
Column iii ( D ) 1
*
. . .] the temple of his god . . . ] seated, he wept. ...].. . . . ] seated, he wept. ] . was still ] . . . finished
17 . . [ ] . seen 18 Addressed [. . . .] of the river, 19 'Let the river take (?) [ . . . ] and bear away, 20 Let i t . [
] • •
21 T o . . [ ] my [ 22 May he see [
_
21 a-iw ï * ^ a * - [ . . . . . . . . . . . ] x - f a
33, x rev. i . 15» Y *3
17-33
c f
-
x
] ]•
*
-
ATRA-tfASÏS
as « • [ • i f e * - • • •/ • -3 24 a-na-ku mu-tfi...
11 «i »3-iv 16
x
23 May he [. . . 24 I n the night I [. .
a s â-tu-ma i[S-... a6 />*-**•** na-ri [...
25 After he [. . . 26 Facing the river [. . .
a7 t - * * AiMfr-n X [ . . .
27 On the bank [. . . 28 T o the Apsû he [. . .
a 8 a-na ap-si-i û-[ .. 29 ii-me-r-ma *m~k[i a-toa-as-su]
29 Enki heard [his
3 0 a - M la-ah-mi û-[. . .
30 And [instructed] the water-monsters [as follows],
31 a-wi-lum ïa X [. . .
31 'The man who . [. . . 32 Let this being . [ . . .
3 a « - f w * - i t - » w &-«/-[. . .
33 al-ka-ma
te-er-t[a...
33 Go, the order [ . . . 34 Ask . [. . .
x [. . .
34
words]
Remainder of column missing • * * • •
*
*
Column iv ( D )
3
mi-lu i-na
1 Above . [ . . . 2 Below, the flood did not [rise] from the abyss.
na-aq-b[i]
4 û-ul ul-da er-fe-tum re-e[m-ia]
4 The womb of earth did not bear,
5 ia-am-mu û-ul û-p-a [. .]
5 Végétation did not sprout [ . . ]
6 ni-fu û-ul am-ra-[(a)-ma]
6 People were not seen [. . ]
7 $a-al-mu-tum ip-çu-û û-g[a-ru] 8 se-ru pa-ar-ku ma-li id-r[a-na]
7 The black fields became white, 8 The broad plain was choked with sait
9 iî-ti-ta ia-at-tam 10 ïa-ni-ta ia-at-tam
9 For one year they ate couch-grass (?); 10 For the second year they suffered the itch.
i-ku-la la-a[r }-da ?] û-na-ak-ki-ma ! n a - a A - & 2 - a m - * [ a ]
11 The third year came 12 [And] their features [were altered] by hunger.
i t ia-h-ul-tum la-at-tum il-li-k[a-am-ma] 12 i-na bu-bu-tim xi-mu-H-na [it-ta-ak-rt^\
13 [Their faces] were encrusted, like malt, 14 [And they were living] on the verge of death.
13 AMM bu-uq-li ka^-at-[mu pa-nu-H-in] 14 i-na U-it-ku-ki na-pi-i[ï-U ba-al-fa] {
15 [Their] faces appeared green, 16 They walked hunched [in the street].
i f ar-qû-tum am-rw /w-w [M-JMW] t 6 q&-ai-&4i T
i-il-la-ka P-[na
Ï*É1*VL L^É7-« cf. S iv. 57b-58a 3
r
3
7
T
a
W
e
t
*» v. 6b~7«
*
Column i v
1 e-le-nu-um mi-[. . . 2 ia-ap-ti-iJ û-ul i[l-U-ka]
*
su-q{] 4-* cf. 8 I * . 5 8 b - 5 9 *
10 Tablet ( D ) ; û-na-ak-ki~ X [
t* 7^-8
10-12 cf. S
•
g
ATRA-rJASÎS
o
17 ra-ap-iu-tum bu-da-H-na [is-si-qd] 18 ar^ku^tum ma-az-za-zu-H-na [ik-ru-ni]
U i iv 17-v a i
17 Their broad shoulders [became narrowl 18 Their long legs [became short].
19 H-ip-ru Hl-qû-û [ ( x ) ] X X [. . . 20 qi-ud-mi-ii ta X [ x ] i X [. . . 21 iz-za-az-zu-ma pa/û [ x ] an [. . . 1
22 23 24 25
te-re-et X X [. . . [fl]ii-«
19 20 21 22 23
The command which they received r 1 r Before . . [ . ] . . [ . . . " ' They were présent and . . . [ . . . The decree [. . . Before [. . . J
Column v (D)
L
Column v
About the first 25 Unes of the column missing 1 x za? X [. . . 2 iq-bu-û X [ . . . 3 ed-lu-tum if-fo?-[. . . 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 n 12 13
2 They commanded . [. . . 3 Barred . . [ . . .
û-X [ x ] X X X [. . . i-na 5 [ x ] X X X [. . . x x [x] X x [... ed-lu-[t]i[m] i-za- x [ . . . sa-a[b-4*] x [. . . ed-l[u- . .. i-ba-a-ar x [ . , . x-la-te Û-[. , v " ar-ma-na i-te- x [ . . . li-ib-ba-ti ma-l[i ia H-gi-gï\
14 ra-bu-tum-mi a-n[un-na
8 ..[..]•[.. • 9 Barred [. . . 10 Was firm/Rebelled . [. . . " l i l é 12 A pomegranate ( ? ) . . . [ . . . 13 He was filled with anger [at the Igigi]. 14 ' [ A i l we] great Anunnaki 15 Decided together [on a rule].
ur-tam]
16 if-fû-ur a-nu [adad e-le-e-nu] 17 a-na-ku as-sû-ur er-§[e-tam
16 A n u and [Adad] guarded [the upper régions],
d
r
1
ia-ap-li-tam]
d
an-du-ra-ra
ii-ku-un]
20 He let loose [abundance for the peoples], 21 He established . [ . . in/from the . , & o f the sun].
20 û-[m]a-ai-ï[e-er a-na ni-H mi-ie-er-tam] 21 ii- [k]u-un x [ x -taro
*-na ai-qu-la-lu iv
19-22
cf. S vi.
16-18
17 I guarded the [lower] earth. 18 Where Enki [went] 19 He loosed the yoke [and established freedom].
18 û-fo-ar # ï - & [iMi-Au-ma] 19 ip-fii-ur ul-l[a
..[.]...[...
5 I n the fifth/five [ . ] . . . [ . . . 6 ..[.]..[... 7 Barred...[...
ka-lu-ni]
â
15 ub-la pi-i-ni ii-ti-[ni-ii
4
ia-am-H] 818163
O
ATRA-tfASÏS
0
I I v aa-vi 18
22 *en-tilpi-a- iu p*{pu-ia-am-ma] 23 a-na Htkkalli *nusku [is-sà-qar] r
22 Enhl [opened] his mouth 23 [And addressed] the vizier Nusku,
24 J c ? n a X [ma-r]i U-ib-[M-ku-nim] as U-[ie-ri4i]u-ni a-na ma-ah-r[i-ia]
24 Let them bring [to m e ] . . . [ . ] . 4
25 L e t them [send] them into [my] présence.'
26 se? na X $na-ri ib-bi-ku-n[i-iS-iu] 27 is-sà-qar-hs-nu-H qû-ra-du [en-U]
26 T h e y brought [to him]
d
28 ra-bu-tum-mi *a-nun-na 2 9 ub-lapi-i-m
iï-ti-ni-ii
3 0 i$-sû-ur a-nu adad 31 a-na^ku af-$û-ur 1
28 '[AH we] great Anunnaki 29 Decided together on a rule.
ur-[ta-am] e-le-[e-nu] er-se-tam
d
27 And the warrior [Enlil] addressed them,
k[a-lu-m]
32 a-ia-ar a[t]-ta ta-a[l-ti-ku-ma] 1' [ta-ap-fé-ur ul-la an-du-ra-ra 2' [tu-ma-ai-ie-er a-na ni-H 3' [ta-ai-ku-un X X -tam
•
•
30 Anu and Adad guarded the upper [régions], 31 I guarded the lower earth.
W-afy-H-tam]
32 Where you [went]
ta-ai-ku-un]
mi-ie-er-tam] i-na aî-qû-la-lu
*
•
1' [You loosed the yoke and established freedom].
!a-am-H]
•
2' [You let loose abundance for the peoples], 3' [You established . . . in/from the . . . . of the sun].'
*
*
Column vi (D) About the 1 2 3 4 5 6 7
8 9 10
first
[
f|§t.] im-ïhP-û û-ga-ra 12 [«? erî-p]él-tum û-ka-la-la X X X 1 1
13 [la tu-k^-ka-la-ïnim 14 [à la t]e-ep-pi-ra-nim
1
15 [i-k]-ma i-ta-hi-ui 16 [i-n] pu-ty-ri a
17 [<**«-&] i-ta-hi-ui 18 \i-na pu-tfft-ri
te-m-ie-hi nu-hu-ui ni-H
&ifatum si-ih-tum
1
. . . ] sea
2
. . . ] . . to . [.)
3 4
§P * *1 • •••]
5
t n e m
. . . ] . . Jr. . them
6
. . •]
"de
7
...J..Â...
g
. • •] •
9
g
ï
. - • } -M
M -§ -
10 Adad [sent down] his rain n . . . ] filled the fields ^
13 [Do not] feed his peoples, 14 [And do not] supply corn rations, on which the
nisaba
d
i-tm-ul-ht
a-ia-ba-am
ia i-li
*
Column vi
12 [And] t h e c l o u d s ( ? ) covered.
a-ïa-ba-am
ia i>H
*
25 Unes of the column missing
. . . ] ti-a-am-tim . . . ] x Si a-na un-[x] . . . ] X hi-nu-ti . . .] X ir x X X . . . ] ur-ri x X X W-nu-H . . . j X mu X X X ur-tu . . •] X pa W X X X r [ i ] . . . ] u5 x x x am-ma * . .] X i X [ X X ( X ) ] r a [û-Sa-az-rri-i]n adad zu^-un-ni-hi d
*
i-ku-ul-hi
15 [The god] got fed up with sitting, 16 [In] the assembly of the gods laughter overcame him. 17 [Enki] got fed up with sitting, 18 [In] the assembly of the gods laughter overcame him.
ATRA-y
ÀSlS n vi 19-vii 47
9 20
• • 1 slander in his hand . . .]
ai aa
• . •] of the gods . . . . . . ] . Enki and Enlil,
x
r * -I
21
X x ud
fa
M [ra-bu-tmm *a-nun-n]a \hà-bê^m\ 24 [«*-&] ^pi-i-m a-tP-[m-a 5 f£Ht&' * °^ ^ 26 [a-n}a- lm ûs-m ur 2
ur
a
nu
r
à
a
L
ur-ta-am]
23 ' [ A i l we great Anunnaki] 24 [Decided] together [on a
e-le-e-nu er-fe-tam §a-ap
Iv-tam
J
2$ [ta~a)p-tû-uT ul-la
an-du-ra-ra
25 A n u and Adad guarded the upper régions, 26 I guarded the lower earth.
ta-ai-ku-un
27 Where you went 28 [You] loosed the yoke and established freedom.
20 \tu-m\a-aï-le~er a-na m-H mi-ie-er-tam to [ta-al-ku-un]
12
X X -Usm
HM aï-qu-la-tu * la-am '--H §Mw»- #
*
#
q]û-ra-[du]
*
C o h i m n vii : B : 37-54,
eti~' hl •
f:i
* D
* :
29 [You] let loose abundance for the peoples 3 0 [You established] . . . in/from the . . . . of the sun.' 3* 32
!>.] . . . ] the warrior Enlil
*
*
3^53
31 $? 33 34 35 36 17
[&-up-H~i\k-ka-ku-fm [a-m-lam e-mi-id) [la-ai-fyh'i-fa ri-ig-m[a a-na a-vn-lu-ti) («/o»! t]a-at-bu-ha qd-d[u fe -mi-fu} { r ^ ^ ^ « a i - t e - ^ ta-ar-x [ X ] X JW-*w 1 ( « M } * * * » k - i b - b a - k u - n u u [ r - t a * * «• ' U-tu-ur a-na ufc\*. . é
§i k-ié^ÊF ana i~[h
[ia-am-ma]
47
*
afy^iu)
0^à:mHém tu-ta-am-mu-n[i,
«MHWNW fa i:';;:, * - * # - J *
«-sa A»
««.aWiÏw
31 [She( ?) imposcd] your toil [on man], 32 [You] raised a cry [for mankind], 33 You slaughtered [a god] together with [his personality], 34 [You] sat and • * • [ . . .
35 36 37 38
[.] bring [. Y o u determined on a [rule . . . Let i t t u r n to . [. . V Let us birtd prince E n k i . . [ . . ] by an oath.'
40 E n k i opened his mouth 41 A n d addressed the gods [his brothers], . .]
43 é-*b-ba-al qà-ti «HM w [ i ma] 44 a-huim la ta-qà-ab-b[a-m-t*-m] 41
*
|àu.] x x I * . *
40 *m-*pt-*hiip+ 0
*
C o l u m n vii
T h e first 29 lines of the column are missing 30
rule].
42 *Why w i l l you bind me with an oath [ . . . ] ? 43 A m I to lay my hands on [my own peoples] ? 44 T h e flood that you are commanding [me], 45 Who is it? I [do not know]. 46 A m I to give b i r t h to [a flood] ? 47 T h a t is the task of [Enlil].
ATRA-tfASlS
86
11 vii 48-viii 37
4 8 B4b-te-ru fu-û [. . . 4 9 su-ul-la-at A [ha-tii-i$] 6
à
51 ta-ar-ku-ul-U ^-[ra-kal 5 2 U-il-li-i[k mn-urta] d
54
X
5 0
5 3
li-il-U-ku i-na
4 8 Let him [and . . . . .] choosc, 4 9 Let Sullat and [Hani§] go [in front],
[ma-ah-ri]
li-na-si-ih] *¥-tr-[<# mi-ih-ra]
51 Let Errakal [tear up] the mooring pôles, 52 Let [Ninurta] go and make [the dykes] overflow.
[...
One or two lines missing t o the end o f the column * * * * Column v i i i : B : 33-7, D :
31-7
Column v i i i
The first 30 lines of the column missing 31
X
X
X
[...
3 2 pu-uh-ra X X [. • . 3 3 e ta-ai-mi-a a-na f r - K U -
X
[...
3 4 i-lu iq-bu-û ga-tne-er-t[am] 3 5 H-tp-ra le-em-na a-na m-H i-pu-uS 3 6 at-ra-am-ha-si-is pi-a-hi 3 7 is-sà-qar a-na be-U-su l
48 D : h-ib-te-e-r[u fa-a[m}-ma]
32 The Assembly . . [ . . . 33 D o not obey . . . [ . . . ' 34 T h e gods commanded total destruction, 35 Enlil d i d an evil deed on the peoples.
e[n-liï]
d
36 Atra-hasïs opened his mouth 37 A n d addressed his lord,
i-pu-sa-ma
4 9 - 5 3 cf. U rev. 14-15,
Gilg. x i .
99-102
36 B :
i-pu
*7
(88) (89)
T A B L E T
III T A B L E T
III
C t h r o u g h o u t unless o t h e r w i s e s t a t e d ; i 1 - 2 f r o m B D i
1 at-ra-am-ha-si-is pi-a-hi
i-pu-ia-ma
l
i
2 is-sà-qar a-na be-li-hi
*
•
•
10
•
•
1 A t r a - h a s ï s opened his mouth 2 And addressed his lord,
* §*
• . •] X X
11 [ ai-ra-am-ka-si-is] l
pi-a-su
i~ pu-sa)-am-ma x
11 12 13 14
13 [la hi-ut-ti w]u-ud-di-a qi-ri-ib-sa 14 [X X X ] X -di lu-ui-te-e si-ib-ba-as-sà 15 [ en-ki p]i-a-hi i-pu-ia-am-ma 16 [is]-sà-qar a-na ar-di-iu d
hi-us-si-ir
1 9
Atra-hasïs opened his mouth A n d addressed his lord, 'Teach me the meaning [ofthe dream], [ . . . ] . . that I may seek its outcome/
17 'You say, "What am I to seek?** 18 Observe the message that I will speak to you:
at-ta
20 i-ga-ru si- ta-am-mi-a-an-ni 21 ki-H-su su-us-si-ri ka-la si-iq-ri \-ia
20 Wall, listen to me ! 21 Reed wall, observe ail my words t
22 û-bu-ut bi-ta
22 Destroy your house, build a boat, 23 Spurn property and save life.
bi-m e-le-ep-pa
23 ma-ak-ku-ra zé-e-er-ma 5
2
na-pi-ii-ta
bu-ul-li-it
[ê]-le-ep-pu ia ta-ba-an-nu- û - [H] T
26
2
2 4
*
Élt-J
8
x
u
r
29 [k]i-ma ap-si-i hi-a-ti 30 a-U-i-mu-ur samai d
(. .)]
*
P
a ? t i
25 The boat which you build 26 . . . ] be equal [(. .)]
1
. , . ] mi-U-h[u-ra-at
*
X X
*
*
•
mm
ia-ap-li-ii
4
Gilg. X i . 21-31 «g. AI. ^gjj
Gifr cf.
e-mu-qd hi-ur-U
si-iq-zi-ia
*
34 I w i l l rain down upon you here 35 A n abundance of birds, a profusion of fishes/
û-ia-az-na-na-ak-ku bu-du-ri nu-ni 21 T a b l e t ( C ) :
*
32 The tackle should be very strong, 33 Let the pitch be tough, and so give (the boat) strcngth.
32 lu-û du-un-nu-na û-ni-a-tum
34 a-na-ku ul-li-ii 35 (u-ts-at ï$-su-ri
*
30 So that the sun shall not see inside it 31 Let it be roofed over above and below.
qi-ri-ib-sa
33 ku-up-ru lu-û da-a-an
*
29 Roof i t over like the Apsû.
sû-ul-li-il-H
31 bi-û fû-ui-bs-la-at e-U-ii ù
*
15 [Enki] opened his mouth 16 A n d addressed his slave,
ta-qd-ab-bi
18 H-ip-ra ia a-qd-ab-bu-ku
*
t
12 [is-sà-qar] a-na be-li-hi
17 [m]a-hi-um-ma lu-ui-te-i
*
3 3 cf. W 3
34-
ATRA-HASÏS
9 0
36 ip-U ma-al-ta-ak-ta
hi-a-ti
111 i 36-it 29
û-ma-al-li
37 ba-a-a* a-bu-bi 7 mu-H-Ht iq-bi-iu
36 He opened the water-clock and filled i t ; 37 He announced to him the coming of the flood for the seventh
38 at-ra-am-lta-si-is il-qi-a te-er-tam 39 ïi-bu-ti û-pa-ah-hi-ir a-na ba-H-Su l
38 Atra-ljasïs received the command, 39 He assembled the elders to his gâte.
4 0 at-ra-am-ha-si-is pi-a-Su i-pu-Sa-^'am-tna l
1
40 Atra-hasïs opened his mouth 41 A n d addressed the elders,
41 [i]$-$à-qar a-na H-bu-[H] 42 [ t j M i i-H-ku-nu i-K iP-|W ma-gi-ir] r
44 [if]-fa-ar-du-ni-in-ni
42 ' M y god [does not agrée] with your god, 43 Enki and [Enlil] are angry with one another. 44 They have expelled me from [my house ( ?)],
i-na [ X X X ]
45 [if\-tu-ma ap-ta-na-a[l-la-hu 46 [a-w]a-tam mi-ni-[tain iq-bi]
en-ki]
d
45 Since I révérence [Enki], 46 [He told me] of this matter.
47 i^nl] û-ul-la-ab i-na ![a-. , . 48 [i-na] ir-fe-et en-Hl û-ul a-[ia-ak-ka-an d
49 [it]-tii-Kû-x l.. 50 [an-ni-ta]m iq-bi-à -a[m r
47 I can[not] live in [your . . . ] , 48 I cannot [set my feet on] the earth of Enlil.
ie-pi-ia]
49 W i t h the gods . . [ . . . 50 [This] is what he told me [ . . •'
...
]
Four or five lines missing to end o f column * ii
*
*
*
Four or five lines missing to end of column
*
9 i[k-, Jâ? 10 fi-bu-[tum.
i i 1 0 The elders [ . . ,
na-ga- [ru na-H pa-as-su] 12 at-ku-up-[pu na-H a-ba-an-hi]
n The carpenter [carried his axe], 12 The reed-worker [carried his stone].
13 ku-up-ra [it-ta-H ie-er-ru] 14 la-ap-nu [fyi-HIt-ta ub-la]
13 [The child carried] the pitch, 14 The poor man [brought what was needed]. 1
. [. . .
5
16 He/They . . [ . . i . [ . . . 18 Atra-hasïs [ . . v 7
*
*
*
*
*
*
28 me? [. >1|| 29 H^uJhb[a-al, 47-8
29 Bringing [. 13-14 ci
ATRA-tfASlS
02
» 30-iii 10
1 1 1
30 mi-im-ma P-[iu-û . . . 31 mi-m-ma i-i[u-û . .. v
30 Whatever he [had . . . 31 Whatever he had [. . .
32 el-lu-Hit-[ 33 ka-ab-ru-H [.
32 Clean (animais). [ 33 Fat (animais) [
• H
34 i-bi4r-[ma ui-te-r]i-ib 35 mu-up-pa-a[r-ia i$-$û-ur\ ia-ma-U ] X ] X fwt
36 The cattle (?) [ 37 The wild [créatures (?)
ul]-te-ri-ib
39
, . . ib-ba-b]i-il
40 41
38 • [ 39
ar-hu
. . .] fd-H-iu iq-ri . ».] V - i w qé-re-H
42
. . . ] X kP-im-ta-hi
4 3 [fl-fe'-/]t* i-ik-ka-al
j
#
] he put on board • • •] the moon disappeared. . . . ] he invited his people . . . ] to a banquet.
45 But he was i n and out: he could not sit, could not crouch, 47 For his heart was broken and he was vomiting gall.
ti-u/ û-ui-ia-ab û-ul i-ka-am-nù-is i-ma-d ma-ar-ta-am
4 6
j
42 . . . ] . he sent his family on board, 43 They ate and they drank.
i-!a-at-ti
4 4
45 i-ir-m-ub ù û-us-d 47 he-pi-i-ma ti-ib-ba-hi
40 41
ui-te-ri-ib
r
i
34 He caught [and put on board] 35 The winged [birds of] the heavens.
36 6»-W-[«r? 37 na-[ma-ai-ie-e (?) 38 X [.
i
48 The appearance of the weather changed, 49 Adad roared i n the clouds.
48 M -mti ii-nu-û pa-nu-û-iu 4 9 ii-ta-ag-na adad i-na er-pé-H 4
à
50 As soon as he heard Adad's voice 51 Pitch was brought for him to close his door.
50 *-4a ii-mu-û ri-gi-im-iu 51 [À}i!-fg>-n* ba-bi-il i-pé-efe-ki ba-ab-hi
52 After he had bolted his door 53 Adad was roaring i n the clouds,
52 ii-tu-ma i-di-lu ba-ab-iu 53 adad i-ia-ag-gu-um i-na er-pé-H d
54 The winds became savage as he arose, 55 He severed the hawser and set the boat adrift. • * * *
54 fa-ru fur-su-*» i-na te-bi-iu 55 tp-m-it ma-ar-ka-$a
*
*
e-le-ep-pa ip-tû-ur
*
*
*
Three lines missing
T w o lines missing 3
•
4
x x x •..]
5
ii
[. . .
d
1 0 [fe'-ma
8
ka-ar-pa-H r]i-gi-im-ia
ÉJÉI
w e r e
ih-pi 9 - 1 0 cf. Gtfe. xi.
ea
9 [He ] the land 10 A n d shattered its noise [like a pot].
[ti-fa-ar-rtW/] Sa-ma-i
rev. 16-19
.*.]...
•? * * & e stonn 6 Ss&ô y°k * 7 [Zû with] his talons [rent] the heavens. 5
pu-ra-i
. . . ] x-en me-hu-û
7 [ * u - t i i-na f]ii-w/)-n-fu
4
1
0
*
ATRA-tfASÏS
ïn
94
11 r . . . ù-ta-$a-a] a-bu-bu 1 [ki-ma qd-ab-l]i Wi ni-H i-ba-a> ka-Su-Su
iti n - 5 0
11 [ . . . . ] the flood [set out],
2
12 I t s might came upon the peoples [like a battle array].
13 [û-ul] V-fM-ur a-hu a-ha-Su 14 [û-ul] û-te-ed-du-û i-na ka-ra-H
13 One person did [not] see another, 14 They were [not] recognizable in the destruction.
15 [a-bu-b]u ki-ma li-i i-Sa-ab-bu
15 [The flood] bellowed like a bull, 16 [Like] a whinnying wild ass the winds [howled].
16 [ki-ma p]a-ri-ina-e-ri
[X X (x)-ni]m
17
Sa-ru
18 [Sa-pa-at e]-tû-tu samas la-aS-Su jç . . . ] x -Su ki-ma su-ub-bi 20 . . . -i]n*? a-bu-bi d
• • •] X
21
22 23 24
18 The darkness [was dense], there was no sun 19 . . . ] • • like . . . 20 . . .] . of the flood 21 ...].[.].. 22 . . .]. 23 . . . ] the noise of the [flood] 24 I t was trying [ . . . . ] . of the gods.
[(X )]-*--*«
ai* - ] " . . . ] ri-gi-im a-[bu-b]i . . .]-W i-ô" uS-ta^ka-an b u
1
25 [ *n-& t^-ta-M te^é^-em-Su 26 [ x ] ma-ru-Su ub^bu^-ku [a-n]a ma-ah-ri-Su
25 [Enki] was beside himself, 26 [Seeing that] his sons were thrown down before him.
28 [«WJn-fci be-el-tum ra-bi-tum 29 [&tt-u]/-$j-ta ù-ka-la-la Sa-ap-ta-Sa
28 N i n t u , the great lady, 29 Her lips were covered with feverishness.
30 [ ]a-ntm-#ta i-6* ra-bu-tum 31 [a;a-a£]-A[i*] i-na fii-mt à bu-bu-H
30 The Anunnaki, the great gods, 31 Were sitting i n thirst and hunger.
32 i -mu-Kr-ma il-turn i-ba-ak-k[ï] 33 ta-ab-su-ut i-li e-ri-iS-ta ma-m[i]
32 The goddess saw i t as she wept, 33 The midwife of the gods, the wise Mami.
34 u -mt*-ttm &-tt* -da- î -[fm] 35 ti-tu-ur li-ki-[il]
34 (She spoke,) 'Let the day become dark, 35 Let i t become gloom again.
d
27
d
r n
d
7
4
r 1
36 a-na-ku i-na pu-ûh-ri Sa * - [ f i ] 37 fo'-iaj-fW] it-H-Su-nu ga-me-er-ta-a[m]
36 I n the assembly of the gods 37 How did I , with them, command total destruction?
39 en-lil id-pi-ra 40 &-ma ri-m-rw
39 Enlil has had enough of bringing about an evil command, 40 Like that T i r u r u , he uttered abominable evil.
r
n
38
d
û-Sa-aq-bi bi-i-[Sa] fa-a-*[i] û-Sa-as-hi bi-i-S[a] 4 1
42 a-na ra-ma-rù-ia ù pa-ag-ri-i[d\ 43 i-na se-ri-ia-ma ri-gi-im-H-na eS-me
42 As a resuit of my own choice 43 And to my own hurt I have listened to their noise.
44 e-le-nu-ia ki-ma zu-ub-bi i-aw-ti li-il-li-du 46 à a-na-fe* fe-i a-ia-W ? ^ «-i* di-im-ma-ti sa-hu-ur-ru ri-ig-mi
44 M y offspring—eut off from me—have become like Aies! 46 A n d as for me, like the occupant of a house of lamentation
48 e-te-el-li-i-ma a-na sa-ma-i
48 Shall I go up to heaven 49 As i f I were to live in a treasure house?
4 5
4
49 to-fa wa-aS-ba-a-ku s° ^ 11*14
cf. Gife. » . 1 0 9 - i a
|||
na-ak^ma)-H
2 3 - 7 cf. U rev. 2 0 - 2
36-7
M y cry has died away.
ATRA-rJASIS
I I I iii 51-iv 42
51 e-Sa-a a-nu il-U-kam be-el fe^mi 52 i-lu ma-ru-Su ii-mu-û d-qi-ir-iu
c i Where has Anu the président gone, 52 Whose divine sons obeyed his command?
53 ia la im-ta-al-ku-ma ii-ku-^nu a~*-[bu-ba]
53 He who did not consider but brought about a flood 54 A n d consigned the peoples to destruction?'
54 m-K ^ik-tnisu a-na ka-[ra-H] One line missing to end of column * * • * • 1
One line missing to end of column *
*
*
*
•
First three lines of column missing
First two lines of column missing iv 3 . . J X X [. . . 4 û-na-ab-ba ^[tn-tu . ..
iv
4 N i n t u was wailing [. . .
5 a-bu-ma-an ul^da g[al-la-ta ( ? ) ] ti-a-am-ta ki-ma ku-li-li itn-la-a-nim na-ra-am
5 'What? Have they given birth to the [rolling (?)] sea? 6 They have filled the river like dragon Aies!
8 ki-ma a-mi-im i-mi-da a-na s[a-pa]n-[nt]
8 Like a raft they have put i n to the edge, 9 Like a r a f t . . . . they have put in to the bankl
1
6
7
9 ki-ma a-mi-im i-na se-ri i-mi-da a-na
ki-ib-ri
1 0 I have seen and wept over them; 11 I have ended my lamentation for them.'
10 a-mu-ur-ma e-K-H-na ab-ki 11 û-qd-at-ti di-im-ma-ti i-na se-ri-H-in
12 She wept and eased her feelings; 13 N i n t u wailed and spent her émotion.
12 ib-H-i-ma li-ib-ba-ia û-na-ap-pi-ii 13 û-na-ab-ba *nm-tu la-la-la is-ru-up 1 4
15 The gods wept w i t h her for the land, 16 She was surfeited w i t h grief and thirsted for beer.
15 i-hi it-ti-ia ib-ku-û a-na ma-tim 16 ii-bi td-is-sà-tam sa-mi-a-at H-ik-ri-iS 1 7
18 H-i a-sar ui-bu ki-ma im-me-ri
18 Where she sat, they sat weeping, 20 Like sheep, they filled the trough.
i-na bi-ki-H ui-bu-ma im-lu-nim ra-fa-am 10
2 0
21 Their lips were feverishly athirst, 22 They were suffering cramp from hunger.
21 sa-mi-a ia-ap-ta-Su-nu bu-ul-hi-ta 22 H-na bu-bu-ti i-ta-na-ar-ra-ar-ru 1
2 3
24 For seven days and seven nights 25 Came the déluge, the storm, [the flood].
24 7 u -mi 7 mu-i[i-a-tim\ 25 04nk ra- du? me-ku-W [a-bu-bu] é
r
26 Where i t . [. . . 27 Was thrown down [. . . Twenty-five or twenty-six lines missing to end of
26 a-iar is-r\i27 sa-ki-i\p . | | f 28 fa-x §pf; M
*
*
*
*
*
•
*
*
*
39 $ f . , y 40 » - x 42
2 4 - 5 cf. G * , x i .
x a 7
-«
^
818168
H
*
ATRA-rJASÏS
98
III
iv 43-v 51
X [• ' • «H- • • i-n[a . .. ftf-X [• « •
43 44 45 46 47
•'
4 8
Five or six lines missing to end of column
X
•
*
*
*
*
First seven lines of column missing v
8 X [. . . 9 X [.. . 10 àî-[. .. 11 *-[• • • 12-14 traces 28 29 30 31 32
•
x [... i-raJsi-[,.. a-na ia-a-f[i.. [i\t-ta-di [... i-za-an-nu-un
33
•
*
*
* First twenty-nine lines of column missing v 3 0 T o the [four] winds [ . . . 31 He put [. . . 32 Providing food [ . . .
• [... . . . ]X
X
33
...]..
34 [i-si-nu i-l]u e-re-ïa 35 [ki-ma zu-ub-b]i e-lu ni-qi-i pa-ah-ru
34 [The gods sniffed] the smell, 35 They gathered [like Aies] over the offering.
36 [ù'tu-m]a i-ku-lu ni-ql-a-am 37 [ nin]-tu it-bé-e-ma na-ap^-ha-ar-Su-nu
36 [After] they had eaten the offering 37 N i n t u arose to complain against ail of them,
d
38
[
ut-ta-az-za-am
39 e-ia-a a-nu il-li-ka-am be-el fe^-e-mi 41 en-lil if-fei-a a-na qu-ut-ri-ni
39 'Where has A n u the président gone? 41 Has E n l i l come to the incense ?
42 ia la im~ta-al*ku~ii-ma is-ku-nu a-bu-ba 43 ni-H ik-mi-su a-na ka-ra-H
42 They, who d i d not consider but brought about a flood 43 A n d consigned the peoples to destruction?
44 ub-la pi-i-ku-nu ga-me-er-tam 45 el-lurtu[m] z[i]-mu-H-na V-a-ad-ru
44 You decided on total destruction, 45 N o w their clean faces have become dark.'
46 ù H4 if-fe-e-ma a-na su-bé-e ra-bu-ti 47 ia a-nu i-(pu)-iu-ma ùpa-an-qd-l[u]fa[l]
46 Then she approached the big Aies 47 Which A n u had made (?) and was carrying,
4S ia-a-at-tum nU$-$à-$\û\ lu-û H-im-ti i-ba-[a] 50 li-ie-fa-an-ni-ma i-na ni-el-m[e-nï\ « pa-ni-ia li-ip-t[t]
48 (She said), 'His grief is mine! Now détermine my destiny! 50 Let h i m get me out of this distress and relieve (?) me.
40
â
49
^5^.,
X I
-
46-7 cf. Gtfe.
'55
s&^és
3 4 - 5 cf.
Gilg.xi. 139-61
4 2 - 3 cf.
GUg.
99
ATRA-tfASÏS
too
52&-*2zi£iaMALX
[Xjmu?
X
X
X
nïv
X
[X
X ]
52 Verily
(Probably no Une missing) i
3
2
- v i 42
[. .] (Probably no line missing)
i-na ma- X [ . . • \£ , gu-ub-bu-û a[n-nu-tum] hs-û uq-ni ki-sa-di-i[a-a-mà\ 4 lu-uh-su-ûs-m u -mi [...]»[.. .]
vi
[.]
5 2
A
5 ma-qu-ra i-ta-ma-ar q[û-ra-du en-lil]
vi
In 2 Let [thèse] Aies be the lapis around my neck 1
4
That I may remember it [every (?)] day [and for ever (?)].'
6 H-ib-ba-ti ma-U sa ^P-gp-gï]
5 [The warrior Enlil] saw the vessel, 6 And was filled with anger at the Igigi,
7 ra-bu-tum ^nun^-na rkd*-h-n[ï\ 8 ub~la pi-i-fd ii-ti-ni-ii ma-mi-tam
7 ' A i l we great Anunnaki 8 Decided together on an oath.
é
9 a-ia-a-nu û-si na\-pil-ii-tum 10 ki-itb-bi-ut a-wP-lum i-na ka -[r]a-H
10 How did man survive i n the destruction?*
11 a-nu pi-a-su i-pu-ia-am-ma 12 is-sà-qar a-na qû-ra- dP en-Ul
11 A n u opened his mouth 12 A n d addressed the warrior Enlil,
r
r
r
9 Where did life escape?
1
à
13 ma-an-nu an-m-tam ia la en-ki 15 [ x ( x ) ] ul? û-ia-ap-ta si-iq-r[d\ 1 4
r
1
i-ip-pu-us
d
13 'Who but Enki could do this? 15 [. . . ] I did not (?) reveal the command,'
16 [^en-kilpi-a-iu i-*pu -ia-am-[ma\ 17 [ff-sà-gor] a-na i-U ra-bu-ti
16 [Enki] opened his mouth 17 [ A n d addressed] the great gods,
18 [lu-û e]-pu-us i-na pa-ni^hP-uln] 19 [û-us-t]a-si-ra na-pi-i[s-tam [ ( - . ) ]
18 ' I d i d i t [indeed] i n front of you! 19 p am responsible] for saving life [ . ] • • • [ . . ]
{
20
| § J
X
X
X
X
[X
X bi?
. . . a-H\fSrba | | . . ] x-ku-un
2 1
22
3 É^.-dwW»-*^ 24 j w | - ] â ru-um-mi 25 [be-el ar-n\tm hi-ku-un ie-re-et-ka 26 [ i ] V-àt-if & i^fa-a [r] -xà-Ai< a-zca-at-ka 2Tj „ . ,]^nupu-ûh-ra [..„ About tel lines missing
X ]
20 21 22
2
24 25 26 27 38 39 40
41 l^en-Ulpy-a-su i-pu-ia-am-ma 42 [i*-sà}-qar a-na *m-H m-ig-Si-l *~4 <£ r j % ,
XL 164
. . . ] . gods [ . . . ] . . . . . ] the flood . . . ] your heart . . . ] and relax Impose your penalty [on the aiminal] [And] whoever disregards your command . . . ] . the assembly [. About ten lines missing . . . ] her/it jjjÉ - •] he/she/they put [ I have] eased my feelings. 9
41 [Enlil] opened his mouth 42 A n d addressed Enki the prince,
ATRA-tfASlS
102 43 [ga-na sa-a]s-sû-ra *nin-tu H-si-ma 44 [at-t]a ù H-i mi-it-li-ka i-na pu-uh-ri 45 [ en-ki pi]-a-hi i-pu-ia-am-ma 46 [is-sà-qar] a-na nin-tu sa-as-sû-ri d
d
47 [at-ti sa-a]s-su-ru ba-ni-a-at si-ma-ti 48 . . . ] a-na ni-H 49 . . . -l]i-ti 50 . . . l]i-ib-H 51 . . .] X Probably one line missing to end of column * * * * * 1 [a]p-pu-na ia-lu-uS-tum li-i[b]-H i-na ni-H 2 i-na ni-H a-li-it-tum-ma la a-li-it-tum 3 li-ib-H-ma i-na ni-H pa-H-it-tu 4 K-is-ba-at ie-er-ra i-na bi-ir-ku
a-li-it-ti
5
6 Su-uk-ni û-uk-ba-ak-ka-H 8 lu-û ik-ki-bu H-na-ma
e-ne-H à e-gi-si- a-ti a^-la-da-^am pu-ur*siï 7
9
r
10 [ x ( x ) ] ni s[i?] x X X X X-tam 11 [ ] ù [na-pt]-i$-tam 12 . . . ] ra ma [ x X ] X na 13 . . . j b i l i ? [. .]-H-in 14 . . . ] X [ . . . , . ] x-mi-iu *5 . . .]-tum [. . . ] x *6 X [ ] x 17 ..
H
18 i l 19 x X [. . . 20 a-l[i- . .. 21 r < W - t f [ / . . . aa x x [ . . . 23 x [ . . . . 24 ma-x [,.. 25 me-bu-x [.. . 26 ma-to [. ^. 27 X { . . . 28-35 nus8ing
1
I I I vi 43-vii 35 tes
43 44 45 46
'[Come], 8ummon Nintu, the birth-goddess, [You] and she, confer in the assembly.' [Enki] opened his mouth And [addressed] Nintu, the birth-goddess,
47 '[You], birth-goddess, creatress of destinies, 48 • • •] for the peoples 49 50
•••]•• . . . ] let there be Probably one line missing to end of column * * * * * vii 1 I n addition let there be a third category among the peoples, 2 (Let there be) among the peoples women who bear and women who do not bear. 3 Let there be among the peoples the PàHttu-dtmon 4 T o snatch the baby from the lap of her who bore it. 6 Establish Ugbabtu-vjomen, Entu-womm, and igtfflu-women, 8 A n d let them be taboo and so stop childbirth. 10
[. • ]
11 [
] and life (?)
*
*
*
*
*
ATRA-HASlS
I f I vii
104
yiii
I O
j n
«es
36 X [. . • 37 b ~ * h f rel="nofollow"> 38 ma- [• • « u
39 i-l - • 40 urflU"l* 4.1 /fa * A late recension of the above damaged section is probably contained in K 4539 (R), cf. it» 9-10 with 17-18 above:
A late recension of the above damaged and untranslated sectior contained in K 4539 (R) :
t 2
K*)J
3
.j x ra a i ba li a X 4 5 6 7 8 9 10
4 !a -am-ni [*$ËM 5 û-pi-ta-at ni-H X [< é zi-ka-ru [.. „ 7 a-na ar-da-ti [. 8 ar-da-tutn [.,, 0 a-na ar-d[a-tt .. » ïo ^IP-U-qi a[r~da-tum. r
vm
]
3 4 S 6 [
Oil [ . . . Régulations for the human race [ . . . The maie [, • . T o the young lady [. . . The young lady [ . . . The young man to the young [lady . . . Let the young [lady] take [. •
•
•
..*] X • * »\-da
7 [
'\nu a-bu-b\a •/[w z-na ka-ta-H bu-tt] »ab-H qd-a[b-la]
12 té-te-
na\ an-m-a-am za-ma-\rà\ gi~g[u] li-is-H-ru na-ar-bi-ka %
m
17
18 a-bu-ba a-na ku^uUla-at ni-H
19
û u-za-ant-me-er H-tnê-a 9
viii
9 That we brought about [the flood], 10 But man survived [the destruction]. 11 You, the counsellor of the [great] go 12 A t [your] decree I set battle m mou 14 For your praise let the Igigi hear 16 This song and extol your greatneas 1 18 I have sung of the flood to ail the p< Hear it
•
( io6)
THE
A S S Y R I A N
( 107)
R E C E N S I O N
T H E
A S S Y R I A N
K 3 3 9 9 + 3 9 3 4 ( )> Reverse iv s
R E C E N S I O N
Reverse iv
i [ul il-li-ka 1200 Sanâtu) * ïmâtu ir-ta-pi[S ni-Su im-ti-da]
1 [Twelve hundred years had not yet passed] When the land extended [and the peoples multiplied].
2 [i-na] rif'^-me-H-na it-ta- -[dar] 3 [i-na] fyu-bu-ri-H-na la i-§a-ba-su [H-tu]
2 He got disturbed [with] their noise, 3 [With] their uproar [sleep] did not overcome him.
4 [ e]n-lil il-ta-kan pu-hur-S[u] 5 [iz-z]a-ka-ra a-na ilâni * mâr^-Su
4 Enlil convened his assembly 5 A n d addressed the gods his sons,
6 [ik]-tab-ta-tn[a r]i-gi-im a-me-lu-te
6 'The noise of mankind has become too intense for me,
me
1
rn
d
me
7 [i-na r]if' \;]-me-[H-n]a at-ta-a- " dar 8 [i-na h]u~[bu]-ri-H-na la i-fa-ba-ta-ni H-tu g
di
ir
7 I have got disturbed [with] their noise, 8 [With] their uproar sleep does not overcome me.
9 [qi-b]a-ma hi-ru-pu-u lib-H io [li-S]ak-B-fi ri-gim-H-na nam-tar
9 Command that there be plague, 10 Let Namtar diminish their noise.
11 [H-m]a me-he-e li-zi-qa-H-na-ti-ma 12 [mur]-$u di-u hi-ru-pu-u a-sa-ku
11 Let disease, sickness, plague and pestilence 12 Blow upon them like a tornado. '
13 [iq-b]u-ma Su-ru-pu-u ib-H 14 [tf-riS*** f-ft ri-gim-H-na nam-tar
13 They commanded and there was plague, 14 Namtar diminished their noise.
15 [ki-m]a me-ffe-e i-zi-qa-H-na-ti-ma 16 [mwr]-ftt di-u Su-ru-pu-u a-sa-ku
15 Disease, sickness, plague and pestilence 16 Blew upon them like a tornado.
17 [bel t]a-Si-im-H a-tar-fiasts(ge$tu) amëlu 18 [a-na te#]-fe
17 The discerning one, the man Atra-hasïs, 18 Kept an open ear [to his lord], Ea.
19 [i-t]a-mu it-ti ili-Su 20 [àf]*4tf-a it-ti-Su i-ta-mu
19 [He] spoke w i t h his god, 20 [And] Ea spoke with him.
m
ZI [ ]a-tar-basïs(g&tu) pâ-Sû ipuSa' 22 [izzakar] a-na é-a bëli-Su m
i-qab-bi
4
d
21 Atra-frasïs opened his mouth to speak 22 [And addressed] Ea his lord,
23 [ma] 6# ut-ta-za-ma ta-ni-Se-ti 24 [mur-f]i-ku-nu-ma e-kal matu
23 ' L o r d , the human race is groaning,
25 [^-Û te/ ut-ta-za-ma ta-ni-Se-ti 26 [ffwr~f«] & Uâni *ma e-kal mâtu
25 Ea, lord, the human race is groaning, . . . 26 [The disease] from the gods is consuming the lanû.
tu
tDtl
tu
24 Your [disease] is consuming the land.
X . , |S Z
10S
ATRA-riASlS
27 [iS-t]u-ma te-eb-nu-na-H-ma 28 [ta-pa-ra]-sa mur-fa aH-a hi-ru-pu-u
8 iv 27-53
I00
27 Since you created us 28 [ W i l l you] remove the disease, sickness, plague and pestilence ?'
a-sa-ku
29 [*é-a pâ-su ipusa i]-qab-bi a-na a-tar-hasïs(gést\x)-me izzakar(mu)-Su iâ
29 [Ea opened his mouth to] speak And addressed Atra-hasïs,
m
30 [qi-ba-ma li-is-su-û nâg]iru rigma(KA) lu-Sd-bu-û i-na mâti
30 '[Command that] heralds [proclaim] A n d make a loud noise i n the land,
a
31 [e ta-ap-la-ha ilâni -ku-un] V tu-sa-pa-a istar(u.dar)-ku-un 32 . . . ] X X ka-i-la pàr-si-Su 33 . . . mas-$\a-tu m^(siskur) 34 . . . a-n]a qud-me-sà 35 . . , ] X kat-ra-ba-ma 36 . . . ] x -m/ ka-at-r[e-e iU-t]a}-kdn ' qat-su mdk
d
ha an
37
il-ta-kdn pu-hur-su izzakar{va\i) a-na ilâni * mârê -su [ #ï-#/]
37 [Enlil] convened his assembly A n d addressed the gods his sons,
d
me
me&
38 X -ra-me e ta-àS-ku-na-H-na-H 39 [ni-S]u la im-ta-a
a-na là pa-na
31 " [ D o not révérence your gods], do not pray to your goddesses, 32 . . . ] . . observe his rites 33 . . .] the offering of sesame-meal 34 . . .] in front of it 35 . . . ] . speak a bénédiction 36 . . . ] . . gift [ . . ] . his hand."'
i-ta-at-ra
38 'Do not them, 39 The peoples are not diminished, but have become more numerous than before !
40 [i-/w] rig-me-H-na at-ta-a-dar 41 [z-»a h]u-bu-ri-H-na la i-sa-ba-ta-ni H-tu
40 I have got disturbed [with] their noise, 41 [With] their uproar sleep does not overcome me.
42 p[ur]-sa-ma a-na ni-ïe-e ti-ta 43 'ï-iw kar-H-H-na M-me-su Sam-mu
42 Cut off food supplies from the peoples, 43 Let plant life be i n short supply in their stomachs,
44 ^e^-liS adad zu-un-na-hi lu-Sd-qir 45 HP-sa-kir Sap-liS ia iS-Sd-a me-lu i-na na-aq-bi
44 L e t Adad above make his rain scarce, 45 Below, let (the river) be blocked up and let it not raise the flood from the Abyss.
46 HP-Sur eqlu iS-pi-ke-e-Su 47 HP-né-' irta-Sâ nisaba
46 Let the fields diminish their yields, 47 Let Nisaba t u r n aside her breast,
salmûti lip-su-û ugâru 48 séru paJ-ku-û lu-li-id id-ra-nu
Let the black fields become white, 48 Let the broad plain produce sait,
1
d
d
meé
49 HP-bal-kat ersetu re-em-Sd Sam-mu ia é-fa-a Su-û ia i-im-ru 50 l[U]-Sd-kln-ma a-na niSê"** a-sa-ku 51 râi!*i(arhuS) r
ku-$ur-ma
ia û-Se-Sèr Sèr-ra
52 ip-t[ar-s]u a-na nirSe-e ti-ta 53 i-na kar-H-Si-na e-me-su Sam-mu
49 Let the earth's womb rebel, Let no vegetables shoot up, no cereals grow, 50 Let pestilence be laid on the peoples, 51 That the womb may be constricted and give birth to no child/ 52 They cut off food supplies from the peoples, 53 Vegetables were i n short supply in their stomachs,
j
BIBLIOTHEQUE
BiBUQUE
ATRA-tfASlS S rr 54-7 16
lie
m
e-Us adad xu-un-na-iu û-sd-qir 55 is-sa-kir sap-Us ul is-sd-a mi-bs ina na-aq-M d
5 4
54 Adad above made his rain acarce, 55 Below, (the river) was blocked up and did not raise the flood from the Abyss. U I U
56 H-sur eqlu ii-fn-ke-su 57 i-né- iria-sd *nisaba
56 T h e fields diminished their yields, 57 Nisaba turned aside her breast,
udmûti*** ip-su-u ugâru 58 sëru pal-ku-é û-U-id id-ra-na
T h e black fields became white, 58 T h e broad plain produced sait,
y
ib-bal-kat erseiu re-em-sd 59 sam-mu ul û-sa-a iu-û ul ï-ru
Earth's womb rebelled, 59 N o vegetables shot up, no cereals grew,
60 S-U-kin-ma a-na «we * a-sa-ku 61 rému m-sur-ma ul û-ie-Ur Ur-ra me
•k
*
60 Pestilence was laid upon the peoples, 61 S o that the womb was constricted and gave birth to no child.
*
*
*
*
Reverse v
*
*
*
*
Reverse v
1 si-g[a-ra na-ab-bal tam-tim} a h-ptr qa-du sam-me-iu]
2 [ E a ] guarded [together with his plants],
3 e4S [adad zu-un-na-iu u-id-qir] 4 is-sa-kir iap-[Bs ul ii-id-a mi-lu i-na na-aq-bi]
3 [Adad] above [made his rain scarce], 4 Below, (the river) was blocked up [and did not raise the flood from
1 T h e boit, [the bar of the sea],
â
the Abyss],
5 fii-sur eqî{u ii-pi-ke-su] 6 [i-mé- irta-id\ msaèa
5 T h e fields diminished [their yields],
1
9
6 Nisaba [turned aside her breast],
â
[sabnûti™* ip-su-u ugâru] 7 [séru pal-ku-û û]-ti-id id-[ra-na]
7 [ T h e broad plain] produced sait,
[ib-bal-kat ersetu re-em-fd] 8 [sam-mu ul û-sa}-^ iu- iF
[Earth's womb rebelled], 8 [No vegetables] shot up, no cereals [grew],
1
( T h e black fields became white],
[ul i ' - n i ]
r
9 [ù-id-kin-ma a-na mië°** a-sa-ku] [rêmu ku-asr-ma 1 0
p
—
-
-
—
ul û-s\e-[ièr Ur-ra] —
-J J ï t
:
:
È•
9 [Pestilence was laid on the peoples], | [So that the womb was constricted and gave] birth [to no child],
10
[ . . . . . . . - * 3
11 [ ~ . ^ . . . . . t ] u ? X { ( X ) ]
11 [
12 [2 lorxtt(mu) i-mz ka-id-di] [û-na-ak-ki-ma] na-kâm*t\a] 13 Î3 * # M m i L a n . n a ) i*a] ka-id-di H [**~iu i-na bu-bu-te zi-mu-H-na] 15 [4 iatîuimu) i-na ka-id-di] \pr-ku-tu ma-za-z^-su-nu ik-ru-ni 10 [rap-ia-tu bu-da-H-na] is-n-qa
1 2 [When the second year arrived]
frtak-ru
n
[ T h e y suffered] the itch. 1 3 [When the third year] arrived 14 [ T h e peoples's features] were disterted [by hungerj. 15 [When the fourth year arrived] T h e i r [long] legs became short, 1 6 [ T h e i r broad shoulders] became narrow.
ATRA-tfASlS
,7 [gardai* it-ta-na-la-ka
S v 17-vi u
ni-S]u i-na su-qi
17 [They walked hunched] in the street. 18 [When the fifth year arrived] Daughter watched the mother's [going in], 19 [But the mother would not] open her door [to the daughter! [The daughter] watched [the scales (at the sale) of the motherl 21 The mother watched [the scales (at the sale) of the daughter! 22 [When the sixth year arrived] [They served up] the daughter for dinner, 23 They served up [the son for food]. 24 [. . . were filled ] One [house] consumed another, 25 Their [faces] were overlaid [like dead malt]. 26 [The peoples] were living [on the edge] of death.
18 [5 sattu(mu) i-na ka-id-di] [e-reb] ummi mârtu i-da-gal 19 [ummu a-na marte ul i-p]*-te bâb-M 20 [zi-ba-ni-it ummi màrt]u i-na-fal 21 [zi-ba-ni-it marte] W-na-tal ummu 22 [6 iattu(mu) i-na ka-id-di] [U-tàk-nu] a-na nap-ta-ni tnàrta 23 [a-na kurummate(SvK) bu-na] U-tàk-nu
2 0
te
24 [im-la-ni ma- X J [bïtu i]l-ta-nu ianû* i-re-ha-ma 25 [ki-i i«tffi(se.DiM ) me-te pa-nu-i]i-na 26 [ni-hi i-na su-par-k]e-e napiiti bal-fa-at
kat-mu
4
27 [bel ta-H-im-t]i a-tar-hasïs{gestu) amêlu 28 [a-na bëli-U *é]-a uzun-hi pi-ta-at
27 [The discerning one], the man Atra-hasïs, 28 Kept an open ear [to his lord], Ea.
29 [i-ta-m]u it-ti ili-iu 30 [ù Su é]-a it-ti-M
29 [He spoke] w i t h his god, 30 [And] Ea spoke w i t h him.
m
d
i-ta-mu
31 [i-ie] bab ili-iu 32 [i-n]a pu-ut nâri il-ta-kdn 33 ty me-ed-ra-tu Su-hu-rat
31 [He sought] the gâte of his god, 32 He placed his bed facing the river. 33 The stream was quiet
ma-a-a-al-hi
1
•
•
•
•
• Reverse v i
Reverse v i 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 to n
[2] fa«tt(mu].an.n[a) [irna ka-id-di û-na-ak-ki-ma na-kdm-ta] 3 &i#»(mu.an.na) [i-na ka-id-di] ni-hi i-na [bu-bu-te zi-m]u-H-na it-tak-ru 4 iattu(mu) i-na k[a-id-dt] [ar-ku-t]u ma-za-zi-Su-nu ik-ru-ni rap-id-tu [bu-da]-Si-na is-si-qa qa-da-nii i[t-ta-n]a-la-ka ni-iu i-na su-qi s iattu{m\x) i-na ka-id-[di] e-reb ummi mârtu i-da-gal ummu a-na marte ul i-pa-te bâb-S[d] zi-ba-ni-it ummi mârtu i-n[a-faf] zi-ba-ni-it marte i-na-fal [ummu] 6 iattu(mu) i-na ka-id-di U-tàk-nu ana nap-t[a-ni mârta]
r
n
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11
[When the second] year [arrived they suffered the itch]. [When] the third year [arrived] The peoples' [features] were distorted by [hunger]. When the fourth year [arrived] Their [long] legs became short, Their broad [shoulders] became narrow, They walked hunched i n the street. When the fifth year arrived Daughter watched the mother's going i n , But the mother would not open her door to the daughter. The daughter watched the scales (at the sale) of the mother, [The mother] w atched the scales (at the sale) of the daughter. When the sixth year arrived They served up [the daughter] for dinner,
818153
I
ATRA-tfASlS
l f 4
S vi 12-23; T
12 a-na kurummate(Sv%) bu-na U-tàk-nu tê
im-la-ni ma- X [. . . 13 bïtu il-ta-nu iamf i-[re-ha-ma] 14 M-i buqU($e.T>m ) me-te pa-nu-H-n[a kat-mu] 15 ni-iu i-na ht-par-ke-e [napiiH bal-fa-at] A
16 17 18 19 20
HpruQun) U-qu-[û . .. e-tar-bu-ma [... te-er-ti ^a-tar^-hla-si-is ma bel mâtu^". .. [it]-ta ia-a [... 21 X ma X [. . . 22 [ ( x ) ] X ma [ . . .
16 17 18 19 20 21 22
n
23 u . t . . .
...
[(x)î X [ . . . (Probable continuation, on K 12000c)
24 25 26 27
X kii-mai X [. . . ia-e M bi-la x [. . . ii-tu-ma x [ . . . lu-ri-ii a\p- . ..
28 1 &ifttt(mu.an.na) [ . . .
*
"5
12 They served up the son for food. . . [.] were filled [. . . 13 One house consumed another. 14 Their faces [were ovcrlaid] like dead malt. 15 The peoples [were living] on the edge of [deathl. The command which they received [ . . . They entered and [. . . The message of Atra-[hasïs . . . 'Lord, the land [. . . A sign . . [ . . . ...[.. . [.]..[...
—"
(Probable continuation, on K 12000c (T)) 24
[...
25 t n 26 After . [. . . 27 Let me go down [to the Apsû . . .
*
*
•
*
28 One/The first year [ . . .
*
*
•
•
*
(n6)
BE 3 9 0 9 9
F R O M
("7)
P H O T O
B A B Y L O N
1804 <
BE
Reverse i
Reverse i [Enlil opened his mouth to speak], 1 A n d addressed [. . .
[ en-lil pa-a-tà i-pu-uè-ma i-qab-bi] d
1 2 3 4 5
iz-z[a-kar a-na . . . ïk-t[ab-ta ri-gim a-me-lu-H] ina }?u-bu-[r]i-Hnî W-[za-am-ma Ht-tû] qi-bal-maî W-if-su-ru [ a-num u adad e-le-nu] <%m(3o) u nergal(u.guT) li~i§-[§u-ru er-se-tim qab-li-tim] 1
d
3 9 0 9 9 (x)
2 3 4 5 6 7
â
é
6 H-ga-ru na-afyJbiï-l\u ta-am-H] 7 *é-a li-is-$ur qd-d[u iam-nd-hï]
' [ T h e noise of mankind] has become [too intense for me], W i t h their uproar I [am deprived of sleep]. Command that [Anu and Adad] guard [the upper régions], That Sin and Nergal guard [the middle earth], That the boit, the bar [of the sea], Ea may guard together with [his plants]/
8 iq-bi-ma is-su-ru *a- nunfl u [adad e-le-nu] 9 ^ ( 3 0 ) u nergal(u.gut) if-fu-ru er-§e-titn q[ab-li-titn] 10 H-ga-ru na-ah-ba-lu ta-am-[ti] BE 36669/24^1, Photo Bab. 1601 1 H-ga-ru na-ah-ba-lu [. . . 11 é-a if-pir qd-da tam-m\Uh£] 2 ^ - a HP-is^siP-ru [. . . 12 é at-ra-f}a~ri~i[s .. . 3 ^-ô[*-m]a [. . . 13 u^-nii-iam-ma ib-ta-a[k-ki. , . 4 ù adad [. . . 14 mal-lak-ka^i-zab^-bi-X X [. 5 en-lil [. . . 15 e-nu-ma mid-ra-tum ? X [.. . 16 mu-hi i-zuruz-ma [... 6 is-sû-ru [. . . 7 H-ga-ru na-afy-[b]a-l[u . . . 17 5[i] X X X | . . 18 iz-zak-kar a-na [.. . 8 é-a i$-§û-ru [... 19 lil-qé-e-ma X [. • # 9 # I t f ^ at-ra-fy[a-si-is . . . 20 Ui-id-km tu-pu-ul [. 10 H-a-ma [. . . 21 li-mur é-a x [ . . 11 [u -m]i-tam-ma [... 22 a-na-ku èia 'rrturH x [• • • 12 [maï-f]ak-ka i-za-ab- [... 23 il-tu-m\a . 13 ^é^-nu-ma tn$-id-r[a-. . .
17..-..[... 18 He spoke to [. . . 19 M a y [. . . ] take [. . . 20 May i t be established under [ . . . 21 L e t Ea see . [. . . 22 I n the night I . [. . . 23 After [ . . .
24 25 26 27 28 29 30 |i
24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31
Facing the [river . . . Facing [. T o the Apsû [. . -, [Ea] heard [. A n d brought the [water monsters (?) * T h e man who . . . [. * . [Let] this being [ . . . Come . . [ . . .
3
M
T
d
d
r
d
1
d r
d
d
d
d
A
32
*-na ^tt-tt* w [ 5 r t j , .• ; i-na pu-ut {<,. a-na a/vf [ „ , . U-[m]é-e-ma [é-a f-bMkl[âJi~mi(?). ., am£/w U n a x X [..« v an-nu-û [. g<**na\\x x K x ab f . , , d
r
8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16
2
He commanded, and Anu and [Adad] guarded [the upper régions], Sin and Nergal guarded the [middle] earth, T h e boit, the bar of the sea, Ea guarded together with [his] plants. N o w Atra-hasïs, [whose god was Ea], Every day he wept [ . . . He used to bring offerings . [, When the river [(. .) was quiet], T h e night was still [ . . .
E- *
||^v
34 *'X pM 35 x [... 36 li-X [. . . 37 at-ta x X [ . . . 38 a-na apst x [. . . 39 ù-mé-ma [é-a . .. 40 ù an-na-a x [. . . 41 X X X A N X [ . . . 42 mi-nom i-na x [. . . 43 «/ X x x [... 44 a-na x x [...
35 36 37 38 39 40
d
41 [••• 42 What in . [. . . 43 . . . . [ • • • 44 T o j . [. . . Reverse i i
1
• [• • • L e t . [. . . You . . [. . . T o the Apsû . [. . . [Ea] heard [. . . A n d this being . [.
Reverse ii
•] X AN X X X X [. . . ]
[(• •) aq-bi-ma Y
2 ' [ ( . . ) I commanded that] Anu and Adad should guard [the upper régions^ 3 [That Sin and Nergal] should guard the middle earth, 4 [That the boit], the bar of the sea, 5 [You should] guard together with your plants. 6 [But you let loose] abundance for the peoples!' 7 . . . ] the wide sea 8 Repeated [the message of] Enlil to Ea, 9 l [ . . I commanded] that Anu and Adad should guard the upper régions, 10 [That Sin and Nergal] should guard the middle earth, 11 [That the boit], the bar of the sea, 12 [You should] guard together with your plants. 13 [But you let] loose abundance for the peoples F 14 [Ea] opened his [mouth] to speak 15 A n d [addressed] the messenger, 16 ' [ . . ] . you commanded and
24 [ . . .d\d-du- hi rel="nofollow"> ma-af-fa-ru tam-ti
24 [After ( ?)] I had killed the guards of the sea
2
d
d
à
u
Um
me
d
d
d
d
d
meô
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l
d
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1
6
m c ï
x
9 Tablet:
if-fû-ru
ATRA-fJASÎS
Ï 2 C
25 26 27 28
[ X X X df\-kun-$u-nu-ti-ma [ii-tu-ma] e-ni-nu-su-nu-ti [û-tir-ram]-ma sèr-ta e-mi-id [ X X X ] il-qu-û ter-ta
29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40
e-(te)-nin-iu-nu-ti
[ . . .] ta-ma-tû ra-pa-di-tû [il-li-k]u-ma û-sd-an-nu-û [ter-ti é]- a d}-na qu-ra-di en-lil [. . .] X taq-bi-ma a-nu u adad is-su-ru e-le-nu [^#(30) u n]ergal(n].gar) is-su-ru er-se-tû qab-[l]i-tû [H-ga-ru n]a-ah-ba-lu ti-am-ti [a-nà]- à} i-ku as-su-ra qd-du iam-mi-ia [. . .] ki-i û-sa-an-ni [. . ] K U 1 ïdr nûnï" '* I ïdr"-*" id? p i x ME§ 6 û-gap-pi-iam-tna ih-liq-ma p i i H-ga]-ru U-bi-ru mi-Ul-bi [. . .] ad-du-ka ma-as-sa-ru tam-ti d
r
d
d
2 rev. ii aj~ g 4
25 26 27 28
I laid [. . .] on them and punished them. [After] I had punished them [ I repeated i t ] and imposed a penalty.' [. . •] took the message
29 [. • . ] the wide sea 30 [Went] and repeated 31 [The message of] Ea to Enlil,
~
"
"
—
d
41 [x x ] X d$-kun-$u-nu-ti-[m]a e-te-nin-Sû-nu-ti 42 [if\-tu-ma e-ni-nu-hi- (nu)-ti 43 [u]-tir-ram-ma Ur-ta e-mi-id
32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43
' [ . . . ] . you commanded and Anu and Adad did guard theupper régions [Sin and] Nergal did guard the middle earth, [The boit], the bar of the sea, [ I ] did guard together with my plants. When [. . . ] escaped from me [ . . ] . . a myriad of fish, one myriad . . . [ . . ] . . I got together and i t disappeared A n d they broke half of [the boit]. [After (?)] I had killed the guards of the sea I laid [. .] . on them and punished them. After I had punished them [1] repeated it and imposed a penalty.'
44 45 46 47 48
44 45 46 47 48
Enlil opened his mouth to speak A n d addressed the assembly of ail the gods, 'Come, ail of us, and take an oath to bring a flood.' A n u swore first; Enlil swore, his sons swore with him.
d
T
6
me5
[. .] KU
1
1
[ en]-lil pa-a-su i-pu-us-ma i-qab-bi [a]-na pu-hur ka-la ilf ** iz-za-kàr [a]l-ka-ni ka-la-ni a-na ma-mi-tû a-bu-bi a-nam i-na pa-ni Hcfi-mu-ni en-Ul it-ta-mi mârê^-sû it-ti-H ta-mu-ni d
0
d
d
(i*a)
T H E
A S S Y R I A N
R E C E N S I O N
T H E
ASSYRIAN
B M 98977+99231 ( U ) , O b v e r s e B
1 [ éy a bele-re-ba-ka [di-me-ma] 2 [û-t]e-qi-ma Hkna ki-ma Hkin !ëp[ë ™*-ka] d
f
l
ggg
îlj
3 [ a-tar-ltasù] ik-mis ut-kin i-ta-zi-iz 4 [pâ-Hi] ipulat'-ma izzakar(mu)
X [X (x)]
m
ar
5 [ma bel] e-re-ba-ka di-me-ma 6 [û-te-q(]-ma Hkna ki-ma Hkin
RECENSION
98977 + 99^31 ( U ) , Obverse
M
1 Ea, lord, [I heard] your entry, 2 [ I ] noticed steps like [yourj footsteps.' 3 [Atra-basîs] bowed down, he prostrated himself, he stood 4 H e opened [his mouth] and said, 5 ' [ L o r d ] , I heard your entry,
$ëpë -k[a]
6 [I noticed] steps like your footsteps.
llmti
7 [àé-a bê]l e-re-ba-ka dï-me-m[â] 8 [û-te-q]i-ma Hkna ki-ma Hkin lêpë -[ka]
7 [ E a , lord], I heard your entry, 8 [ I noticed] steps like your footsteps.
îlme&
9 [x X ] X ki-i 7 SanâH(mu) [^] 10 *, .] X -ma-ka û-se-mi kai-ha-[îd]
10
. . .] your . . has made the feeble thirsty
11
, . , ] X**"* °*~**-ka
11
. . .] . (
12
. . . ] X -ru-ku-nu qi-ba-a ia-a-S[i]
12
. . .] tell me your (pl.) . . { . . ] *
9 [. .] . like seven years
m
1
a-ta-marpa-ni-k[a]
n c w b r e f t k
) . I have seen your face
13 [*i-ap]â-ht ïpuia i-qab-bi 14 [iz-za-ka]r a-na ki-ki-H
13
15
15
\ . .] Reed-hut! Reed-hut!
16
. . .] pay attention to met
ia
, .] ki-kii
16 1
[ E a ] opened his mouth to speak
14 [And addressed) the reed-hut,
ki-k[H]
4 ; . H]-ta-ma-ni v
|ɧ •] X biS x [. .]
7
1 8
19 20
*
I f * •] X ia § .] l i l . ] X i ta [. .] . . .] X X X [. .]
•
*
*
•
*
*
* Rev
Reverse 1 traces
2 [Mit\-ta-di ri*x [ x (x)3 3 [i-ru-u]m-ma ip-fra-a ^eleppa] 4 [i]a-ru**< ^ -a-ma ib-bak me-h[u-û]
2 [. . . he] put . . [ • • ] 3 [He] entered and shut up the [boat]. 4 T h e wind ( «
û
5 adadi-na làr ertem'(im.limmu.ba) ir-ta-kab 6 Su-û-tu il-ta-nu Sadtf a-mur-[ru] d
pa-re-V^ht]
w b r e a k
) . and brought the
5 Adad rode on the four ttinds, [his] as 6 T h e south wind, the north winu, tne
*
*
r
*4
ATRA-tfASÏS
7 8 9 10 11
U rev. 7-aj
ri-qu-bi siq-si-qu me-hu-û râô/(aga[rj) im-hul-lu ad ma hu lu te-bu-û JtàriT^*] ur&^-qù-da tt-ba-a id-Sû su-tu [i]-zi-qu a-na idi-lù a-mur-ru [ x ] X [ X ] X i-ba- k i Si X
12 [ x x]&E-ri fu-ku-ub ilàni * muS-Su- X [X 13 [i-r]a>-£ri-i$ i-da-ak i-da-di [ x X X ] me
7 8 9 10 11 X]
14 [U]-lak nin-urta mi-ih-ra [û-Sar-di] 15 èr-ra-kal û-na-sa-ha t[ar-kul-li]
The The The The [.] .
storm, the gale, the tempest blew for him Evil Wind . . . . the winds arose. south wind . ( ) . . arose at his side, west wind blew at his side, [.] . reached . . . break
12 [ • • ] • • the chariot of the gods . . . [ . . ] 13 [ I t ] sweeps forward, it kills, it threshes [. . .]
d
d
16 [ z]u i-na su-up-ri-hi $amê ^-[iar-rif] 17 [X X m]àta ki-ma karpati mi-lik-sd is-p[u-uh] à
e
18 [x X X ] V-ta-sa-a a-bu-bu 19 [ki-ma qab-li eï\i ni-ie i-ba-a ka-su-hi 20
. . . ]a }-nu rtgim(KA) a-bu-bi
21
. . . ilàm\
22
. . .] X mârû -Sd ub-bu-ku a-na pi-ld
23 24 25
d
mQl
ul-ta-dar m
. . .] X la-hi-id i[s-ru-u]p . . .] ma li" [. . . ...] X [. . . r
m e l
1
14 Ninurta went on and [made] the dykes [overflow], 15 Errakal tore up [the mooring pôles]. 16 [Zû] with his talons [rent] the heavens, 17 [He . .] the land like a pot, he scattered its counsel 18 [. . . ] the flood set out, 19 Its might came [upon] the peoples [like a battle array]. 20 21
. . .] Anu ( ? ) [ . . .] the noise of the flood, . . .] set the [gods] atremble.
22
. . .] . her sons were thrown down at her own command.
23
.] . spent her émotion
(ia6)
CBS
(«27)
13532
CBS
13532
(3)
Obverse i . ] X - W 3« ] X i-ba-as-su-û 5. i-b]a-aS-bi-û Reverse 1
S . ] x « ? B x i ?
[x
X ]
X-ka
2 . . .] a-pa-aS-ïar 3 | ^ • . ] fai-fo m-&" ù-te-nti i-sa-bat 4 ., la-am a-bu-bi wa-se-e 5 . . .] X -â-m ma-fa i-ba-aS-hi-û lu kin ub-bu-ku lu pu-ut-tu hu-ru-hi 6 . . . ] **eleppa ra-bi-tam bi-ni-ma 7 . , .] qd-ne-e gdb-bi lu M-nu-us-sà 8 . . . ] j t - i l u ^m<2^^urruffr(mâ.gur.gur)-ma hm-Ia lu na-si^rat na-pii-tim 9 . . . ] x pi-lu-la dan-na sù-ul-lil 0 . . .] te-ep-pu-hi x • . rel="nofollow">] x û-ma-am st-rim is-ptr la-me-e 2 | | | | . ] ku-um-nd-ir{\ tablet -m) 3 * . - ] X u kin? ta X 4 (trace) T h e Middle, not Old, Babylonian date of this fragment has been argued by G . A . irton, JAOS 31. 37-46, and E . L Gordon, Journal of Biblical Literature 75, 336. 1
2 . . .] I will explain 3 . . . a flood] will seize ail the peoples together 4 . . . ] . before the flood sets out 5 . . . ] . . . ail that there are 6 . . . ] build a big boat* 7 Let its structure be [ . . . . . ] entirely of reeds. 8 . . . ] let it be a maqurqurrum-bozt with the name, The Life Saver. 9 . . . ] roof it over with a strong covering. 10 [Into the boat which] you will make 11 [Send . . . ] . wild créatures of the steppe, birds of the heavens 12
• . . ] heap up
( 129)
DT
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 S 9
42
(W)
DT
[ x x x ] x tu-u x [ . . . [ X X X ] X ki-ma kip-pa-ti [. . . [ku-up-ru] ht da-an e-lis u i[ap-lif} [ X ( X ) ] X tpi-b* *[eleppa] [û-sur] a-dan-na Sa a-lap-pa-rak- [ka] f^eleppa] e-ru-um-ma bâb **eleppi tir~[ra] [su-liana]lib-M~sduttat(se.bar)-ka bu$â(nig.su)-kaumakkûr(nig.g3,)-[ka] [a$sat-k]a ki-mat-ka sa-lat-ka u mari*** um-m[a-ni] [bu-ul\ sêri û-ma-am sërima-la urqëtu(û.sim) me-er-['i-sun] g
10 [a-sapj-pa-rak-kum-ma i-na-as-sa-ru bâb-k[a] 11 12 13 14 15 16 17
[ at-r]a-ha-si$pa-a-hb ipu$(du)-ma £gaife*(dug .g[a]) [i-zak\-kar ana é-a be-iï-[su] [ma-t]i-ma-a ^eleppa ul e-pu-us X [ x ] [ina qaq]~qa-ri e-sir û-\jur-tii] [û-sur]-tu lu-mur-ma **eleppa [lu-pu-uQ [«yj-V ma qaq-qa-ri e-[&r û-sur-tu] [ X X ( X ) b]e-U« taq-ba-W [. .. m
4
é
42
(W)
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9
[ . . . ] . let i t . [ . . . [ • • • ] • li^e a circle [. . . Let [the pitch] be strong above and below, [ . . ] . . caulk the [boat]. [Observe] the appointed time of which I will inform you, Enter [the boat] and close the boat's door. [Send up into] i t your barley, your goods, your property, [Your wife], your kith, your kin, and the skilled workers! [Créatures] of the steppe, ail the wild créatures of the steppe that eat grass, 0 [ I ] w i l l send to you and they will wait at your door/
1 2 3 4 5 [6 ij
Atra-hasïs opened his mouth to speak A n d addressed Ea, [his] lord, ' I have never built a boat. [.] Draw the design on the ground That I may see [the design] and [build] the boat Ea drew [the design] on die ground. ' [ . . ] my lord, what you commanded [ . . .
*
813153
*
*
*
K
*
9
( I3i )
T H E
F L O O D
S T O R Y
Ugaritica
THIS small fragment,
FROM R A S
v. 167 « RS
2 2
.
4
3
SHAMRA
I
J.
that was announced by Noueavrol in a des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres, Comptes RendJ , r X T ! ? Him in : v pèsent. J ^ ^ X S S C .H , .tory found outtide Mesopotamia so far. Unlike Atr asl, it covered only the flood itself, not the création of man and Enlil's attempts Z diminish their numbera. I t was written on a single tablet, of which the beginning and end only survive, and it dates from about the fourteenth century B.C. Atra-hasïs himself begins to speak in obverse 6, and it sounds as though he is going to tell the story, as happens in Gilgamel xi, where the immortal flood hero explains to Gilgames how he escaped death. The first five lines contain no simiiar explanation for use of the first person here. The orthography and grammar of the tablet mark i t out as having been written i n the West, but what little of the text remains suggests a good Babylonian work of literature, not a Syrian composition. b
y
f
T
H
1
T H E FLOOD
I 3 2
STORY
FROM
*33
Obverse
Obverse
i V-nu-mailânu * im-ta$-ku mil-kd i-na a-bu-ba is-ku-nu i-na ki-ib-ra-ti m<
R A S S H A M R A ($)
mâtâti
2
mtAti
3
1 When the gods took counsel i n the lands 3 And brought about a flood in the régions of the world,
4 X X X X i-se[m]-me [(. .)] 5 t- X X X [ ]-bit-ti é-a ina libbi-f[u]
4 . . . . hears [. . ] 5 ....[••••]••
6 at-ra-am-ha-si-sum-me a-na-ku- [ma] 7 i-na Ht é-a bëli-ia a$-ba- [ku] 8 û-X-X-ma i-X [x]
6 ' I am Atra-hasïs, 7 I lived in the temple of Ea, my lord,
d
m
d
9 i-de mil-kd
ïa ilâni * me
i
10 i-de ma-me-et-Su-nu A
ra-ab-bu-ti
ù û-ul i-pa-at-tu-û n
12 a-ma-te-Su-nu a-na ki-ik-ki-[H] 14 [i]-ga-ru-ma si-m[e- . .. 15 [ x ] ki? ma i-[. . .
*
8
a-na ia-a-si
[J
o I knew the counsel of the great gods, 10 I knew of their oath, though they did not reveal i t to me. 12 He repeated their words to the wall,
i-sa-an-[ni]
13
i n his heart.
14 " W a l l , hear [. . .
*
•
•
• Reverse
Reverse 1 [ . . . . ] X ilâni™?*] ba-l[a-fd . . . 2 [x X ( X ) ] X-tacûlsat-ka X [. . . 3 [ X ] X-atuk-la-atù X [. . . 4 ki-i ilâni™* ba-la-td lu-û [. . .
1 2 3 4
5 6
5
Written by Mudammiq-Nergal
6
Property ( ?) of
Su sig . nè.iri .gal X ( X ) an.Su.Sâ.ku?.na m
s
d
x
[ . . . . ] . the gods life [. . . [ . . . ] . . your wife . [. . . [. . ] . help and . [. . . Life like the gods [you will] indeed [possess]/
( 134)
BEROSSUS
BEROSSUS was a priest of Babylon,
who, at some time i n his life, settled on the island of Cos and opened a school. He calls himself a contemporary of Alexander the Great, but since the latter died young Berossus outlived him and his work i n Greek, Babyloniaka, was dedicated to Antiochus I , who reigned either as co-regent or as sole monarch from 292 to 261 B.C. The purpose of this book was to présent Babylonian history, w i t h its vast antiquity, to the Greeks. Despite the considérable interest i n that kind of material i n the Hellenistic world, incredibly few people read the book, and i t is now lost. For the flood (and most other things) we have to dépend on Alexander Polyhistor, a Greek of the first century B.c., who quoted Berossus extensively. This work too is lost, but i t was i n t u r n quoted by Eusebius, especially i n his Chronicles, which survives i n an Armenian translation. However, the passage relating to the flood is quoted from Eusebius i n Greek by the Byzantine chronicler Syncellus. Another writer who gives a briefer account of the flood ultimately derived from Berossus is Abydenus. His date is uncertain, but since he seems to dépend on Polyhistor and is quoted in turn by Eusebius (his work is no longer extant) the limits between which he must be put are fixed. T h e relevant section is quoted by Eusebius twice, i n his Chronicles and i n his Praeparatio Evangelica. With such a devious tradition one must ask how reliable it is. There are différences between Polyhistor and Abydenus. According to the former the second group of birds returned to the ark i n a muddy condition, but the third group according to the latter. T h e former states that pitch from the remains of the ark i n Armenia was used for amulets, but the latter asserts that wood served this purpose. I f i t is accepted that Abydenus depended on Polyhistor (the évidence is plausible), then obviously the excerpts from Polyhistor are to be preferred. However, Abydenus records that the first group of birds were let out three days after the rain stopped. No simiiar time period is given by Polyhistor as we know his version. This raises the question of whether Eusebius quotes Polyhistor i n full, or is using a digest. Josephus, Antiquities of the Jews, 1. i i i . 6, also quotes the sentence about use of the pitch (not wood !) as amulets, and there is a considérable amount of verbal agreement between his and Eusebius' version, especially if one allows that Josephus literary helpers may have touched up Berossus style. However, a more serious problem is raised i n the account of création where Eusebius, professing to quote Polyhistor, gives a con9
9
BEROSSUS
i
3
S
flated version made up of two separate accounts, the one undoubtedly Berossus, the other a combination of Babylonian and Hebrew éléments. Détails will be given i n the first-named author's forthcoming Babylonian Création Myths. At whatever stage in the line of transmission this conflation took place, it throws doubt on the integrity of the whole tradition. Fortunately there is no simiiar objection to any major part of the story of the flood. The Greek text of Berossus, with a German version of excerpts from the Armenian, can be read both in P. Schnabel, Berossus und die babylonischhellenistische Literatur, and in F. Jacoby, Die Fragmente der griechischen Historiker (FGH) 111 C, pp. 364 ff. The only English translation of at least the major fragments is that of I . P. Cory, Ancient Fragments (best édition, 1832). The flood came i n the second book of Berossus Babyloniaka after the ten kings and the related sages. The last two of the kings are given as Otiartes (or Ardâtes), a corruption of Ubâr-Tutu, and Xisuthros, i.e. Ziusudra. They are said to have reigned in Larak. 9
y
BEROSSUS, ACCORDING TO POLYHISTOR The same Alexander, going still further down from the ninth king Ardâtes as far as the tenth, called by them Xisuthros, reports on the authority of the Chaldean writings as follows: After the death of Ardâtes his son Xisuthros ruled for eighteen sars and in his time a great flood occurred, of which this account is on record: Kronos appeared to him i n the course of a dream and said that on the fifteenth day of the month Daisios mankind would be destroyed by a flood. So he ordered him to dig a hole and to bury the beginnings, middles, and ends of ail writings in Sippar, the city of the Sun(-god); and after building a boat, to embark with his kinsfolk and close friends. He was to stow food and drink and put both birds and animais on board and then sail away when he had got everything ready. I f asked where he was sailing, he was to reply, T o the gods, to pray for blessings on men.* He d i d not disobey, but got a boat built, five stades long and two stades wide, and when everything was properly arranged he sent his wife and children and closest friends on board. When the flood had occurred and as soon as it had subsided, Xisuthros let out some of the birds, which, finding no food or place to rest, came back to the vessel. After a few days Xisuthros again let out the birds, and they again returned to the ship, this time with their feet covered in mud. When
BEROSSUS BEROSSUS
i_* t f the third time they failed to return to the boat, and they were l e t £ " ° a r e d . Thereupon he prized open Xisuthros m f e r ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ portion of the sea ^ his daughter, and his on some mountain n ^ aitar and sacrificed o r
u
d
h
a
d
a p p e
h
a
w i t h
h i s
w i f e )
d >
s e t
u
h
a
d
r
u
n
a g r o u n d
p
Daisios is a Macedonian month correspondis with the R K , • the second month of the year. I t is not clear if t h k V 7 % cise chronology of the flood, like that in Genesis I f ! " " ^ ° * P " with some other, perhaps cultic, significance. 8eCH^TA ail writings i n Sippar is known from Berossu!, Z ï^"V* ginnings, middles and ends', meaning simply 'air L * „ a
a b y l o m a n
a r
f
e
T
re
h
c a n
!lTk^ When Xisuthros and his party d i d not come back, those who S d s ^ y e d b t h e boat disembarked and looked for h i m , calling him by nam Xisuthros himself d i d not appear to them any more but thare ZIvoie* out o f t h e air instructing them on the need to worship the Ids seeing that he was going to dwell w i t h the gods because of his S S and that his wife, daughter, and pilot shared m the same honour. S e t l d them to return to Babylon, and, as was destined for them, to "escue the writings from Sippar and dissémina* them to m a n k i n d Also L told them that they were i n the country of Armenia They heard this, sacrificed to the gods, and journeyed on foot to Babylon A part of the boat which came to rest i n the Gordyaean mountains of Armenia, still remains, and some people scrape pitch off the boat and use i t as charms. So when they came to Babylon they dug u p the writings from S.ppar, and, after founding many cities and setting up shrines, they once more established Babylon. Jacoby, FHG m C, pp. 378-82 BEROSSUS, A C C O R D I N G TO
ABYDENUS
After whom others ruled, and Sisithros, to whom Kronos revealed that there would be a déluge on the fifteenth day of Daisios, and ordered him to conceal i n Sippar, the city of the Sun(-god), every available writing. Sisithros accomplished ail thèse things, immediately sailed to Armenia, and thereupon what the god had announced happened. O n the third day, after the rain abated, he let loose birds i n the attempt to ascertain i f they would see land not covered with water. N o t knowing where to alight, bemg confronted with a boundless sea, they returned to Sisithros. And similarly with others. When he succeeded w i t h a t h i r d group—they returned with muddy feathers—the gods took h i m away from mankind. However, the boat i n Armenia supplied the local inhabitants w i t h wooden amulets as charms. Jacoby, FHG 111 C, pp.
401-2
Berossus départs from ail known cuneiform sources i n only two respects. '
h e
g l v e 8
a
Particular month and day for the beginning of the flood.
r l ^ ^ t t ^
a Babylonian text which prescribes'the saying 'the beginning of the inscription and the end o f T
^
«*• % l W «" this connection surely implies a local tradition of Sippar, which is interesting because Berossus' list of the ten kings is plainly altered, as compared with second millennium examples in favour of Babylon. The ten kings are spread over three cities, the first Babylon, replacing the eariier Eridu, the second and third being Badtibîra and Larak, both completely unimportant places in the first mulemùum. Evidently there was no version of the flood which set the scène in Babylon, so a Sipparian version was employed, though this is not used either m Atra-hasïs or GilgameS x i . The apotheosis of the flood hero could have been contained i n the damaged ending of Atra-hasïs. I n addition to Berossus and GilgameS x i , another attestation of this item occurs on the Babylonian Mappa Mundi, where under the name Ut-napiistim the flood hero is described as living i n a remote corner of the universe [CT 22. 48 obv. 10). T
h
n
e
n
t
I
o
n
o
f
u
S
a
r
(138)
THE
S U M E R I A N
F L O O D
SUMERIAN
S T O R Y
by M. CIVIL THE Sumerian flood story is preserved i n CBS 10673, the bottom third, approximately, of the complète tablet, apparently from Nippur. I t was published by Arno Poebel in 1914 (PBS v, no. 1, and pis. [photos]). Poebel himself gave a complète study of the text i n PBS IV/I. 7-70. The text aroused considérable interest and a certain number of studies, most of which by now offer little except historical interest, followed PoebePs publication. The only serious attempt to bring Poebel's work up to date can be found in S. N . Kramer's translation i n ANET 42 ff. I n the philological notes, références to Poebel and Kramer without further spécification are to PBS iv/1.7 ff. and ANET 42 ff. respectively. So far no duplicates of CBS 10673 have turned up. A few isolated fragments might belong to the same text: the bilingual G T 4 6 . 5 (see pp. 14 and 17) could belong to the missing part of column i i i ; STVC 87 B (see pp. 16 and 26) also could well belong to this story. However, nothing more positive than a similarity of content recommends their attribution to this text. The présent édition follows Kramer's line numbering, which gives a good idea of the extent of the gaps, though i t does not take indented Unes into account. I n the absence of a colophon, a tablet can be dated only by palaeographic, orthographie, linguistic, and other internai criteria. Cuneiform palaeography, i t is sad to say, has hardly made any progress i n the last forty years, and little could be added to PoebePs conclusions (PBS IV/I. 69), which are still valid. I t must be stressed, however, that generally a literary tablet cannot be dated by a simple comparison of its sign forms w i t h those of tbe administrative texts. Différent calligraphie styles coexisted, and served for différent genres of tablets. I n any case CBS 10673 is not eariier than Late Old Babylonian.
LXXXVI-LXXXVI
1
2
Pœbel'g hand-copy is reproduced i n S . N . Kramer, Sumerian Mythology,fig.2, and From the Tablets of Sumer 178,fig.60. * A . T . Clay, YOR v/3 (1922); C . J . Gadd, Sumerian Reading Book 130 ff. (1924), reproduces foies 145-2*1 of the text; H . Gressmann (éd.), AltorientaUsche Texte zum alten Testament* 198 ff. (1926); L . W . K i n g , Legends of Babylon and Egypt (Schweich Lectures 1916) 41 ff.; A . Heidel, The Gilgamesh Epic and Old Testament Parallels 102 ff. (194^; S . N . Kramer, Sumerian Mythology 97 ff. (1944), From the TableU of Sumer 1
176 C (1956). Remarks on parts of the text are given by T . Jacobsen, AS and by Laessoe, BiOr 13, 90 ff.
11. 58 f., 64 f.;
FLOOD
STORY
139
Since PoebePs initial publication knowledge of the standard Sumerian literary corpus, mainly from the Nippur school, secondarily from that of Ur, has increased so much that the grammatical and lexical irregularities of this text, some of which were already pointed out by Poebel m PBS xvf 1. 68, are much more obvious. Most of the verbal forms, for example, do not fit into the paradigms of standard Sumerian. Unless one can trace a Sumerian model (see, e.g., the note on 100) or an Akkadian construction (e.g. i n 202 ùr with ugu renders the phrase bau eU), then a translation cannot be offered with much assurance. Some of the more doubtful passages have been italicized in the translation. However, it would be unwise to start building conclusions on the précise wording of still others. For example, the text begins with allusions to the destruction of man, although he is at this point newly created. Lines 38 and 39 are not quite complète, and the preceding lines are missing. With what is preserved the translation given seems the only one possible. Was there, then, a first destruction of the human race prior to the one recorded in Atra-faons} I n the présent state of knowledge i t would be incautious positively to affirm i t . The thème of a flood which destroys mankind does not seem to belong to the main body of Sumerian traditions. Allusions to it are lacking ia the texts which are presumed to go back to older originals, and so best represent Sumerian literary thèmes. When a primeval cosmic storm seems to be referred to (see Van Dijk, Acta Orientalia 28. 37), it has quite différent implications and the destruction of the human race is not associated with i t . The original short form of the Sumerian King List may or may not have contained an opening référence to the flood, but it certainly included no antediluvian kings. The oldest datable occurrences of the standard phrase egir a-ma-ru ba-ùr-ra-ta 'after the storm had swept. . (lise 40 of the longer form of the Sumerian King List) and its variants are in a hymn of Isme-Dagan (1953-1935 B.C.) and in a text which mentions Ur-Ninurta (1923-1896 B.C.), see pp. 16 and 26.* Judging from the information available at présent, the thème of the flood which wiped out ail but a handful of the human race became popular during the Isin dynasty. I n view of the large number of artificial grammatical forms and lexical peculiarities i n CBS 1 0 6 7 3 , i t was very likely composed at a later date. 1
N o r the storm associated with Inanna {Enmerkar and the Lord of Aratta 572ff.; 10 ff.) or E n l i l (Hoe and Plate Contest 168ff.);the storm as a metaphor in the lamentations is also a case apart. Duplicates : S . N . Kramer, Sumerian Literary Texts from Nippur 137; VAS 10. 204, i i i ; and unpublished texts. 1
Enmesarra 2
SUMERIAN
FLOOD
STORY
SUMERIAN
(0
STORY
(i)
37 t ] ™-t*-g[* • • •] 38 nMn- lû-u XGiSGAL)-mu ha-lam-ma-bi a ga-ba-n[i- . . . ] 39 nin-tu-ra nfg-dim-di'm-ma-mu sl-[ ] ga-ba-ni-ib-gi -g f
FLOOD
x
d
4
4 0 un ki-ùr-bi-ta ga-ba-ni-ib-gur-ru-nc 41 uru^-me-a-bi hé-im-mi-in-dù gissu-bi n i ga-ba-ab-dûb-bu 42 uru ?-me-a sig -bi ki-kù-ga hé-im-mi-in-àub 43 ki?-e§-me-a ki-kù-ga hé-im-mi-ni-ib-ri 4 4 kù ?-a nig-izi-te-na si mi-ni-in-si-sâ 45 garza me-mah Su mi-ni-ib-Su-du? 46 ki a im-ma-*b-dug silim ga-mu-ni-in-gar 47 an ^en-lfl ^en-tri nin-^ur>sag-gâ-ke 48 sag-gi|-ga mu-un-dfm-eâ-a- ba 49 nig-ge ki-ta ki-ta mu-Iu-Iu 50 mâ§-an§e nig-ûr-4 edin-na me-te-a-aS bWb-gâl 4
4
d
4
16
38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50
' I want to [. , .] the destruction of my human race, For Nintu, I want to stop the annihilation of] my créatures, I want the people to come back to their dwelling grounds. Let ail their cities be built, I want their shade to be restful. Let the bricks of aU cities be laid on holy places, Let a i l . rest on holy places, The pure water which quenches the fire I will put conveniently there. I perfected the divine rules and the lofty me, The land w i l l be irrigated, I want there to be peace.' After A n , EnhV(and) Ninhursag f+*M± Had created the black-headed people, Animais multiplied everywhere, Animais of ail sizes, the quadrupeds, were placed as a fitting ornament of the plains (gap)
(ii) 84 I M 85 86 87 88
] * m [•
3
[X x] x ri-g[t]ga-bt-iii--in-[. ] [du-I]um-bi ^ ga-ba-ni-ib-dug-dfug-x] X §idim-kalam-ma-ke us-gi Tia^-ba-ab-ba-[al] [ u ( X ) j X ^nam-lugal-la an-ta e -d[è]-a-ba r
r
(«)
1
1
4
r
4
86 87 88 89
u
89 men^mah ^g[u-*]a-nam-lugal-la an-ta e -a-ba r
u
9° { • ' . ^ « ^ ^ p ^ ^ • nù-ni-ib-Su-du 01 [ X X X j-ga u [ r u . . « 2jL .b]a-an-da-éub 9 2 mu-bi ba-an-sa^ KAB^-dug^gfa ba-hai~fa]aHa 9 3 (ni)sag -uni4tt-e*ne eridu mâ§-sag n u - d i m - m u d mi-ni-in-sum 9 4 2-kam-rna-Sè nu-gig-ra bad-tibira mi-ni-in-sum 0 5 3-kam-ma la-ra-ag pa-bfl^(^ur))-sag mi-ni-in-sum 96 4-kam-ma zimbir** §ul-%tu mi-ni-in-sum 97 5-kam-ma Suruppak %ùd -ra mi-ni-in-sum 98 uru-bi-e-ne mu-bi ba-an-sa -a KAB-dug -ga ba-hai-hal-la 99 a-gi la-ba-an-fei-àra i m ba-aHa a im-ma- an -tu m 100 id-tur-tur-rc su-Iuh-bi gar hur-hur mi-ni-ib-gar-gar 5
7
r
d
z
d
ki
4
4
4
(g*P)
90 91 92 93 94 95 96 97 98 99
I want to consider their pfainstaking efforts]. [. . . ] bricklayer of the country, let him d [ig] a solid foundation. [When the . . . ] of kingship had come down from heaven, After the lofty crown and the throne of kingship had come down from heaven, [. . . ] perfected [ . . . ] , Founded [. . . ] cities in [. . . ] , Gave them their names, apportioned the capitals; The first of thèse cities, Eridu, he gave to the leader Nudimmud, The second, Badtibira, he gave to the 'nugig', The third, Larag, he gave to Pabilsag, The fourth, Sippar, he gave to the hero Utu, The fifth, Suruppak, he gave to Sud. He gave the names to thèse cities, apportioned the capitals. He d i d not stop the (yearly) flood, (but) dug the ground (and) brought the water,
100 He established the cleaning of the small csnals and the irrigation ditches. (g»p)
SUMERIAN
142
FLOOD
STORY SUMERIAN
(iii)
135 ki-tuS? an-na X [ r
6
STORY
(m)
]
n
'J 137 a-ma-ru [ J 138 (traces) 139 ^rg-gin^ bf-in-ak [ ] 140 u -bi-a nin-t[u X X ] D i M a [. . . ] 141 kù- inanna-ke un-K~5è a-nir mu-[un-gâ-gâ] 142 ^en-ki §à-ni-te-na-ke ad i - n i - i [ n - g i - g i j 143 an den-Ml «ten-ki nin-hur-sag-gâ-[keJ 144 dingir-an-ki-ke mu-an- en-lil m u - X - [ p à ] 145 u -ba zi-u -sud-râ lugal-àm g u d u X [ . ] 146 an-sag-NiGiN mu-un-dim-dfm en [ ] 147 nam-du -na inim-si-si-ge nf-te-gâ [. . . . . ] 148 u -§û-uâ-e sag-tis gub-ba [ ] 149 ma-mû nu-me-a è-dè inim-ba[l ] 150 mu-an-ki-bi-ta pà-pà-dè [ ] 13
FLOOD
H3
f
e
1
d
4
d
4
4
4
d
d
4
4
4
4
r
n
r
1
9
4
| 151 152 153 154 155 156 157 158
1
4
5
4
r
x
1
159 inim-dug -ga an <*en-|lfl «toin-hur-sag-gâ-kej 160 nam-lugal-bi bal-bi x [ 1 161 e-ne -sè [ . . . . . . . . . ] 4
r
n
1
162 x - n a mu x r
1
144 The gods of the universe, had [taken an oath by] the names of An and Enlil. 145 A t that time, the king Ziusudra, the anointed [. . . ] , 146 He made . . . [ . . . ] 147 148 149 150
W i t h humility (and) well chosen words, in révérence [. . . ] Every day he stood constantly présent at [ . . . ] . I t was not a dream, coming out and speajking . . . ] Conjured by heaven and underworld [ . . . ] (iv)
8
4
r
Then N i n [ t u . . . her] creaftures? . . .] Holy Inanna we[pt] because of the people, Enki bethought himself (of the situation even though) A n , Enlil, Enki (and) Ninhursag,
(iv)
ki? -ùr-8è dingir-re-e-ne e-ga[r . . . . ] zi-u -sud-ra da-bé gub-ba gi§ mu- [un-tuk] iz-zi-da â-gùb-bu mu-gub ba-[ ] iz-zi-da inim ga-ra-ab-dug i n i m - [ m u hé-dab] na-de -ga-mu gizz[al hé-im-si-ak] DAG?-me-a a-ma-ru ugu-KAB-d [ug -ga . . ] ba-ù[r . . numun-nam-lû-u ha-lam-e X [ ] di-tikla inim pu-ûh-ru- [um % . .]
r
140 141 142 143
r
1
[ . , /..
151 152 153 154 155 156 157 158 159
I n the ki-ur (?), the gods, a wall [ . . . ] Ziusudra hea[rd], standing by its side, He stood at the left of the side-wall[. . . ] 'Side-wall, I want to talk to you, [hold on] my word, [Pay attenjtion to my instructions: O n ail dwellings (?), over the capitals the storm will [sweep]. T h e destruction of the descent of mankind [. . . ] , The final sentence, the word of the assembly [ . . . ] T h e word spoken by A n and En [lil and Ninhursag],
160 The overthrowing of the kingship [. . . ] . Now
. . . . .]
[. . . ] (gap)
(gap)
(v) 201 im-hul-im-hul im-si-si-ig dù-a-bi téS.bi i-su -ge-e§ a-ma-ru ugu-KAB-dug4-ga ba-an-da-ab-ùr-e m «4-7-àm gi -7-àm 8
202
201
AU the destructive winds (and) gales were présent,
202 203
T h e storm swept over the capitals. After the storm had swept the country for seven oay
8
204 a-ma-ru kalam-ma ba-ùr-ra-ta
nights
SUMERIAN
144
205 206 207 208 209
FLOOD
STORY
mi-gur -gur a-gal-la im-hul tuk -tuk -a-ta utu i-im-ma-ra-è an-ki-a u gâ-gâ zi-u -sud-ra mâ-gur -gur ab -BrÎR mu-un-da-buru ù? utu gté-nu (SiR)-ni-da * mà-gur -gur -ôè ba-an-ku -re-en zi-u -sud-râ lugal-àm ga
4
4
4
d
4
gl5
d
4
4
r
1
a
l8
x
4
4
4
4
210 igi- utu-âè KA ki-su-ub ba-gub 211 lugal-e gud im-ma-ab-gaz-e udu im-ma-ab-sâr-re 212 [ X X ] X si-gal [. si]kil-la-da 213 [. ] X mu-un-na- x - X "'-ba d
r
1
r
214
[
[ f.
217
f
PLOQD
STOKY
205 And the destructive w i n d had rocked th,. k ~ «
ï4S
4
4
215 216
SUMERIAN
1
r
** i t r r 807 Ziusudra made an opening in the huge boat £? , ". ^ "¥» «tered the huge beat 209 The king Ziusudra 210 Prostrated himself before the Sun-god 211 The king slaughtered a large number of butta and sheep (gap) s
2 0 8
d
c a , , ,
t h e
S
n
h
i t s
]
] bf-in-si Yx tab-ba 1
Ja^x
1
(g P) a
(vi) 251 252 253 254 255 255a 256 257 258 259 260 261
(vi)
zi-an-na zi-ki-a 1-pà-dè-en-zé-en za-zu-da hé-im-da-lâ an den-lil zi-an-na zi-ki-a i-pà-dè-zé-en za-da-ne-ne im-da-lâ nig-ge ki-^a e - d è im-ma-ra-e -dè zi-u -sud-râ lugal-àm igi-an- en-lfl-lâ-sè KA ki-su-ub ba-gub an den-lil zi-u -sud-râ SAL-e x [. . . .] ti dingir-gin mu-un-na-sum-mu zi-da-ri dingir-gin mu-un-ab-e -dè u -ba zi-u -sud-râ lugal-àm mu-nig-ge -ma numun-nam-lû-u uri -ak kur-bal kur-ditmun-na ki- utu-è-§è mu-un-tU-eâ za-e x [ |i, ...] (rest broken) 1
16
u
11
4
d
r
4
1
x
x
4
n
4
16
x
d
r
1
3
251 Be conjured by heaven and underworld, let. . . 252 A n (and) Enlil, be conjured by heaven and underworld,.. • 253 He/they made come up the animais which émerge from the earth. 254 The king Ziusudra 255 Prostrated himself before An (and) Enlil 255a (see note) 256 (Who) gave him life, like a god, 257 Elevated him to eternal life, like a god 258 At that time, the king Ziusudra 259 Who protected the seed of mankind at the time (?) of destruction, 260 They settled in an overseas country, in the orient, in Dilmun. (end broken)
L
1-10
(146) P H I L O L O G I C A L
N O T E S
TABLET I a-wi-lum has the locative -«m with the meaning of the comparative -if, as in k -ma ïa-ar-ra-qi-tu ( n . i i . 19, 33, see note), where kïma i s u s e d pleon asti cal ly like ina i n ina balûm i n the Code of Hammurabi. Thèse are the first examples to be i
noted of comparative -um, b u t they need cause n o difficulty as - u m a n d - i f interchange freely before suffixes, so i t i s fully conceivable that they might do the same without suffixes also. T h e occurrence of comparative - i f as early as the O l d B a b ylonian period has been denied b y v o n Soden (ZA 4 1 . 1 2 8 - 9 ) , b u t i t i s not clear w h y ewû was disregarded, since i t can be construed w i t h either kïma or - i f already i n the O l d Babylonian period. 5 Récent literature on the A n u n n a k i a n d Igigi i s plentiful : v o n S o d e n , Compte rendu de Vonzième rencontre assyriologique internationale 102 ff. ; A . Falkenstein and B . Kienast i n AS 16. 127 ff. and 141 ff. respectively ; v o n S o d e n , Iraq 28. 140 ff. T h e opinion of K i e n a s t , that the two terms are m o s t l y synonymous, we accept for the O l d Babylonian period generally (though n o t n e a r l y so m u c h as he for the later periods). T w i c e i n Atra-hasïs (1. 2 3 2 - 3 , 111. v i . 6-^7) the author has juxtaposed the two terms, as i n Enûma Elis* v i . 2 0 - 7 , so as to identify t h e m . T h i s line under discussion, however, contains the onîy example i n t h e O l d Babylonian copies oîAa-nun-na-ku. Elsewhere (1. 219, 2 3 2 ; u . v. 2 8 ; m . i i i . 3 0 , v i . 7) àa-nun-na, the traditional orthography, i s written. A s i m i l a r l y ' m o d e m ' orthography i n the opening lines is the sign qa in 11 below. ( E l s e w h e r e t h e O l d B a b y l o n i a n copies write this syllable w i t h the GA sign.) T h e S e v e n great A n u n n a k i are certainly those referred to as gods of the destinies i n the following three passages : dingir.nam.tar.ra imin.na.ne.ne Bnhl and Ninlil, Barton, dim.me.er.nam.tar.ra imin.ne.ne
MBI4.
i i . 14 =
ilâni H-ma-a-ti si-bit-ti-Hû-nu SBH p. 135. iii. 27-8 = p. 92. 23, cf. p. ilâni &mâtï sibitti-M-nu Enûma Elit vi. 81
SEM
9 N e i t h e r CAD n o r AHto attempts to define the meaning of guzalû precisely. T h e r e is certainly no proof that the officiai who no doubt originally carried his lord's chair still performed this menial duty i n the Old Babylonian period, any more than the L o r d Chamberlain in twentieth -century Britain supervises the monarch's bedroom. F r o m line 49 below and the related J it may be suspected that as conceived b y the author of Atra-faasïs the guzalû supervised the forced labour. 10 C f . 127. gallâ here is certainly not 'démon', but is explained in a group w i t h two other ci vie officiais : 18 19
20
d
d
77. i i . 6
en.mt.gî
4
gu.2a.le en.lil.lâ.ke en.nu.gi dam.bi gu.za.là nin.lil.lâ.ke CT 24.10.7-9 and dug. d
d§ §û.ru.ma.âê § B
SBP
gaï-lu-u gu-za-lu-u si-i-ib a-li
5
d
87. 34;
li.bi.ir = dub.sî = ab.ba.uru =
Erimbuï vr in
A semantic paraliel is offered b y maskim == râbisu, which also means both 's démon' and ' a n officiai'. W h i l e thèse two examples of this meaning of gallû seem to be the only ones, it m a y be noted that the démons called gal ,là act as the constabulary o f Ereâkigal i n the Sumerian Descent oflnnin. Ennugi is first mentioned, it seems, i n the U r I I I offering list TCL 5.6053 i i (1 udu en.nu.gi ) in a section dealing with the m i n o r gods of E n l i l ' s court. H e appears again i n the same context i n the Old Babylonian forerunner to AN = Aman (TCL 15, pl. xxix. 324), and this is taken over a n d elaborated i n AN = Anunt 1 as follows :
mci
mtA
H7
19. 163
I down to seven particular ones. V o n Soden in JNES ff. has collected the examples of s u c h phrases as damqam ïni, seen also i n the name watram-fyasis, w h i c h are remarkable both for the ending on what would normally be in the construct state and for the regularity with which the ending seems to be an accusative. A U the occurrences are descriptive phrases, since with the name one must understand '(the man) abounding i n wisdom*. Perhaps here too we are to understand the accusatives as limiting a noun, whether expressed or not.
4
d
MA
nisaba
d
164. 34
4
méè
H i s connection w i t h E n l i l is further confirmed by the litany that names en.nu.gi dumu. en.lil.lâ.ra (SBH p. 137. 36, dup. K 5148: 'to Ennugi, son of ErihT), and b y the exorcistic text ABRT 1. 57 rev. 2-5 that names htm among ilàm9* U é~[kur] i/5m m e 8 fd é-su-me-Sa^ ('gods of E k u r , gods of ESumesa', cf. Zimmem, ZA 32. 6 6 ) . H e is n o doubt meant i n Surpu vm* 14: *en*m-gi gu.za.lâ dM.KUD, U ET v\j 2 . 4 0 8 . 4 , b u t the context i s unhelpful, and it is not clear to which of thèse two the title belongs, since both can bear it. A completely dînèrent god appears i n AN = Anum v . 2 2 3 - 5 , e n , [nu]. gi4 .gi , one of the two doorkeepers of EieSkigal (CT 25. 5. 37, restored). I n KAR 142, iv. 12-15 den-nu-giA-gii is given as the last of the seven doorkeepers of Ereskigal, and i n the myth Nergal and EreSkigal he appears i n charge of the seventh gâte leading to the shades ( «n-im-g[i -^»J t STT 28. i i i . 4 7 ' = AnSt x . 116). T h e r e is a mass of évidence showing that single and reduplicated roots freely interchange i n Sumerian, so that by name alone one cannot distinguish between the ' Chamberlain of E n l i l ' and the keeper of the seventh gâte i n the u n d e r w o r l d . Indeed, an etymological god list, CT 25.49 rev. 3 explains d en-nu-gi as bel ersetsm**** bel la ta-[a~ri\, ( T h e similarity of en.nviàgî and kur.nu.gî d
d
T h e gods of the destinies are those w h o fixed, a n d w h o alone c o u l d change, the 219, below; thus i f the gods h a d to toil i t w a s certainly this group that had so otdained, even though the text only alludes to t h e i r n u m b e r rather than their full title. T h e accusative sibittam i s unexpected b u t p e r h a p s explicable. T h e function o f this case i n Akkadian i s always l i m i t i n g . I f one says imfias 'he struck', the meaning is so gênerai as to be incompréhensible, b u t imfeas awïlam 'he struck the m a n ' so limits the action o f the v e r b b y the addition o f the accusative that meaning results. T h i s can occur w i t h a stative v e r b too, as s h o w n i n the example igpuï libba 'he became great as to h i s h e a r t ' (quoted i n a v e r y fine section of the z n d and 3rd éditions of A . U n g n a d ' s Babylonisch-Assyrische Grammatik, § 19, unfortunately dropped from the 4th édition). T h e t e r m ' a d v e r b i a l accusative' has n used to describe other kinds of limiting a c h i e v e d b y u s e o f this case. A i l le, however, limit verbs, b u t here sibittam limita t h e n o u n anunnakku. W i t h o u t ttam it would mean ail the great gods generally. T h e accusative l i m i t s the group
status quo, cf.
I
8
d r
1
r
1
4
d
4
d
14*
PHILOLOGICAL
NOTES
I 10-66; S i
could hardly be missed !) Y e t a third E n n u g i figure c a n be identified. T h e third of seven gods listed i n T h u r e a u - D a n g i n , Rit. acc. 5. 3 ff. is :
e
^eg .rwjm.girn .gim«jne a.sà.mar.ra.ke
d
$
4
4
*im-nu-gi iâ-kin eq-îi
T h i s list occurs also i n RA 16. 145 obv. 11—12, a n d i n unilingual form only i n AN — Anum 1. 139 rï. ( C T 24. 4. 29 ff.), where they are expressly called the seven sons of Enmesarra. E n n u g i i s not one o f them, b u t i s identified w i t h one, and must therefore have had some at least of the same characteristics. H e is also named as one o f the ' E n h l s ' o n a brick inscription from U r : [é.( x )].gu.kù.ga [ki.tul gub] en.nu.gi.ket (UET 1. 182, cf. 173-81), a n d h e appears i n a simiiar context i n RA 41. 32. 23. Thèse groups o f seven are ail somewhat demonic in character and are usuaily represented as divine malefactors. I t i s certain therefore that the Chamberlain of E n l i l m u s t be distinguished from the other t w o E n n u g i s , and doubtful i f thèse two can be identified. Gilg. 18 instead o f gallû, w h i c h fits the context very well, offers gti-gal-la-sû-nu, w h i c h i s quite in appropriate for an orficer i n a divine assembly. M o s t likely i t i s a scribal e r r o r influenced b y the pieceding line. However, i t is curious that Surpu TV. 103 n a m e s den-nu-gi bel iki(é) u palgi (pas). Perhaps that line or something simiiar elsewhere contributed to the corruption i n Gilg. I t is u n certain w h i c h E n n u g i i s m e a n t i n the temple list that calls both é.rab.riji and é.rab.AG.AG the temple o f E n n u g i (é den-mi-gi: PSBA a a . 362, K 43744-8377. i . 9 - 1 0 ) . A mere curiosity is that i n AN = Anum m . 86, where *ga-a-a~ii sipa en.zu.na.ke i s mentioned, a variant gives sipa en.nu.gi.ke (CT 2 4 . 4 8 . 1 9 ) , though S i n is equated w i t h E n n u g i i n RA 1 6 . 1 4 5 obv. 12 i n a late syncretistic text. d
XI.
d
n
d
4
LiteraHy: 'they took h a n d i n its hand*,
is-sab-tu-ma qa-tu qa-tu-us-su-un.
qa-ti-sa = qâtissa,
cf.
Gilg. ni.
4
i . 19:
XII.
13, 17 W i t h Jfa-me-e-ïa cf. im-ta-qut ap-si-sa (MIO 5 4 . 4 ) . Thèse are the only tHD cases k n o w n to the writers, so one cannot tell i f the e n d i n g i s -&z(m) or -is~a(m)t b u t i t is certainly équivalent to ana. 15 T h e restoration i s from X rev. L 6, etc., w h e r e rhe m y t h o l o g y i s also discussed in the note. 16 naSfiku, i f correctJy restored here, seems to be a hapax legomenon, b u t h can hardly be separated from the w e l l - k n o w n title o f E a , ntsBkji. T h i s occurs most cnfimwsily i n Agusaya (VAS 214 = Z i m m e r n , BSGW 6 8 / 1 , i v . 12, v . 16 and 2 8 ; RA 15. 159 ff. vffi* 17) written m-{is)~sî-i-kufki. In Atra-hasïs i t occurs ( i n addition to II. vïL 3 9 a n d n i . v i . 4 2 ) b e l o w line 250, w h e r e the O l d Babylonian copy offers m J and m e L a t e A s s y r i a n ]-si-foi. T h i s proves that t h e title of E s cornmoniy read 'hûn-igi-kù s h o u l d in fact be read ra«-ft-&i, a n d i s another writing of niBïku. Confirmation and explanation o f this fact b e c o m e s apparent when it is noted that **#iè»-$-fei has not yet been found i n a n y S u m e r i a n o r Akkadian text from the O l d Babylonian period. I t o n l y o c c u r s i n later sources a n d i n later Akkadian copies. nilBku, on the other h a n d , o c c u r s i n O l d B a b y l o n i a n Akkadian literary texts, w i t h one exception, *m$-H~ku i n tXAR 3 8 ( d u p . K 8863) rev. 21. T h u s it appears that Amn^kù is a spurious Sumerianization o f a p r o b a b l y S e m i t i c fùffïhu invented s a the Cassite period. T h e Cassite-period god lists CT 24. 4 2 . 113 (aod dup.) and CT 25. 4 8 . 6 both explain i t as dé-a la ni-me-qt\ n o d o u b t basing
Z.
d
ï49
themselves o n kù i n nam.kù.zu == nêmequ. T h e meaning and etymology of miliku are not définitely known. T h e proposai to connect it with ensi = iisakku (Zimmem, BSGW 68/1, p. 33) and with nu.ès — nefakkum (see von Soden, ZA 41. 166 ; E d z a r d , ZA 55. 9 3 - 5 ; Jacobsen, AnBib x n / . 138-9) can be discounted on formai and semantic grounds. A possibility is that rtisHku îs another form of nasiku 'chieftain i n L a t e A s s y r i a n , also found i n Biblical and later Hebrew and in the Aramaic Ahiqar 119 (see the lexica) as nâsîk. T h i s is plausible since in Sumerian religious texts n u n i s a c o m m o n epithet of E n k i , and i n some Akkadian texts E s is referred 1
to as ea ïarru,
22, 24 T h e E u p h r a t e s is referred to as
na-pis-ti ma-a-ti
in JNES 15. 134. 49.
25 C f . i-di-ig-lat nota in J RAS 1927.536.7. T h e placing of a kind of determinative as description after a name is not usual. S i 7 C f . {àpu-ra-na-ti (KAR 360. 7) and purantum in the Mari letters (ARM xv. 131). S i n c e the S u m e r i a n is buranun, and i n view of this évidence, Borger's correction o f KAR 360 to iâpu-ra-dt( ?)-** (Asarhaddon, p. 91) is unnecessary.
li-ïa-si-ik (cf. 240 below) ArOr 17/2. 3 6 6 - 7 . 42
i s taken for
lisassik,
from
nasâku,
with von Soden,
44» 4 6 , 5 8 , 60 T h e most obvious dérivation of i ni-ti-H-a, from nas% 'let us carry', gives so poor a sensé that it can hardly be right. T h e view provisionally adopted here i s that the verb i s sasu, the same as appears i n Gilg. iii. 11 and 14, where sà-sâ-ku i s u s e d b y GilgameS to describe himself on awaking from a frightening d r e a m , a n d sà-sâ-ât to describe the dream. Thèse forma could be either from ïâhi or from $a$û. C a m p b e l l Thompson's citation of the Syriac Samces* 'turbavir* (ad loc.) i s quite inconclusive, and the évidence from Atra-hasïs can be used in favour of the other alternative. A n objection could be raised from the statement in S. M o s c a t i , An Introduction to the Comparative Grammar of the Semitic Languages, p . 7 4 : ' I n n o S e m i t i c language can two identical consonants . . . appear next to e a c h other i n first a n d second position; a n d i t i s rare for such consonants to be found as first a n d t h i r d radicals.' I n Akkadian there is hahû, a verb, and dadànuy a n o u n , to quo te two obvious exceptions, and the scribes who wrote derivatives of the root tobl w i t h the radicals bbl obviously did not know this rule. There is, therefore, every possibility of a verb sasu meaning 'to disturb'.
V*
tùsi-a is taken for ti-si-ma a n d Hsi-i-ma
Juta, w i t h von Soden, BiOr x x m . 52, who quotes ù-nt from O l d Babylonian letters, where the contexts clearly c o m p e l a dérivation from Sasû.
61
t
63 I n O l d Babylonian literature generally the root is saqâru, not xakâru. I n addition to passages cited b y v o n Soden, ZA 41. 168 note ùm*qa-ra~an (BWL i$6. 2 ; JNES 16. 256 obv. 13 (i-sa\-qa\-ra\-am\ collated) and rev. 22); »*à-qàra-am-ma (AfO 13. 47. 13); also passages quoted by Sonnek, ZA 46. 226-31. T h i s does not of course prove that sqr is right for the reign of Ammi-çaduqa and S i p p a r , w h e r e K u - A y a probably worked, but a better case cannot be made for xkr. 1
6 4 - 6 I n MSL n . 127. 2 8 - 9 the same Sumerian word (restored as ku-u xu) is explained b y na-du-u^ and na-ka-a-btm. Landsberger translates both '(Eier) legen\ b u t i n the note ad l o c . cites only na-du-u [id\ issûri (without Sumerian équivalent)
PHIL0L0GICAL N 0 T K 8 i$o and the pair na-du-u m/~Av/-l// (with équivalent, apparently restored, gti) in CT is. ai, BM 374*5* While the existence ni mulù May eggs' is not in question (tho Latin /tofto could be comparée!), the évidence cited does not prove this meaning for nadû atiociated with nakâfu and in the context of Atra-lutsis we have nadû followed by ittakht, which must have roughly the same meaning. The obvious conclusion is thtt nakd9u means 'put , the common meaning of muli). t
1
69 e*«W*fle»sf •tfM - ni is a sandhi-writing for bahis' atmâni,
74 Kalkal ia the door-keeper of Ekur, see the literature cited by A. Sjôberg, Nanna-Suen 156, and in addition Ebeling, Stiftungen a6. x, Kol. 3 with note, and K 5148 obv. 13*14, a bilingual duplicité of Langdon, S BP 154. 34, which, with the other duplicates given by Langdon in Babylonian Liturgies, p. 138, sub voci kalkalag, now rends : kn1.kul Sn .gt ni,du .gol.c.kur.ra 0
H
MtN éa-an-qn ni- [
H
Another example is CT 46. 51 rev. 24: kal-hal dan*dan-mi (iï-f.u ta-nu-eli ^H tO ni-rib x [» where the etymology implied in dandannu need not be taken too seriously. A
ia
78 In the tablets of Ku-Aya, and alto in the two other Old Babylonian tablets of Atra~liasfs in which the name Nusku occurs, D and F, it is written P A + L U , not M + T $ o ta most commonly. However, pA-f-LU is found elsewhere in Old Babylonian tablets: STVC 37 (see Van Dijk, SGL u . 149) and UET vin. 85. 17. Also the unpubliahed Old Babylonian god list from Nippur ( D m vu ?) ofTers both ^PA+Ttto and DPA-r-xju with the glosa nu-th-ka (courtety T . Jacobsen). The etymological god list CT 25. 49 rev. 4 also shows knowledge of this writing, since il expiai m DPA+TT)o: ft-'-li ( P A + L U ) , a-kil fè-e-mi (ugula umul), mu-!â*pu-û [...] d
102 T h e tentative restoration from mmerkû is based on the view that many of the passages are as well suited with 'be présent' at with the usuel 'rematn behind*. For example, the earliett exempte : ia i^ma-gar^ra-hi bit i-mit-titerribèlùM la im-mer» ku-ma nm-gar-ra-hi uh-tiMa (BBSt p. 32. 26 f. and 36 f.) 'whose chariot was not présent at the right hand of the king, bis lord, but his chariot wat held back'. The translation of I le idel ( A S ' 77), 'whose chariot did not remain behind the right of the king', is just playing with wordt, since 'romain behind' (wben others have patted on) is something quite différent from 'remain behind' in the sente of following closely.
13.
xo8 The remains of L are consistent with a restoration ia ni*su*4~ti4a: *(Am I to make war) out of my own ktth and kin V 109 Note how, with the first person verb, a part of the person is expressed at the subject. The same occura in Ludlul m m : muutwtu am-ma-Hdab-bu-ut-tum ap~paHr (BWL 54). Thit it the 'whole and part' construction,
(pa [KU/LU]),
81, 83, etc. For râsti as a verb of motion, like the Hebrew rûs 'run', see BWL 310 note on 288, and STC 11, pl. ucxiv. v, 13 (restored) ù-ra-su di-ma-ta 'they made tears flow'.
113-15 Since siqru ia often an explanatory speech, the liberty has been taken of translating i t reason', and the verb of which it b the object it presumably lost at the end of 115. 1
85-6 The grammar of 3$'' . pâlu ïpuïamma . . . is-tà-qat is not clear. I n this and tr cases in this epic one might easily explain issaqar as I / i perfect following , the preterite with ~wa as in normal Old Babylonian séquence of tenses. This, • however, it not possible without further explanation in the Pennsylvania and Yale stt of Gilg. which use is^sà-qat-am. I f this is a I / i perfect, why does it not une issaqram ? This question i t reinforced by those texts, including Old • ytonian ones, which write a doubled middle radical, e.g. CT 15. 3. 7 : . . « i-pu!a-am-ma ., . is-sà-aq-qd-ctr. Kienast accordingly in ZA 54. 9a construct the form ts a IV/1 prêtent in an ingrestive tente. Thtt may suffi ce for the last and simiiar exemples, but in rhe Gilg* tablets quoted the tame form fo-jà-çar-am occurs without any preceding verb in the sentence (e.g. Penn. 1. 16), where it must be either 0 preterite or perfect. By the normal forme of verbt there i t no solution to this problem. %
9
93, 95 binû bùnûka has the ring of a proverbial taying, and binu it certainly ton lu view of mârù its the paraliel Une. The real problem is the meaning of bùnu* In 4
1
104 One might restore fa*[fam uï]-ki-nu 'they bowed down to him', but there seems not enough room forfa-[pa-al~$uuï\~kùm 'they bowed beneath him'.
d
d
the Assyrian recension, 8 v. 33 •» vi. 12, bunu occurs alto with ma meaning 'son' (see the note ad loc), but this line is lacking from the Old Babyloniantest,ami here a rendering 'your sons are sons hardly gives sente, No other known meaning of bûnu or bunnu is more certain for this passage, but if the phrase is proverbial one need not be over concemed : proverbe often dépend on cttehing a sensé not full y expressed in the words but suggested by the context in which it it used, Here Enlil is probably being encouraged to trust thtt hit tons will not be altogether pitiless to their father. 98, 100 Elsewhere abâku it an a/u class verb, though in C T 15, 3. to and 11 a preterite ibbuk occurs, which sharea the petuliarity of the doubled t found here and i n the tame form i n u. v. 24 and 26. Cf. alto the preterite ubi»ih in x rev. i. 28 (Late Babylonian) and the prêtent ibbak in U rev. 4 ( Late Assyrian).
70-2 i.e. 'rnidnight'; the watch referred to must be the mafsartunt qablitum*
d
I 64-179
1
149, 162 Other examplea of a metaphorical use of dâku are quoted under CAD dâku 1 c. 173 This tam-ta is the tame at thtt in YBT 35. iti. 1 iï~pu-uk, ditcutsed by Goetse in AnOr xxi. 185 fT. A further exemple is KAR 88 fragment 5 rev, 7 (and dupt.) » ArOr ai. 42a: bit qabli u ta-ma+tûIta^amtu. Further évidence cornes from the commentary on Enûma Mis* vu. xt6 128, 132, where erim it equated with tâmtim (Tiamat), though mis involves a play on words.
UL
: DAM-JOIS
t
178-9 The reconstruction of the text is in some doubt, as one cannot formaUy prove that N , which supplies the middle» of the Unes in our text, really belongs to thit recension rather than to, say, that known from G* With $79 the restoration based on N and G ii. 6 produces a very plausible Une, and since 176-7 do correspond with O B» 3-4, it hst been assumed that 178 must be the same ts G & 5, though
PHILOLOGÎCAL
NOTES
552 a complète restoration has not been acbieved. A t the e n d one m i g h t restore some-
thing either from natû 'be sui table' o r the homophone 'strike'. I f 180 agreed with G i i . 7 one might restore i t : i-ba-ai-st s[i-ip-ru a-n]a e-pe-si there is work to be doue*, but since 181 does not correspond w i t h G i i . S t h i s m u s t r e m a i n doubtful. tukku here, as i n the lexical texts (see K u p p e r , RA 4 5 . 120 fT.), i s clearly 'lamentation*. Other examples occur i n incantations : mar^sa tuk-ka-ka i-a-at-ia-di e/[?-ta] ( K 7641. 9 ) ; ma famé* id-du-û tuk-ku ( B M 4 5 6 3 7 4 - rev. 1 8 - 1 9 ) ; also i n a m y t h : a-na nà tup-sar é-sag-il su-ktm tuk-ka ( A 7882. 13). 1
d
G ii. 9» cf. V obv. 2 W h i l e it is n o w certain that hdiû îs a loan f r o m the Sumerian lù.Ux.lu and means ' m a n ' , some still cling to overtones s u c h as 'savage* o r ' p r i m i tive', but Atra-hasïs offers no support to s u c h a v i e w , w h i c h i s a false generalization based on E n k i d u . See JSS 12. 105. V obv. 1 A full discussion o f sassuru, sassuru, etc. w i l l appear i n the hrst-named authors forthcoming Babylonian Création Myths. 190 T h e reading K-gim-ma-a, suggested b y J . J . F i n k e l s t e i n , does not appear to be quite certain» and the paraliel lines i n G i i . 9 a n d V o b v . 2 w o u l d suggest hdlâ, which* however, i s impossible w i t h the clear initial &*-. A reading li-il-la-a i s e p i graphically improbable, though there is a litde late évidence for lillû as well as
lullû (KAR 162 rev. 4).
I 178-259; G ii ; V obv. ; S iii 4
153
219 T h e A n u n n a k i w h o détermine the désunies are the Seven mentioned in line 5 above. O n l y they h a d the power to authorize so great a change in the constitution of the universe. See the note to that Une. 223 O n e m a y read either d Pi-e i-la or d?i-e-i-la. StylisticaUy the former it unlikely. ' S o - a n d - s o , the god w h o . . .' reads peculiarly for an Akkadian text, and especially here since so far gods are the only beings in existence. T h e strongest argument m favour of this first alternative is that one could expect the god named in 47 above, w h o persuaded the others to take direct action against Enlil instead of approaching the vizier, to be the one here who was made to pay the penalty. And i n 4 7 there is room for a two-sign name, and the trace that remains, while it is too small to c o m m e n d a restoration [ Pi]- e\ at least permits it. For the second alternative one m a y quote the divine name dsa-al-i-îa, which occurs among Marduk names i n a late list w h i c h seems to concentra te on the rare and unusual ( C T 25. 35 obv. 4 = 36 obv. 3, see RLA art. Gôtterlisten, § 9). I f one does read Pl-e-i4o, i t is p r e s u m a b l y a W e s t Semitic name, and the first élément will be toe-e. The -e w i l l m a r k vowel length a n d i n principle could be omitted. T h e sign PI has exactiy the same n u m b e r of wedges as s AL, and i n some scripts very little displacement of wedges converts the one to the other. I t ts, therefore, quite possible that an original d Pl-t-Za, because i t was unknown to the scribes, got corrupted to DSAL-*-Zg, and mis was t h e n w r i t t e n o u t as àsa-al-i-la. T h a t it occurs among Marduk names is no p r o b l e m , since i n the lists Q i n g u , the counterpart of Pt-e(-)f4a in Enûma Elis*, is also a n a m e o f M a r d u k . A further considération against reading i-la as the common n o u n i s the difficulty o f finding an acceptable reading for Pi«e. A Semitic name W ê ( o r Pê ?) a n d indéclinable seems improbable, and while one might think of gestug.e as S u m e r i a n , the .e îs inexplicable and geltu(g) is not usuaily written w i t h the Pi-sign alone. A n etymological play on gestu and {ému is not impossible, b u t t h e n o r m a l équivalent of gestu i s kasïsu, A further objection is the meaning of tèmu i n this portion of the e p i c d
r
d
d
193 F o r sabsûtu, tabsûtu, see v o n S o d e n , AfO sab-sn-tum (Malku 1. 127, JAOS 83. 427).
1 8 . 1 1 9 - 2 1 , a n d note
puhur occurs again i n CT à su-û pv-hu-ur ur-du-m-i-im ' I s t a r a n d h e
mu-ïâ-lit-\pï\ ~
15. 2. v i i i . 4 : it-mu-û-su £ftor(mùs) w e r e g o i n g (it-mu-su = a-la-a-kui CT 18. 6 obv. 5 a ) , together they w e n t d o w n / I t also o c c u r s i n the M a r i letters (see ARM xv. 239). 213 T h e adverbial
d
214 Although the précise allusion to the d r u m uppu is o b s c u r e , there i s n o better alternative. T h e d r u m called uppu h a d a c u l t i c u s e , a n d w a s ' h e a r d ' , whereas n o other object called uppu could b e so described. P e r h a p s at t h e t i m e of the c o m position o f m i s epic the daily meals of the gods w e r e i n t r o d u c e d i n the sanctum to a bearing a f the d r u m . 215 S i n c e m e first vowel of etemmu i s always e o r s, the w r i t i n g of E , pi-te-em-mu, requîtes a new value, ex S i n c e this sign occurs passim for ica/tvi/tce/tcu i n O l d Babylonian texts generaJry, a n d for à i n O l d B a b y l o n i a n literary texts (see von Soden, Akkadische Syllabar1), there is nothing i m p r o b a b l e i n i t s o c c u r r i n g for v o w e h other than a, though it could be argued, w i t h E . R e i n e r , Studies Presented to A. Léo Oppenk&m 167-80, that phonernically t h e stands f o r *e.
= PI.
PI
2 1 6 , 2 2 9 Thèse are extraordmarûy i m p o r t a n t b u t v e r y p e r p i e x i n g l i n e s . W h i l e there is no problem i n an adjectxve c o m i n g before i t s n o u n i n p o e t r y , i t i s very doubtful indeed i f balfa ittasu cm be taken together, s i n c e the adjecîive i s mate, while the noun i s fem. T h u s balfa c a n o n l y be i n apposition to t h e suffis - J v - o n m e verb. T h e subject of the v e r b is naturally etemmu after 2 1 5 b a n d 2 2 8 b . T h e identification o f the verb's object ts n o t s o s i m p l e . I n t h e immédiate context fnr and ih seem unhkeiy, since they are other aspects o f the efemrnu. S i n c e the fundamental oontrast i n this section is that stated i n 2 1 2 , g o d a n d m a n , i t i s a s s u m e d here that since the subject of the verb ts etemmu, the object i s m a n . S e e f u r t h e r p . 2 2 .
d
d
T h e importance o f tèmu is shown not only by its mention here, but also in 239 (cf. 243 P a n d u . v i i . 3 3 ) the god i s said to have been killed 'with his (ému1. It is difficult to believe that ' w i t h h i s intelligence' is right, and here the gênerai drift of the narrative is that something spécial was passed on to man from the slain god. A s preserved the epic says nothing about man's intelligence. What it passed on is the etemmu, a n d one m u s t therefore adopt the sensé of (ému when it parallels ràmànu (see the passages cited i n BWL 293 on 83), namely 'self or 'personaliîy*. Q u i t e possibly the t e r m w a s suggested by a play of words on etemmu and fêmu. S e e further p . 2 2 . 2 3 3 - 4 T h e r e h a s been widespread belief i n a supernstnral power in spitue, see H a s t i n g s , Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics, art, 'Saliva', and it is probably mis that w a s foremost i n the author's m i n d , though the considération mat city needs to be moistened for a potter's use may also have been présent. 2 4 6 - 7 Enûma Elil v . 109-10 seem to have been modelled after this couplet or something simiiar. 259 T h e ' b r i c k ' is the b r i c k structure on w h i c h a woman lay for her labour. See further the first n a m e d author's forthœming Babylonian Création Myths. S i i i . 4 Restored after Enki andNinmah : nin.mah.e imu4m.abzu.asu.ni mu.ni.in.ti ' N i n m a h laid h e r h a n d o n rhe clay above rhe Apsû' (TCL 16, pl. cxxxvu. OO)'. d
PHILOLOGICAL
NOTES
S lis 7-19; I 282-384
S iii. 7 ba-m-iq is corrected after Gilg. Perttl. iv. 36-7 : i-na bi-ti-iq a-hn-iw-n(i-fi~$u H-ma-as-sûm, and BM 34208 rev. 11 : uJ.dur.kud.da « ba-ti-iq a-lm-un-na-tû. UÎ!U
S iii,
8
mxi'tc-ti is taken as queer orthography for tnûdâti.
|
|
285 As suggested by J . J . Finkelstein, labtûtan is tbstract,fortabMûtam, toavoid the ugly succession of the full form, No other examples of mitfrurrûhave been noted, but the meaning can be gueased. 293
S iii. r t The title o f the mother goddess bânût ilmti also occurs in m. vi. 47 and Gilg. x. vi, 37. S iii. i 2 , 13 Von Soden (ZA 41. 113 ) took the gloss seriouely and treated Hftalfan as a reduplicated form. We are not inclined t o attach too much importance to thèse glosses (cf. sv ~ -me-H-na, iv. 2) and regard the -farn as the same ending seen in ûmifam etc. The value San for ïàm needs better support, kullulu in the context of thèse lines must be taken as having the meaning of ïuklulu, apparently a unique phenomenon, but it is not known i f i t also occurred i n thit form in the Old Babylonian text. Elsewhere in the Old Babylonian copies kullulu occurs twice (H. vi. 12 and in. iii. 29), and in the latter instance it hat the tente 'be covered', and probably either 'cover' or 'be covered in the former case. Outside the epic 'cover' is well attested, since the verb serves as a denominstive of both kallatu '(veiled) bride' and kiltlu/kulûlu 'crown', but there seems to be no other example of the I I / i having a passive meaning. 6
ri
f
8l
301-4 This brings to mind the passage in Gilg. Penn. tv-v, where, mfatbit emûtim the bed i t laid for Ilbara, mut confirming what tt prefumed here, that Ifttar during the marriage rites was called libers. It also suggests the restoration of 302, since entu rabû occurs in lists (see CAD sub voetbus), while the trace cannot be restored to bit emûtim. )
t
336 i-ta~as-sâ-la i t read because the I/3 of esèlu is well documented, but until the rest of the line can be completed it must rcmain a little uncertain. There are other ways of reading the signa,
9
S iii. 16 This line and 295 below reveal a previously untuspected item of grammar. The third person precative is normally liprus for both genders in Babylonian, and the same for mate, in Assyrian, but lû taprus for the fem. Since the fem. with U in Babylonian occurs only rarely in literary texts (apart from late examples in letters under the influence of A ramai c) hitherto no attention has been devoted to what its precative would be. Thit line and its paraliel in the main recension show that the i normally found with the first person plural i t also used for the third person fem. with t-. Other examples occur in the ikribs : 35 36 37 38 39 40 35 36 37 38 39 40
ni$aba elletft ïâ-ru-ulj-tû sir-tù mârat a-nim lâ-sa-at ilâmP** rahûti™* ïâ-sa-at ilânfi** daiânl™* mu?pttfr~bi-rat ilâni™ * rabûti™** mu^afcfyi-rat ilâttiP*** daiâni" ** i tu-pa*bi~ra-ma iuM* ** rabûti[ *] i tu-pa~bi-ra-ma U&nP ** daiâni[ *] ti-if-ba-nim-ma ina niqi (siskur ) i ta-pul d[i?-na?] Zimmem, BBR 89-90, now joined to K 3654 + as rev. iii Nisaba the pure, exalted, lofty, daughter of Anu, Who fummons the great gods, who summont the divine judges, Who convenes the great gods, who convenes the divine judges, May she convene the great gods, May she convene the divine judges, Sit (SamaS and Adad) in the offering, may she answer the [case (?)]. à
û
1
1
1
370
The paraliel Une in S, iv. 27, suggests that a part of banû must be restored.
374-5 *• 3 8 9 - 9 0 = 11. ii. 13'-14' This couplet it perpiexing. Thefirsttime itfitan instruction from Enki to Atra-rjasls, apparently teîîmg htm to advise the elders, The second time it follows a formula which normally introduce* direct speech to that it appears to be addressed to the elders by Atra-basls. The last time the preceding lines are too broken for the context to be clear. nua , , . mU~k\p) it t conceivable phrase meaning 'dispense ad vice', but the uncertstitry about the meaning of rimant (the reading seems sure) and the reading of tf?-fr}0? obscures the rest of the couplet.
377 For thit Subbû (or jfuppû) see BWL 285 on 71-2, 381 While a fem, noun epitu from epû 'balte' is not otherwise attested, tt tt a very plausible derivative.
ttu
1
m
x
S iti. 19 A comparison with 293 below suggests that Jyurruïu here (see CAD ftarâïu A ; AIlzv harâlu I ) may be originally a mittake derived from frurrû, perhaps occasioned by the rarity of the latter,
382 alâku eli - be pleasant to' (CAD alâku, p, 321. 10% and a dative sufhx on a verb can take the place of eli with sufhx, l
The I I stem of ïaqâlu occurs here (and in the paraliel line» 399,410, B* IL 1$, 29) with qâtu as object, and in iv i* i l Wtlb zumrn at object, Whtk the latter with ïaqâlu it well known in omens (see CAD sub voce zunnu), mère has been some doubt as to whether the meaning is 'scarce' or 'moderate' (MSL 1.228; Oppenhesn, Interprétation of Dreams 282 *), but now the context of 11, L i t establishes the former. This is confirmed by the paraliel line in the Assyrian recension (S iv. 44) whleh replaces zunnîsu. *. litaqqU with zunnahi liiàqxr. h it, however, quite another question whether a 'hand* can be 'scarce*. The background of thtt use of 'hand* is that when men are afflicted the gods' 'hand* is heavy on them, cf. Ludhd lîh 1 kab-ta-at qât-su (BWL 48), and the divine name su.ni.dugud ( C T 2 5 . 1. 0» Thus ïuqqulu must in some way indicate the lifting of Namtsrs's han
384
10
4
2 [fy\a-lu-up seems the only possible restoration, but to far no other occurrence a nounfyalûpuis known. However, balàpu 'to slip i n ' , with the cognâtes in Hebrew 'pats on' and Arabie 'succeed', supplies s very suitable meaning, and the fsrity of other words in this epic cautiont us against dismtssing the possibility of s hapax legomenon.
•,
PHILOLOGICAL
NOTES
so a I I stem 'make scarce'. O n l y i n Atra-hasïs, apparently, i t there a m t k e to suspend', as i n the line u n d e r discussion.
I 384-II v 20
11 stem
meaning
i
396 T h e fem. suffis here, contrasting w i t h the m a s c . i n 3 8 1 , suggests that the door and not Namtara is meant, since bàbu i s o f c o m m o n gender.
i . 11 See the note o n 1. 384. ia related to
én Hl-Uk Sâru M-nu-uS kim iis~tak-sir er-pe-tumt-ma ti-ku lit-tuk R . D . Biggs, Sa.zi.ga 35. 12-13 én li-Hk Sâru SadS* l\t-nu-f\u Uh-ta-sir vr-pa-turn^-ma ti-ku lit-tuk R , D . Biggs, op. cit. 3 2 - 3 . 1-2
[én Fjiï-uk Sâru erpêtu ( [ i M ] . D U U R
m €
a-a i-nu-u[S kiru\ *) tik-ta-ap-p-r[a t]i-ik-ki a-a i[t-tuk]
D . Biggs, op. cit. 37. no. 17. 6 ' - 8 '
M o s t probably the e p i c has borrowed a m a g i e f o r m u l a , h'erri i s t h e same as i n BAM 240. 14: gui-gui namiu.U3-.lu tna isâti li-er-ri-ma 'let h i m p a r c h a h u m a n skull with fire', a n d there i s n o n e e d to e m e n d b o t h passages to H'errir s o as to assign them to the root urruru ' d r y ' , o n w h i c h see Kôcher, AS 16. 323—5. T h e r e i s also, i n thèse two passages, an urrû ' d r y ' , handbu ' g r o w l u x u r i a n d y ' i n the I / 3 (cf. Barra I I . 2 8 6 : gu.me.er.me.er = tà-tan-nu-bu) h a s t h e sensé o f getting matted together a n d thick, like kissurii jkiitassuru i n t h e i n c a n t a t i o n s , tïku i s n o doubt derived from natâku. i . 19 T h e first t w o w o r d s ,
lïteddil irtasa,
T 57
WZKM
/[WW -] WM -
9 A boundary stone curte included : titfalf(se.bar) la-ar-da ki-mu-û mé id-ra-na 'couch-grass ( ? ) instead of barley, sait instead of water* iBBSt p. 6 2 , i i . 11-13). C l e a r l y lardu was coarse grass that would grow even in times of
iv.
meî
drought, so that i t ftta the context here very well, though ita restoration it not quite sure.
TABLET II
i , 14—17 T h i s couplet, w h i c h i s lacking f r o m b e t w e e n S i v . 45-6, sa.zi.ga incantations:
iv. 4 T h i s l i n e confirma Lsndsberger's construction of S i r . 49, 58, in 56. 113".
are c o u p l e d b y a s a n d M - w r i t i n g .
i . 21 A verb qutturu connected w i t h smoke exista, b u t h e r e a n d i n o t h e r passages (see E. E b e l i n g , Die Weli des Orients 1. 4 7 9 ) the m e a n i n g i s 'destroy* o r ' p u t a n e n d to' w i t h no smoky associations. £L 17-19 T h e root îrq 'steal' s h o w s the same setnantic d e v e l o p m e n t a s i n t h e L a t i n fur—furtive 'thief—stealthily*. F o x example KAR 9 2 r e v . 2 9 = LKA 144 obv. 1 4 - 1 5 : Su-nu Sar-qiS e-pu-su-td a-na-ku su-pis [ê\-pu-us-su-nu-ti ' t h e y secretly bewitched m e , I have p u b l i c l y bewitched t h e m ' . T h u s liStarriq... liSazmn i s a h e n d i sdys, as translated. E n k i wants the r a i n to fall w i t h o u t E n l i l ' s n o t i c i n g i t . kïma Sarrâqïtu i s a n adverbial phrase, iarrâqu-\-ïu> a n d f e m . t o agrée w i t h eqht: 'like a thieving one'. T h e -u e n d i n g i s locative, s e e t h e note o n 1. 1. iti. 5 T h e suggestion o f A . L . O p p e n h e i m {Interprétation of Dreams 2 2 2 ) , that muISakku îs a k i n d o f incense f r o m the s m o k e o f w h i c h o m e n s w e r e d e r i v e d , îs neither proved n o r disproved b y this line a n d those r e l a t e d to i t i n x a n d y , b u t the use of zbi does perhaps favour some k i n d o f présent b e i n g b r o u g h t along for the god. a i . 30 T h e fifty la.rja.ma engur.ra s e t as the c o n s t a b u l a r y o f E n k i i n S u m e r i a n epic, t t e , , see Falkenstein's note o n line 184 o f Enki und die Weltordnung: ZA 5 6 . 71.
iv. 10 F o r the root nkm referring to a disette see BWL 54 f and the passages quoted i n the commente o n pp. 299-300. T h e meaning, or meaning» if there is more than one root, i s still uncertain. iv. 13 T h e paraliel line i n S, v . 25 ~- vi. 14, has buqli me-te, and the two versions are explained f r o m : [k\i<4 se 4 er-rt e-Sa-af-fu-u Sà-lam- tu (Bauer, Das Imckriften* toerk Assurbanipals 1. 3 9 , K 4443. 8 ) , 'they tcattered the corpses like dried malt*. T h e sirnile arises from the brewing process in which barley was first encouraged to s p r o u t b u t w a s then prevented from growing by spreading and drytng. 'Dead' a n d ' d r i e d ' malt are clearly the same, and the appearance of humant in t n advanced state o f starvation might well be compared to grain in that state.
.DIM
i v . 14 T h e r e seem to be no other examples of ntkukuièitququ, and S turned it into Suparkê ' l a c k of ' ( v . 26 = v i . 15). However, the context suggests die meaning, and a metaphorical development from Sakâku 'harrow* i t quite possible. iv. 17 P a r t s o f the b o d y , încluding bûdu, are so regularly fem. that one may suspect that rapSûtum i s an error. S v. 16 = v i . 5 has rapïâtu. i v . 18 mazzâzu as a p a r t o f the body seems to occur only here and in the paraliel lines of S , b u t s i n c e i t i s a rumen Ion i n form, and i n view of nie context, it must m e a n 'leg*. v . 17, 31 a n d v i . 2 6 ' L o w e r earth* here presumably means lower' in relation to the régions n a m e d i n t h e previous line, rather than 'lower* of two earths. Enlil lived on the e a r t h p r o p e r a n d w o u l d guard that, just as A n u was appointed to guard heaven, h i s d w e l l i n g . S e e the note o n x rev. i . 4 - 7 . v . 2 0 T h i s l i n e , restored from v i . 29 below, cf. x rev. i i . 6 and 13, reopens the question o f ndhirtu Imisertu discussed b y Landsberger tfi JNES 8. 259 . Due to the u s e o f the EZEN-sign m a n y o f the examples are smbiguous, and individual w r i t i n g s o f rrâ-hi-vr-, miSe-er- a n d me-Se-er- prove mat both words do exist L a n d s b e r g e r i s n o w o f a différent opinion, which he expounds i n an excursus to MSL r x , 2 2 2 . ( H i s help i n this note is gratefully acknowkdged, though he i s n o t responsible for the o r n i o n s . ) T h e important question here concems the m a n y passages p u t b y v o n S o d e n i n AHzo under mehertu d). T h e y use tbe word of fishes, the sea a n d the (cosmic) river, rv 2 ? 20. 21-2 and Erra i l . c. 26 are part i c u l a r l y i m p o r t a n t , since rhe concept i n t h e m is clearly that of a même cornucopia. A U thèse passages are written ambiguousiy, but they cannot be separated from miSertu i n Atra-fiasïs, since here it i s clearly some kind of cornucopia, aod in x especially i t s m a r i n e connection i s transparent. T h u s the ambiguous writings referred to m u s t b e taken as miSertu* and it may be noted that me-U-er^tun^K^R e4
158
PHILOLOGICAL
NOTES
I I V 20-111 i 48
300, obv. 6, occurs i n the apodosis o f o n e o f a g r o u p o f o m e n s c o n c e r n i n g fish. T h e eryrnology o f the w o r d is u n k n o w n . I n the p h r a s e tnusTuru miïerta it m a y have been employed as a cognate accusative, b u t i f so this i s p r o b a b l y o n l y folk-etymology, since a I stem of the root i s u n k n o w n . T h e S u m e r i a n équivalent i n i v R* 2 0 . 21 (za.ba.lam) i s irrelevant, since the S u m e r i a n o f that text i s late a n d , so far as the sensé is c o n c e m e d , secondary. T h i s i s h a r d l y t h e s a m e w o r d as g i i . s a . t u r — mëser/stum, since that i s ' s m a l l n e t ' a n d to be d e r i v e d f r o m eïêht ' c a t c h i n a net'. T h e root msr 'sweep along' seems u n l i k e l y , as does mtlertu ' r e g u l a r m e a s u r e ' fromy^r.
i . 13 S e e BWL 291 o n 48 for àa.zu » qirba landau, of which qirba idûizi variant. G u d e a , Cylinder A (TCL 8) t. 28 and iv. 21 use sa.zu of understanding me meaning of d r e a m s , a n d t h i s , w i t h the fem. sufhx o n qiribïa here, suggests the restoration.
v. 24, 26 See note on 1. 98.
i . 17
vi. 12 F o r kullulu see the note o n I S i i i . 12, 13.
I t i s a s s u m e d to be a n interrogative
13 T h i s line seems to [LU] = ni-i-su, te-ni-fu.
vi.
attest a m a s c . p l .
tënisu
' m e n * ; cf.
MSL
n i . 60. 19-20
vi. 19 tèqitu i s apparently d e r i v e d f r o m eqû ' p a i n t ' a n d m e a n s ' s l a n d e r ' . F o r passages i n context see ARM 1. 130 r e v . 5 - 6 a n d AbB 11. 117. 1 3 - 1 4 . 1rs u s e here w i t h ' h a n d ' i s n o t easy, b u t u n t i l the w h o l e o f t h e l i n e i s k n o w n i t c a n n o t be properly considered. T h e sensé ' c o m p l a i n t ' i s s u g g e s t e d i n JCS 12. 2 3 .
TABLET III
i . 14 zibbatu ' t s i l ' h a s figurative meanings and an O l d Babylonian form tibbatum (see CAD sub voce). H o w e v e r , there is so far no exact paraliel for the meaning guessed h e r e f r o m the context.
\rn\a-ïu-um-yna s e e m s
quite certain, but it is unexplained from other paiwage*,
*manfum~ma,
cf.
miïïum
'why?*.
i . 31 I t i s n o t c l e a r h o w the boat could be roofed over both 'above' and 'below*. i . 3 4 O n e m a y s u s p e c t a w o r d - p l a y i n ufaznanakku: zanânu 'rain' and ' p r o v i s i o n ' . W h i l e E n l i l does the former, E n k i will do the latter.
zanânu
i . 35 T h i s l i n e , a n d t h e c o r r e s p o n d e g Gilg. XI. 44, is par aile led m an Ur-Nammu text, JCS 2 0 . 139. 2 5 - 6 w i t h a variant form i n UET m. 76 rev. 10-12 and 77. 4 - é :
1 3
uru.mà a.ra.a.bi ku .àm dirLbi musenJun (JCS) uruki.mà a.râ.bi ku«,um Jjiî.libi mu.te.na (VET) u r i m . m a a.ra.a.bi ku .àm diri.bi muien.àm (JCS) . . . a.râ.bi ku«.um hi Lîibi rnu.se.na/mu.sigg (UET) T h e increase of my city i t fish, its surplus fowî, T h e increase of U r is fish, its surplus fowl. 6
vii. 45 I t is n o t clear w h y the p e r s o n a l interrogative i s u s e d , u n l e s s p e r h a p s E n k i is represented as pretending to take abûbu as a p e r s o n a l n a m e . vii» 49 T h e occurrences o f S u l l a t a n d H a n i s , w i t h d i s c u s s i o n o f s o m e o f the problems, are collected b y G e l b i n ArOr x v i i l / i — 2 . 1 8 9 - 9 8 . T h e o n l y additions are a few m o r e examples o f H a n i S i n A k k a d i a n p e r s o n a l n a m e s f r o m t h e U r I I I period (MAD n i sub voce), T h e identity a n d c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f t h i s divine d u o are still n o t really clear. F r o m the line u n d e r d i s c u s s i o n a n d t h e r e l a t e d Gilg, XI. 99 they seem gods of the s t o r m , b u t t h e r e i s n o c e r t a i n t y t h a t Gilg, x i . 100 further alludes to t h e m as guzalû. T h e o m e n passages (CT 31.9. 1-2, 4, 6) s p e a k o f t h e m as accornpanying an a r m y to grant i t s v i c t o r y . T h e i r i d e n t i f i c a t i o n w i t h 3amas' a n d A d a d is o n l y attested after the O l d B a b y l o n i a n p e r i o d , i n AN = Anum, "^APIN and other texts o f n o eariier date, b u t G e l b i s i n c o r r e c t to s p e a k o f t h e m a s ' b e l o n g i n g to the cireîe* o f S a m a s a n d A d a d ( p . 192). T h e l i s t s s a y , n o t t h a t t h e y b e l o n g to the circle of, b u t that t h e y are Samas' a n d A d a d . A c e r t a i n a b s u r d i t y r e s u l t s , i t is true. A d a d i s clearly a separate deity i n t h e flood s t o r y , a n d Sama§ i s altogether inappropriate i n that context. T h e p r o b l e m i s e x p l a i n e d b y t h e t e c h n i q u e s o f identification. E v e n a single c o m m o n n o u n i s r a r e l y e q u a t e a b l e w i t h a n o t h e r i n a i l its shades a n d areas o f m e a n i n g . W i t h d i v i n e d u o s t h e r e w e r e s o f e w a v a i l a b l e that congruence cannot be expected. Samas' a n d A d a d n o r m a l l y o c c u r t o g e t h e r i n the giving of oracles, see La Divination en Mésopotamie ancienne, XIVe Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale 1 1 9 - 2 3 , a n d A d a d i n o t h e r r e s p e c t s w a s r o u g h l y équivalent w i t h S u l l a t a n d r j a n i s s o that h e w i t h Sama§ w a s t h e b e s t d u o the ancient scholars c o u l d find.
viii.
34 gamertu i n the sensé 'total d e s t r u c t i o n ' s e e m s to o c c u r o n l y h e r e a n d i n lit, i t i . 38 a n d v . 4 4 below. B u t the I , I I , a n d I V s t e m s o f t h e v e r b a r e w e l l attested i n the sensé 'annihilât!*/. A s a k t t l e - k n o w n w o r d Gilg. x i . 1 1 9 - 2 0 r e p l a c e s the occurrence i n m . i i i . 37 w i t h lemuttu.
kl
t
W e take a.râ h e r e i n t h e mathematical sensé of multiplication, with Hallo, J C S 20. i 3 4 u . C l e a r l y w e are d e a l i n g w i t h a literary cliché, a n d i t is possible that x rev. i i 21-2 = 37-8 also reflect i t , b u t they are too damaged for certainty. T h e word with ' b i r d s ' , d i r i , h i . l i , frisbu, i s clear i n every case, but not the word with 'fishes*. T h e S u m e r i a n a.râ c a n be e x p l a i n e d , b u t it i s not a usual usage. Both form and meaning ( e x c e p t i n a gênerai w a y ) o f the A k k a d i a n are i n doubt. F o r bu-du-ri here Ctfe» x i . 44 offers bu-zu-ur. CAD identifie* the word with budduru (qjt.ybundurul buffuru, w h i c h i s o n l y lexically attested, a n d i s explained i n ffargud: x bu-un-du-ru = bil-ti là c i (v R 32 no. 4 ; 52 = MSL m. 68. t$h). I f i t i s c o r r e c t l y r e n d e r e d as ' a load of reeds' one m a y doubt its relevance. b i t also u n c e r t a i n i f it i s t h e s a m e w o r d i n A l/z, 87 (CT 12. 25. i , eighth from bottom): la-gab bu-ut-tu~rum. T h e S u m e r i a n lagab commonly indicates ttoutnest o r s o l i d i t y . A f u r t h e r p r o b l e m of using the lexical item for Atra~basis is that in the l i t e r a r y t r a d i t i o n i t c h a n g e d f r o m bud(d)uru (or perhaps butfj)uru) to buz(z)uruy w h i l e i n t h e l e x i c a l t r a d i t i o n the dental was preserved to the end. Assuming the e p i c w o r d t o be u n r e l a t e d t o t h i t other one, one might compare the Arabie badara ' s c a t t e r ' a n d a s s u m e a qutûl form, noting that i n Ugaritic the proto-Semitic d r e m a i n s d, t h o u g h i n A k k a d i a n i t n o r m a l l y becomes x.
rj-f-AS
=
[gijL . AGAB
m e 4
LAGAB =
i . 37 A r e a d i n g ba-a-as ' s a n d * i s also possible, but does not give so good a sensé. T h e c o u p l e t c o r r e s p o n d s roughly to Gilg. xi. 86 and W 5 . «Ju on rmlstht is for
-sum — ana.
i. 48
C o l l a t i o n o f Gilg. xi. 41 s h o w s traces of g i r " o n K 85171 a^d while on S m 2 1 3 1 + t h e r e m a i r u n g s i g n c o u l d be i]gi (mpànu) or - p ] i , the spacing on this
i6o
PHILOLOGICAL
tablet requires a restoration a-ïak-ka-na ' détermine ' is no sui table sensé. i i . 11-12
Restored from
Gilg.
NOTES
[ï&-p]i-ia-a-ma.
I n a n y case
pana ïakânu
iii. 18 R e s t o r e d from
Gilg.
i x . v. 36.
iii. 19 S e e note o n v . 4 6 - v i . 6 below. xi. 50-1: iii. 26 R e s t o r e [ù] or [ta] ?
. . . rija-jfipa-as-[ X ]
XX]
. , . n)a-& a-b[alz[u(collated) Elsewhere the naggâru a n d atkuppu are associated as s h i p b u i l d e r s : S a l o n e n , Wasserfahrzeuge 1 3 4 - 7 ; AHw atkuppu. T h e pâïu is also g i v e n as t h e b a s i c tool of the naggâru i n Erra t. 155-6. T h e tool o f the r e e d - w o r k e r i s g i v e n i n ffargud (LTBA 1. 86. vi. 21): na Jak?-ka-ru-u = (vacat) = àbnu ïâ ^atkuppi A
R . D . Biggs writes on this point (privately), ' J u d g i n g f r o m m o d e m p r a c t i c e s , the atkuppu needs only two basic i m p l e m e n t s : a knife to c u t t h e r e e d s a n d s o m e t h i n g to flatten them'. T h e latter w a s h i s 'stone'. ii. 13-14 Restored from Gilg. x i . 5 4 - 5 . A p p a r e n t l y 55 h a d a n e x t r a w o r d , b u t of the traces on K 2 2 5 2 + only the first horizontal i s r e a l l y s u r e . i l . 34 T h e preterite of bâru 'catch b i r d s ' i s elsewhere ibâr, b u t t h e r e a r e parallels to a verb belonging to more than one class, see the note o n 1. 9 8 . E q u a l l y possible is a dérivation from ebëlu 'snare b i r d s ' , since / a n d r c a n i n t e r c h a n g e , cf. n . iv. 8
(se-ru pa-ar-ku) and S iv. 58 (séru pal-ku-û).
I
iii. 29 F o r kullulu see the note o n S iii. 12. bulhïtu is restored here from iv. 21 below: b o t h lines c o n c e r n lips. O t h e r occurrences are lexical:
[ X X ].te.KA.KA «Bfap-tanïâ bul~he~e
Nabnitu (CT 19. 37, R m n . 40 rev. 14-15) • . . ].gi = bu-ul-fyi-tu . . . ].S*à = KLM IN List of Diseases (CT 19. 45, K 264 obv. 23-4 =» MSL IX. 96.165-0) [x.m]ud = bu-ul-fye-e-tum Erimbuï v i , 233 (précédée! by laqlaqqu, as in the List of Diseases) bu-ul-bi*tum Su-ur-pi-tum ('burning') Kagal D Frag. 8. 4 ( O B , SLT 248. i) fà-kûm-mu-u « bu~ul-hi-tû Malku iv. 81 (LTBA I I . 1. xii. u o = CT 18. 20, K 8312. n ) 4
KA X [KA ...]== [KA . . ] X =
T h e e x p l i c i t c o n n e c t i o n w i t h lips i n Nàbnïtu shows that this is the word> and its o c c u r r e n c e i n t h e List of Diseases indicates that it is something physiological. As to m e a n i n g , ' h e a t ' i s i n d i c a t e d b y the évidence already quoted.fakummûis a b a n from the S u m e r i a n sà ' s t o m a c h ' a n d kûm 'hot' (for which see Landsberger, JNES 8. 2 4 8 . 1 4 ; i b i d . 2 8 6 ; E . I . G o r d o n , Sumerian Proverbs, p. 116). T h i s meaning is c o n f i r m e d i n that it c a n be established that bulhïtu is a phonetic variant of bufarïtu, f r o m bu^huru 'to heat'. T h e ciearest évidence on this point cornes from Gilg. x i . 126, w h i c h i s t h e équivalent of Atra-hasïs m. iv. 21 : 1 2 1
i i . 36 A restoration
bu-W-u[l la-d[k}-ha-an
deserves m e n t i o n .
i i . 39 S i n c e the n o u n bibbulu/bubbulu m e a n s the d a y o f t h e m o o n ' s at the e n d o f the m o n t h , this time i s p r o b a b l y m e a n t h e r e .
disappearance
ïab-ba/kàt-ma fap-ta-fû-nu le-qa-a bu-uf^re^e-ti
ii. 49 A I / i perfect o r I / 2 preterite o f ïahânu—iïtakna—gives n o sensé h e r e , a n d , w i t h an eye o n 53 below, a dérivation f r o m ïagâmu s e e m s i n e s c a p a b l e . T h e change of m to n after g does not s e e m to o c c u r e l s e w h e r e i n A k k a d i a n , t h o u g h after a sibilant i t is well attested: lismujlisnu (AHw); ihnê-karâb/ihiî-karâb ( E . E b e l i n g ,
Tod und Leben, p. 21 11); ïaJhnûjïaïnû (ZA 41. 169).
i i . 50 T h a t ila is a conjunction (otherwise unattested) m e a n i n g ' a s s o o n a s ' i s m e r e conjecture. B u t no better alternative h a s o c c u r r e d to t h e présent w r i t e r s . O n e c o u l d emend the text to i-lul 'the gods ( h e a r d e t c . ) ' , b u t that créâtes a n e e d l e s s i n t r u s i o n i n the context, w h i c h states h o w Atra-frasïs a c t e d as the flood b e g a n . iii. 5 O n e might restore u^-ma i n the spirit of U rev. 13.
iï-t]e-en f r o m Gilg.
x i . xo8, o r
u\\e^en ' i t
grinds'
[(.)]-#,
28
sàbbajkatma ïapta-ïunu i( ?)-/t( })-qa-a pubrïti
Gilg. XI.
107 (collated): [ x ] gis mata kïma karp[ati . . . ] X p[u-u][-p[i], T h e incomplète sign i n the m i d d l e i s n o t f\â o r ï]a, b u t , e.g., t]i; t h u s rigtmïa cannot be restored. T h e restoration ify-p[u-u] w a s a l r e a d y suggested by H a u p t , Das bob. Nimrodepos 139 as ' n i c h t u n w a h r s c h e i n l i c h ' . U r e v . 17 i s also based o n this O l d B a b y l o n i a n couplet, a n d a c o m p a r i s o n o f aU t h r e e forms suggests that the later editors c o u l d not s t o m a c h the m e t a p h o r ' s h a t t e r e d the noise of the land', a n d so they modified tt. iii. 9 - 1 0 C f .
T h e r e a d i n g leqâ n e e d s explanation (its connection with the line of Nabnitu does not). C a m p b e l l T h o m p s o n gave only X with a note that it was not sure that the trace b e l o n g e d to t h e w o r d ending -a. B u t a glance at any photograph of K 3375 s h o w s r o o m for o n l y x - x - a , a n d traces of the first two signs are still on the tablet, t h o u g h C a m p b e l l T h o m p s o n d i d not copy them. I n the riineteenth c e n t u r y t h e tablet w a s better preserved, as shown on the older photographs, e.g. R . W . R o g e r s , Cuneiform Parallels2, p l . 12, and the first sign ends in two uprights a n d the m i d d l e o n e i s -qa-. A l r e a d y i n 1885 Delitzsch had read He^Pha (AL3 iô#. 120), a n d H a u p t i n 1891 (Das bob. Nimrodepos 139 ) read it X»qa-a and had c o r r e c t l y identified the f o r m as t h i r d person fem. p l . of a third weak verb (BA I. 133). I n P i n c h e s ' s c o p y o f H a u p t ' s Nimrodepos (now i n the possession of the first-named a u t h o r ) , P i n c h e s has copied i n the margin the latter half of a U md has written :
6
T h e o n l y r e a l e r r o r h e r e i s the i(}), for the traces (on K 7 7 5 2 + ) are, on collation, t[u o r l[i. C a m p b e l l T h o m p s o n ' s c o p y is badly proportioned. T h u s the combiip^ tion o f the l[e- o f K 7 7 5 2 + w i t h the \f\e-qa-a on K 3375 gives the complète word. T h e w o r d also o c c u r s i n AMT 4 9 . 6 rev. 5 : bu-uh-ri-ta JW**^, where the context proves t h a t i t m e a n s ' h e w i l l eat hot food"., Another occurrence i n a médical text, but i n a b r o k e n c o n t e x t , i s BE 31. 26. 12: [b]u-ub-ri-ta [ (courtesy F . Kôcher).
818163
M
PHILOLOGICAL
NOTES
I I I iii 29~vi 6
A médical problem remains. W h a t is the complaint bulfyïtu/bul/rïtu? That ïakummû involves &k/libbu i l no dtrhcuhy, since the List of Diseases has two Sumerian équivalents for bulfjttu, the second o f which ends ].Bà. The first, then presumably refers to lips. I n the line under discussion it is not clear i f N i n t u ' s lips are suffering due to gênerai agitation or from lack o f drink, but in iv. a i the latter is explicitly the cause. I n the modem Western world we would not describe a thirsty person as having hot lips, but clearly the Babylonians did. ïabba in Gilg. xi means 'bum' (not 'dry', as v o n S o d e n , Or 25. 242*), see the lexica; and note te.te = sur-ru-pu ('burn'), bul-lu-fau (CT 19. 3. iii. 12-13 = MSL ix. 9 5 . 1 3 2 - 3 ) .
N.S.
iii. 33 One expects eriïtu(m), not the accusative here, and curiously the Assyrian Recension (1. S iii. 16) has a n exactly simiiar case with criUa mami. However, this is a late copy, and the Old Babylonien text i n this case (r. 295) has a nominative (sassuru), so probably one must take eriïta here as n o more than an error.
iii. 34-5 The day becomes dark when one expériences calamity. See also the Sumerian 'Poem of the Righteous SufTerer' (Vêtus Testamentum, Suppléments m. 170 ff. 6 8 ) : dingir.mu kalam.e ud ba.zalag mà.ar ud m a . k u . k u 'My god, the day shines bright over the land, for me the day is dark'. 1 0
163
surface of the water and then get pushed to the side by the current. We do not venture to guess what ina seri means in this context. The second of thèse two figures is suppressed al together in Gilg. XI, and the first is modified to: 'like young fish they fill the sea' (kî mari nûnï umallâ tâmtamtna) in line 123, This is certainly easier wording, but i t misses the point that the bodies werefloating,when ce the honor o f the scène. S e e also the note on v. 46-7 below. iv. 74 I n CAD the occurrences of sarâpu l / i are so stranged that it appears that it is transitive i n the meaninga 'refine (metals)' and 'fire (bricks)', but in transitive in figurative uses. However, of the five examples cited for the latter, one is indecisive, being a stative, a second—if correctly restored—îs also stative and so indeciaive; a third is an infinitive in a list, and so no more helpful ; a fourth occurs in a phrase grammatically peculiar in both words (is-rip ka-bat-su : should be isrup kabtatiu) ; this leaves one example only, Tukulti* Ninurta Epic iii. 28. But among the bilingual passages there is one active example: if-lu ïâ np4$*sa~tû zu-mur~$û is-ru-pu (JTVI26. 153. i. 10) 'a man whose body grief buroed'. lalâïa isrup is another active example.
1 0
iii. 3 9 - 4 0 bïhi is used specifically of speech, but this seems to be the first example in an Old Babylonian text. In lists Tiruru is a name of IStar: Hi-ru-ru = Hï-tar ïâ Bi-SuL-fr" (CT 24. 41. 78), and in three other lists of IStar names it occurs immediately before S/Siduri: CT 25. 30 rev. i . 18 ; KA F 48. n ; KA V 173. 15. Her form is described in the Gôttertypentext (MIO1. 8 0 - 2 ) , but this is ail that is known of her. Perhaps Tiruru had a réputation like that of LamaStu, who, 'for her distasteful ideas and her abominable counsel' (a-na fé-mi-ïa là dam-qi-im ma-al-ki-ïa pd-ru-tm(sà-afj-i-im) was kicked by Anu from heaven to earth (BIN iv. 126, Or N.S. 25. 142-3)'
iii. 42 M pa-ag-ri-ia merely emphasizes ra-ma-nd-ia, see other examples apud F. R. Kraus, Edikt 169, and Finkelstein, JCS 11. 84. iii. 15. ana is taken as 'at the discrétion of', cf. Code of Hammurabi, § 132: a-na mu-ti-ïa nâram i-ïa-aUli 'at her husband's discrétion she must undergo the river-ordeaP.
iv. 1 8 - 1 9 0 This clumsy line is corrupted in Gilg. XI. 125. K 3375 ofTers nanti** aï-ru dï-bi i-na bi-ki-ti 'the gods humbly sat weeping*, and K 77524- has: AS nu-ru-ub ni-is-sa-ti s[i ? 'in the moistness of grief.'(??). Probably this latter results from éditorial work on a corruption of aï-ru âï-bu ina nissati. Von Soden'* emendation of à$*ru to ina libbi (ZA 53. 232) cannot be sustained. iv. 196 The picture is of sheep standing crowded together in a dry trough waiting for water. iv. 24 In Gilg. xi. 127 collation of K 2252-f reveals that 7 is as possible as 6, at the beginning of the line. iv. 25 This agrées better with the reading of K 7752-f in Gilg. XI. 128 (J&fl-fW ra-a-du mi-fpu-û a-b[u-bu]), than with that of K 3375 (ïa-a-ru a-bu-bu me-hu-û).
d
iii. 49 For tiïfa cf. Malku vin (STT 394) 114 : tu-u-ïâ = ki-i ïâ ; Held, JCS 15. 22 ; von Soden, ZA 49. 187-90. While potentiality is certainly one nuance of tûïa, there is no need to exclude others, and the équations in the lists with appûna, minde, plqa, piqat, and uqa need not be discounted. As a whole, the couplet seems to présume that Anu had gone up to heaven and was staying there as though he were in a state of prosperity, when in fact the source of supplies had been cut off with the loss of the human race. Yet he as président (bel timi—only occurring here and v. 40 below in O B ) was in part responsible. So Bëlet-ili sarcastically suggests that she might do the same. iv. 5-9 Cf. a^ba/a-bu in Gilg. vi. 89 and CAD aba. The two lines of this couplet express in différent and somewhat clashing figures that the waters were covered with floating bodies. If ul- da^ is correctly read and understood, Nintu, eeeing only bodies where the sea should be, déclares that the human race has begotten it. The figure of (dead) dragon-fliee floating on the surface of a river occurs also in Gilg. x. vi. 30 : ku-li-li <Sqy-qé-lep~pa-a ina nàri 'dragon-flies drift on the river', and here lines 8-9 develop thie figure: the dead, like insecte, have matted together on the r
v.
39-43
Gilg. xi. 167-9 puts the blâme on Enlil alone.
v. 4 6 - v i . 6 The épisode of the Aies corresponds to Gâfc. xi. 162-5, and su-èé-e ra-bu-ti here to n i m gal there. Essentiaîly the épisode is aetiological, explaining manufactured Aies in the jewellery of the goddess Bëlët^ifî and no doubt other deities. A gold fly is specifically mentioned in s necklace in the Qatns inventories, as well as part of a breast ornament (RA 43.168.315 and 170.337:1 nim guikin). The gold fly also appears in tfarra xn. 349: nim guSkin » zu-um-bu (MSL vn. 169). Flies of lapis appear in ffarra xyi: in the Aklafj forerunner, Wiseman no. 447. 11. 15 (na4.rum.2a.gln), of which the bilingual version is: [na^.riimjEal.^n — zu-um-bu (TCL 6. 36, rev. 43). ffargud on Tablet xiv of ffarra also lists: mm.za. gin.na (blank) « nim [ (CT 14. 8 rev. 17 m MSL viu/2. 47)» but the corresponding line of ffarra is not known. Actual lapis beads in ôy-shape are known (E. D. Van Buren, Fauna 108), and their triangular shape made them particularly suitable for necklaces, i f indeed their funcrional shape did not suggest the fly in the first place. The idea that Gilg. xi refers to Aies in amber is clearly untenable. Granting that the author is explaining an item of cultic jewellery, the next question is how the Aies come into the story of the flood. In Gilg* xi the ônîy other occur* rence of the word is in 161, only two lines above, where the gods gather 'like nies', m e i
mei
PHILOLOGICAL
NOTES
111
as in Atra-basis vu. v. 35 (restored). But psychologically it is quite unsutisfying to have Bêlct-ilï seite upon some jewellery tlies as a reminder of the disaster, when they only speak of the hungry gods* first meal. The truncation of the story in Gilg, xi has removed the eariier passages about flies in Atra-hasïs, see the note on iv* 5-9 above, and tn addition iii. 4 4 : ki-ma xu-ub-bi. The orthography is bewildcring: xu-ub-bi, su-bé-e, xu-ub-bu-û. The Semitic root is
ir ~ ba-ba-lum Dutu.um. « «.m.^ Dudi««ii»DU «s ba-qa-a-lu TCL 6. 35, rev, i i ,
vi. 40
tablets
vi 6 viii 17; S iv iô, 14
unappis* ia restored after iv. 12, but if correct it of Ku-Aya o f the sign with the same value.
PI
165 is the only example
in the
vii. 3 For the pâtit tu démon see von Soden, BiOr xvm, 72. vii. 6 - 7 ukbakkâti has been identified by J. J . Finkelstein as a plural of ugbabtu. This is most probably a Sumerian loan-word, and the change from g to b is well known, especially in Emesal. Cf. gig ** kibtu, and the examples apud A. Falkenstein, Das Sumerische, p. 3 0 . I n lists entu and ugbabtu both equate nin.dingir.ra (K 10194 ( C T 18. 4 7 ) f K 4328 ( C T 19. 41) i. 2 - 3 ; M / ï O G xin/a. 38.6-7), and they equate each other in Malku 1,134 (JAOS 83, 427). Apart from the line under discussion i/egisîtu only occurs lexically : MAOG XU1/2, 38,18, also the forerunner to this entry apud CAD sub voce igisïtu. She was some kind of high-ranking lady in a religions order, vii.
8 - 9 The last s i g n can be either r ra 1 or 1 ri 1 , and the reading pu-ur-si has been suggested b y B . Landsberger. I t is known that thèse women did not marry or bear children. This helps to explain the b i r t h legend of Sargon of Akkad ( C T 13.42). His mother was an êntu (e-né-tutn), who, on his birth, put him on the river like
Moses. I n view of the rules of her order she had to conceal his birth. Literature on this subject is cited in footnote 1 on page 13. I f the last sign is read rà* the line must be taken as : lû ikkibuHnâma alàdam burra 'let it be taboo for them to bear a son'. The difficulties here are (i) that the acc. alàdam cannot be explained, though other difBcult uses of this case occur here, see p. 29, and (ii) burra for bukra is without paraliel. T
ma
1-3
DUD .U
This is marked off as a section, and since elsewhere equates abâlu and arû (SL ao6. 66-7) one is at a loss to understand how CAD and AHw connect this baqâtu with buqht 'malt* and render i t 'to sprout' and 'm<zen respectively. Such a verb may exist, but this one means 'bring or 'carry*. Since b and p may interchange one must certainly connect this verb with ipangal(u), but i t must remain an open question if i$-H in Gilg, XI. 163 is a rerlection of ipangal(u), I t is also possible that ki-i su-bi-hî was used to replace i t i n quite another sensé. (This phrase involves a sensé not yet understood, cf. BAM 310. 8-9: e-gir-tû 37 abnt™ * fti-|tt **uqnî.) Certainly v. 48-vi. 1 are omitted in Gilg. x i , and to us their incompleteness obscures them, but it appears that Bëlet-ilî, exploiting her grief as some women would, uses the occasion to get some spécial dispensation out of Anu. Whether this was only the rights to the flies is not now clear. The close parallelism of vi. 2 - 4 with Gilg. xi. 163-5 bas suggested the restoration a[n-nu-tum]. The peculiarity of Uàni an-nu-ti in Gilg. as a vocative, and the répétition of ayamjfi at the ends of both 164 and 165 suggest that our restoration of Atra-hasïs vi. 2-3 lies behind Gilg. XI. 164. But the sufhx on luhsussu in v i . 4 precludes u^mi being its object* es in QUg. xx. X65. One might restore u^-mi-[$a-am-ma ù] si-[a-ti-iî], *every day and for ever*. 9
1
6
viii. 9 - 1 9 The damaged state of the épilogue is most unfortunate since apparently it contained an ascription of authorship. Note the first person pl. in 9, and while ulabïi and uxammer (12, 19) could be first or third person in isolation, in the context only the first fits. Thus a deity who confesses to participating in the bringing of the flood at Enlil's command daims to have sung this 'song*, which is équivalent to authorship. The Mother Goddess is a possible candidate.
n
m€&
vi. 9 The textes rteeptus of Gilg. x i . 173a is curious in the lack of gender concord between ayyumma and napiïti, but a new duplicate, V A T 1 1 0 8 7 , has ]-nu-um-ma û-su »£
viii. 14 The question with sA-nt-ft-tf-[kd\ is whether it is a scribal error for ta-, or a phonetic variant of tanïttu. Some of the omet examples of a simiiar interchange are foreign words, e.g. hpsikku, tupSikktt and Ubsûtu, tabsûtu; but there are purely Akkadian examples. Von Soden in BiOr xxm. 52 quotes tah-lu-uq-ti (instead of ïafiluqti, from Boghazkôy) and U-si-a (for Jtsta) from Atra-hasïs 1.61 (see above and JNES 27. 2 1 8 - 1 9 ) . Thus the phonetic explanaùon seems préférable. viii, 17 H-i$-s4-ru is from ptrru, a reflexive II/a: 'make famoua to one another'. K. 3399+3934 ( )> Reverse iv s
S iv. 10, 14 The gloss in the second of thèse lines shows that copyist or editor wanted us to read [li-r\i§ fi-f* in the first. However» while the context demands a meaning 'diminish*, no interprétation of thèse two forms will provide this. The first could be 'ask' or 'plant* (erëfa), ot •rejoîce* (râs*u). The second, if from mêsu, would mean 'be little , and a I I or I I I stem would be needed to give 'diminish'. Furthermore, in 43 and 53 below where this verb certainly occurs, tt is written nuf$u, not £$u. Thus the most satisfactory explanation is that U-Hak-h-si is correct in 10, and in 14 the text has been altered to fit a misconception about 10. kalâsu is 'contract and a metaphorical sensé must be assumed. 1
Restoration conjectural. vi. 25 The reading of K t z $ % + m Gilg. xi. 180 (be-el drm) K 3375 M supplies the restoration here.
h
rather than that of
1
BIBLIOTHEQUE i»| B.OV&EB!
i66
PHILOLOGICAL
NOTES
S iv. 45 Since nafû means 'raise* not 'rise' an ellipsis of nàru has been assumée!. S v. 1-2 See the note on x rev. i . 4-7. S v. 18-24 ( = vi. 7-13) With thèse signs of famine see generally A. L. Oppenheim, ' "Siège Documents" from Nippur', Iraq xvrr. 6 9 - 8 9 . In 1 8 - 1 9 the mother has driven the daughter out of the house to reduce the number of mouths, as in aprophecy: ummu eli màrti bâb-Sd id-dil (JCS 18. 20. 15). In 20-1 the picture is of wives and children being sold so that the father can buy food at famine-inflated priées. In 22-4 the horrors of cannibalism are reached. Note Explicit Malku r. 174b : bu-û-nu = ma-a-ru (JAOS 83. 436). S v. 33 Cf. Malku 11.41 : mid-ra-tum — na-a-ru (ZA 43. 235). I n view of 11. iii. 15 and x rev. i. 15 hi-hu-rat is clearly an Assyrian form of ïahurrat.
S
iv 45 ; U ; Sum. Flood Story
167
38-40
if the word were Ûmu. Of course, it could have been handed down without change from an eariier period when ii- in ûmu was normal, but this remains an objection none the less, The reading ïammu can be justified on the ancient view that plants had their origin in the underworld, from which they shoot up, and an incantation states Enki's connection with plants: én fu-uti'du a*num ir-lyu-u larruft é-a ina ersetim û*kin-nu Sam-mu AMT 42. 4 rev. restored from BM 98584+ After Anu had begotten the heavens And Ea had established plants in the underworld ù
a
tim
Thus Enki was required to stop plants from growing at this time. BM 98977+99231 (U) U obv. 2, 6, 8 For Hkin ïëpê 'placing of the feet' see S. Langdon, SBP 92*; F. R. Kraus, Or. N.S. 16. 199 ; and R. Borger BiOr 14. 191.
BE 39099 (x)
2
x rev. i . 4-7 This oft-repeated section may have occurred in some form at this point in the main recension since the context—the command to reinforce the drought—is lost between 11. ii and iii, I t is referred back to in 11. v. 16-21 and 3 0 - 3 ' , according to which the upper level was guarded by Anu and Adad, and the 'lower' by Enlil himself. Presumably Enki guarded the bottom level, though in the end he failed to co-operate. S also préserves the end of a statement that this arrangement was put into efïect, v. 1-2. The Babylonian exercise tablet y probably préserves what the main recension had, orthography apart. But x has put Sin and Nergal in place of Enlil. Thèse gods occur again as a pair on a Middle Assyrian tablet of incantations: 3o u u.gur e-pi-ru-tu (AS 16. 286 rev. 21, 27). I f more were known of thèse two as a pair it might be possible to détermine the location of *the middle earth' more certainly. By elênu one suspects that ail the cosmos above the earth is meant, and the god of heaven and the storm god are appropriate as guardians of this area. 'Middle earth' seems to occur elsewhere only in KAR 307 obv. 34-7, where there is a full séquence : ersetum elîtum, qablïtum, and ïaplïtum. The first of thèse is the abode of men, the second Enki's realm, and the third the underworld proper. However, Atra-basïs gives no sign of subscribing to so complex a scheme. At the very beginning, 1. 11—18, a three-decker universe is explained, one level each for Anu, Enlil, and Enki in descending order. There too sigaru nahbalu tVâmtim is used for Enki's realm. By mis one is forced to take ersetum qablïtum not as 'the middle earth' (of other earths), but as 'the earth which is central' (in the cosmos). The phrase 'the boit, the bar of the sea' has not yet been found outside this epic, but the idea it enshrines is well known in Babylonian and other mythologies. The primeval sea, usuaily after a battle, was thrust down below at the time of création and a cosmic bar was laid upon it to keep it down there out of the way, I f x rev. ii. 23 and 39 have been correctly restored, when the drought was broken through Enki's machinations he somehow got half of this bar broken so that water reached parched mankind. The phrase qd-du û/Iam-fm-Iu is ambiguoug. Were thèse things being guarded along with Sigaru nafabalu tâmthn, or were they helping Enki to guard the latter? I f the second alternative is taken one must read û-mi-Su, and assume that ûmù can refer to the Seven Apkallus or some other group in Enki's court. Certainly ûmu would bear this meaning, but there ia npfriculty mat x, which alone has the word, despite an extraordinarily incon• ffc orthography, writes this word always û-lîam-, not u - as would be expected d
d
é
U rev. 7 si-qu-ïû siq-si-qu — zïqûJfu ziqziqqu. For agar see Diri iv. 117 : a-gir ~ x
IM
x = [im.min.na.bi gi]-K-mu*û = ra-a-du (MSL m. 98. 40 and v. 192. 40). râdu occurs in Gilg. xi. 128 in K 7752+, but not in K 3375. U rev. 9 One might restore ur-taq-qù-da 'danced'. U rev. 15 I n Gilg. xi. 101 K 2252+ reads èr-ra-kal û«n[a-, but K 3375 has ]-gal i-na-as-saf}. d
U rev. 16 û-[sar-rif] is restored by conjecture alone, as is [ z]u. The latter is of course normally written AN.aau-ii, but U has other unusual orthographies (see p. 37). As a flying créature Zû (for this reading see Or N.S.. 36 130) is very suitable for rending the heavens. Note also AfO 13. 46 rev. ii, 3: im.dugud su-up*ra-ka, and the drug name su-pur sd-i (BAM 307. 25). 6
d
d
T H E S U M E R I A N F L O O D STORY (by M . C M ) 38 The a can be taken as a locative sumx to be joined to the preceding -bi, and this interprétation is supported by the présence of the in&t -ni- in the verbal chain, but due to the inconsistency of the grammar in the présent text, the possibility of a compound verb a—[ x ] cannot be dismissed completely. 39 sl-[sl-ga-bi], with si in the sensé of sapânu, would be a likely paraliel to fcaIam-ma-bi. 40 ki-ùr means, in addition to other, probably secondary, meanings such as cultic spaces in Nippur and Erel, the land assigned to someone to live there, but still as an 'undeveloped plot* (for références, see Van Dijk, Acta Orientalia 28. 488 ff.); a close paraliel to our line can be found in Letter 7 of collection B, line 24 (quoted
PHILOLOGICAL
NOTES
40-89
169
from Fadhil A. Ali's unpublished édition [Philadelphia, 1964]): the aender finds himself in a foreign city and concludes his pétition to the king by eaying: lugal-mu èn-mu hé-cn-tar-re ki-ùr-mu-Sè bé-im-mi-ib-gi -gi -in ' ( I wish) that my King could investigate my case, (and) that I could go back to my land.' The fact that in late Sumerian the contrast between -ta, -tè, and -a is often lost, makes the interprétation of this line somewhat doubtful. If the original sensé of -ta is to be retained, the line implies that mankind will leave the grounds where they live now, and where there are no buildings (i.e. nomadic life ?), to move to the cities ; if -ta is for -Se, it means that people will go back to their terri tories, which they left after a destruction, and where cities will now be (re)built. Without the missing part preceding line 37, it is not possible to reach a conclusion. The incorrect use of the sufhx -e-ne, which can be only an object suffix referring to un 'people', is a Semitism.
Sum. Flood Story 46 The usual meaning of a~dug is 'to irrigate' (see H . Sauren Topographie der Provinu Umma I. 74 f., 197 ff.) and 'toflood'and hence 'to destroy' (rv. R 28*, 4, 33 f. and duplicates). If one takes the last meaning, thefirstclause must be considered relative: 'In the place which had been destroyed, I want there to be peace (or: well-being)' ; even if the nominal izi n g -a is missing, the infix -ni- in the second clause authorizes the translation of thefirstone as relative. The translation given in the text is a perfectly acceptable alternative; the choice between the two dépends once again on the missing links in the plot.
41 In lines 41-4 the sufhx -me-a-(bi) is hardly the first person plural possessive (Kramer), because the juxtaposition of the first person possessive and the third person collective -bi (referring to un) is impossible. It is préférable to take -me-a as a plural mark used in late texts to remedy the lack of plural morphèmes in standard Sumerian, s lack which seems to have run against the linguistic feelings of the authors of such late texts. An example of this use of -me-a is: [iM].dal-hamun edinfouian-ta «X» na-ba-gi -gi -dè udug(!)-hul-a-me-àm 1-gâl, UET vi. 184. 3 ff. in a hemerological text (probably of Cassite origin) ; -me-àm obviously takes here the place of -me§. The plural function of me-a is derived from me-a 'how many' in standard Sumerian. The meaning 'how many' is particularly clear when me-a goes with the verb lu 'to be numerous' as in: me-a lu ab me-a lu-lu Sjôberg, Nanna-Suen 1. 13. 1 (modified reading) or e nanna àb-zu me-a mu-u -lu 'oh, Nanna, how great have you made the number of your cowsl' (PBSx/4.7.17). A typical passage for me-a 'how many' is Lafiar-Asnan 130 ff. :
49 The translation 'animais' for nig-oiLiM (the sign which appeared doubtful to Poebel is reasonably certain according to my own collation) is based on one hand on the assumption that stands for gilim (P£5) for which the meaning 'animais' is given in Ea 1. 199ff.:
4
4
1
4
4
48 The line shows that sag-gi is a désignation of human beings in contrast with animais (see commentary to the following line), as in the parallels mentioned by W . Leslau, Lexique Soqotri 193, and W . Vycichl, AfO 20. 96, and not an ethnie désignation. 0
GILIM
8
u -5û-u§-e nig-kas(SiD)-zu i-ak-e giS-Sid-ma-zu ki 1-tag-tag-ge na-gada-su U|-me-a sila -tur-tur-me-a ùz-me-a méS-tur-tur-me-a lù-ù mu-un-na-ab-bé Every day an account of you is made, the tally sticks are planted in the ground, your shepherd tells the owner, how many ewes and how many little lambs, how many goats and how many little kids (there are). x
4
x
péâ kilim = nammaitu gilim, = „ gilili =• natnmafâ
2
d
4
4
and on the other hand on the word nig-ki equated in tjarra xiv. 401a, 402 with nammaitu and zërmandu. In the meaning 'destruction' (Akk. tahluqtu) the word is normally written with a final -ma; cf. line 259 and JCS 19. 6. 73 f. ki-ta Iti-ta does not mean 'from the earth', but is rather an adverbial 'everywhere' (for ki-a ki-a). 1
1
86 There seems to be enough space at the beginning of the line for [du-lu]rn-bi * their painstaking efforts'; [si]g -bi 'their /its brickwork' is palaeographicauy more difficult. 4
87 A single unidentifiable half-broken sign is preserved before bisf. For ul 'foundation' see A. Falkenstein, Or N.S. 35. 229 ff. Neither the verb ba-al nor its Akkadian counterpart herû is used elsewhere for 'to dig a foundation'. us bal seems to have something to do with modifying the location of the long side of a field, see Deimel, SL 211. 45. The meaning of the line remains highly doubtful.
The same me-a is found in a-na-me-a-bi (cf. Poebel, GSG § 264 ff.) 'as many of them as there are.'
88 The words gidru 'sceptre' and aga 'crown' are possible restorations for the gap before nam-lugal-la.
42 Thefirstsign is not clear, it can be uni or é.
89 The reading men -mab follows Kramer; the traces do not point to gidru (see preceding line); sibir (Jacobsen, AS 11. 56) is palaeographicsHy unlikely; furthermore, this word does not mean sceptre.
43 I am unable to ofTer any suggestion for translating ki(Di is also p08sible)-es, except that perhaps we must read ki-e$-
r
1
gis
nig.ki is found in context in: nfg-zi-gal nig-ki u -a zi-dùg-ga §i-im-da-pa-an-pa-an 'the living beings, the animais in heat, they breathe with pleasure' (EntU Hymn 150, Falkenstein, SGL 1. 18, restored by unpublished duplicates). Cf. also pé§-nig-guim-ma = aîtikissu (a small rodent), Jf&rm xtv. 196 and xi. 65. There is a possibility that some connection exista between nig-gilim/kilimx and ninkilim/gilimx (written nm-PÉss^"«-B* in Urukagina, Cone C v. t; cf, Sollberger, ZA 54. 13, no. 43). The nig-gilim-ma which appears as a descriptive élément in a certain number of expressions, mostly designating manufactured objects (ffarra v. 243; vm. 350; Forerunner vui-rx. 178; x. 208; cf. H. 289) seems to mean some kind of lattice-work, and does not help in translating nfg-gilim in our context. 1
6
a
d
d
PHILOLOGICAL
NOTES
Sum. Flood Story 91-207
QI The sign after -ga is u[ru] according to Poebel. In any case, the word uni must be restored somewhere in this line because of the -bi of line 92. Restored from line 98. The term KAB-dug4-ga has been the object of the most diverse interprétations: 'Kultort' Deimel, Orientalia 17 (1925) 35, followed by Jacobsen, AS n . 5 9 and Kramer; an epithet of the 'deluge-demon' and the 'gods', Poebel; 'divine rulers* King, Legends of Babylon and Egypt 5 8ff.;'surface of the earth' Kramer, Sumerian Mythology 97 ; etc. The term KAB-dug4-ga appears in YBT 4. 1. 1 f., a légal record dating from the 4 4 t h year of Sulgi : someone had indulged in the illégal use of irrigation waters and ensi -ke é-gal-la di-da KAB in-na-an-dug 'the governor presided over the trial in the palace'. If 'presided', which seems the most Iogical translation, is correct, the term refers in our context to the rights of the cities to the successive hegemony of the country, a meaning which would suit perfectly the fact that the cities listed here are the dynastie cities of the ante-diluvian period according to the King List and the fragment C T 46. 5. The only other occurrence of KAB-dug4-ga known to the présent writer is CBS 14233: kas KAB-dug -ga fb -nag, sùd um-ta-è, é- sùd-ka izi ba-ra-il 'he drank the beer of the "président" (or "presidency"), Sud came out, and then the house of Sud burned down'; the passage, which could belong to the Enlil-Ninlil-Sud taie discussed in JNES 26. 200ff.,is too badly broken to enable one to draw any useful conclusions. 92
111
2
4
4
4
r
1
d
d
93 The reading sag or nisag of the first sign is correctly given by Van Dijk in JCS 19. 20; cf., eariier, C. J. Gadd in Studies G. R. Driver 68, commentary to line 30. x
x
94 It is better to consider the sign following -ma as a superfluous -Sè (as read by Poebel), than to read tùg (Kramer) which hopelessly complicates the line. The nu-gig must be here Inanna, entitled to Bad-Tibira because of her relationship with Dumuzi. 95 Since Pabilsag is well attested as the god of Larag: pa-bil-sag ù-mu-un la-raag (CT 42, no. 3. v. 20 and duplicates, see E . Bergmann, ZA 56. 33), there is no need to introduce a hypothetical deity £Iendurbilbursag, and the insertion of the bur before sag has to be considered as a scribal mistake, perhaps due to a partial confusion with the name of rjiendursaga. d
kl
99 The translation given is inspired by the fact that the following line has to do with irrigation waters. a-gi is considered here as an irregular writing for a-gi (cf. CAD I / i . 157 f- agû B). The meaning 'to stop the flow of water' of the verb Su is clearly needed in kù-gàl id-da âû-su-guix 'like an irrigation chief stopping the flow of the water* (UET vi/2. 144. 26), and is confirmed by the fragmentary lexical entry lû/Sà-lû = edêl[u Sa mi (?)] (Antagal 5 . iv. 8 ' ) to which we must probably relate [...]== [(edëlu) S]a A (Nabnitu G 11). 4
6
100 This line goes back to: [id-tu]r-tur-ra Su-lurj ba-an-ak sùr-sùr (var. sur-sur) mi-ni-ib-gar-gar The smalleat canals were cleaned by him, he put there irrigation ditches Bird-Fish Contest 8. The comparison with the text of PBS v. 1 shows perfectly the problems the philoîogist faces in the interprétation of the Flood taie : ba-an-ak has been changed to gar, and replaces sùr-sùr (barru). The usual interprétation (Falkenstein, ZA 57. 121) reads su-iub-bi nfg-HAR-tfAR . . . and has the mconvenience of giving an unlikely nfg-^AR-ffAR for which one could suggest
HAB-ÇAR
'digging' (in the restricted sensé of dredging and widening the canal), but HAR » barâru, the only basis for it, is a problematical entry (CAD vi. 92a haràru C). Although the correct technical term for 'to clean a canal' is èu-lufy—ak, Su-lurj—-gar is also attested (but not for a canal) in standard Sumerian: ki-uz-ga âu-luh-e gar-ra-zu, Curse of Agade 258 (cf. Falkenstein, ZA 57. 63). 146 a n - s a g Ni GIN r e m a i n s unexplained ;
is it sag for zag sa tamîtui
147 C f . inim-sl-sl-ga kiri. Su mar-r[a-ta] bar-zu bé-en-§ed -e-[dè]: ina te-me-eq u la-ban ap-pi [ka-bit-t]a l[i-pa-aS-H]-ib Bit. Acc. 109 (AO 6461 rev. 11 f.), but tëmequ elsewhere translates inim-§ag -Sag (ASKT14. 115. 5 f.); the sensé '(prayer with) well chosen words' is confirmed by the occurrences of the verb inim— si-(g) (Falkenstein, ZA 4 9 . 138; Jacobsen, ZA 52. 127 ; Van Dijk, JCS 19. 12). 8
t
6
5
80
The form n u - m e - a means 'it is not, without being' everywhere except in a very localized scribal peculiarity of the Larsa texts (TCL 10.5. 10,18.12,26.15, etc.) where, as pointed out b y Poebel (GSG § 265 f.), -nu-me stands for -na-me. The normal meaning 'it was not a dream' su its the context better. 149
151 ki -ùr-Sè was already suggested by Poebel, but must be considered doubtful. r
1
153 O n e c a n cut â-gub-bu-mu (for -gâ) gub-ba (participle or imperative), or as m the text. The passage, deseribing how the divine secrets about the incoming flood are transmitted to Ziusudra through a wall, is an obvious paraliel to the reed but épisode in GilgameS xi. 20ff.and Atra-faasïs ni. Since one expects a vocative before inim ga-ra-ab-dug , and Ziusudra is not a vocative in line 152 (because of the verbal form gis" mu-[un-tuk] which is not an imperative) the vocative must be iz-zi-da and the conclusion that, starting in line 154, the words are directed by Enki first to the wall seems most likely in the présent state of préservation of the text. 4
201 The reduplicated plural of im-l>ul is found also in CT 16. 19. 38 f. The im before si-si-ig is in ail probability a determinative. The word si-si-ig (with variants si-si-ga, sig-sig, slg-slg, and slg-si-ga) is translated by ïàru, mehû and zaqîqu (most of the lexical références can be found in CAD xxi. 58), butin Sumerian the meaning 'ghost' seems restricted to lil (cf., however, E. I. Gordon, BiOr 17. lao* ). sug-g is the plural marû-form of gub 'to stand up, to be présent at work', not of gin/du 'to come', so that one can translate 'arose' or 'were présent (at the destructive task)', but not 'came'. y
7
202 The ugu, superfluous from the Sumerian point of view, is due to the underlying Akkadian model which had bâ*u (translated by ùr, cf. Angim U. 13 and SBH p. 38. 8 ; 73. 19 f. for ùr with a-ma-ru) with eli as in G%. xi. no or KAH 1. 3 0 . 10.
205 The boat's name is written **mâ-gur-gur = *(ma)qurqurru in liarra iv. 204, and as a logogram in 3f rev. 8. The only thing we know about this type of boat is its large size, according to the latter référence. For etymological parallels see A. Salonen, Wasserfahrzeuge 51 ; the suggestion there that the word cornes from gur-gur 'to impregnate with bitumen* cannot be taken seriously. B
207 As seen already by C. J. Gadd, Sumerian Reading Book 133, and pardy suggested by Poebel, 'to open a window' is to be taken in the sensé of 'making the opening' (bùr = palâSu), not of 'opening a closed window*, which would be bad = petû or the like. The "a^-bûr window is otherwise unknown; for a list of types of window see CAD 1/2 aptu. For the -en of the third person, see J. Krecher, ZA 56. 29 ff.
172 208 ù r
Sum. Flood Story 208-259; Addenda 1
is doubtful; Poebel a n d K r a m e r prefer Sul.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
211 A stock phrase often found i n S u m e r i a n literature: ZA 5 0 . 6 8 . 5 2 ; 5 2 . 18. 3 9 ; PBS V. iv. 45 ; KAR 16. rev. 24 f. ; etc. ; literally slaughtered b u l l s , made sheep numerous' (hendiadys). 1
255 K r a m e r ' s suggestion to insert here the line from t h e left edge o f the tablet is i n ail probability correct, b u t the reconstruction o f the v e r b as a f o r m o f m i - d u g * is open to doubt; a translation '[provided] Z i u s u d r a w i t h a w i f e ' i s also possible. 256 T h e translation assumes that the v e r b a l f o r m stands for m u - u n - n a - s u m mu-uS. 259 W h i l e the second part o f t h e line i s reasonably clear (cf. already Poebel's remarks o n this line as w e l l as [z]e-ru na-as-ru d la-Sam a-bu-bi, JCS 21, " E n m e d u r a n k i " i . 8), the first part o f the line r e m a i n s u n c e r t a i n . T h e translation assumes that m u means here 'year', 'time', rather t h a n ' s i n c e ' .
(i) E D I T I O N S O F W H O L E OR P A R T x874 G . S m i t h , Transactions of the Society of Biblkal Archaeology m. 540-2 (W). 1880 F . L e n o r m a n t , Les Origines de Vhistoire 604-5 (W). 1883 P . H a u p t , apud E . Schrader, Die Keilinschriften und das Alte Testament* 58, 61 ( W ) . 1890 P . J e n s e n , Die Kosmologie der Babylonier 370-3 (W). 1892 H . W i n c k l e r , Keilinsckriftliches Textbuch zum Alten Testament1 84-5 (W). 1898 V . S c h e i l , RTvx. 5 5 - 9 ( B ) . 1898 V . S c h e i l , Revue biblique 7. 5 - 9 (B: text i n cuneiform type). 1900 H . Z i m m e r n , ZA 14. 2 7 7 - 9 2 ( E , K 3399+3934)1900 P . J e n s e n , Assyrisch-babylonische Mythen und Epen (Kdlinschrifûiche Btblio-
VI/I)
thek 2 7 4 - 9 1 a n d 539-48 ( K 3399+3934, B , E ) . 1903 H . W i n c k l e r , Keilinschriftliches Textbuch zum Alten Testament? 94-5 (W). 1907 E . D h o r m e , Choix de textes religieux Assyro-baby Ioniens 128-39 ( K 3399+
ADDENDA I J 1 B . Landsberger w o u l d like to r e a d ni-rba-ra1-a[$-ïu] ' l e t u s r e b e l against h i m ' . B y O B standards this i s better g r a m m a r t h a n ninàraïsu ' l e t u s k i l l h i m ' , b u t the traces c a n only be read ba b y emendation. A s to sensé, i f t h e rebels a r e threatening to kill E n l i l , this i s something remarkable, i f not d o w n r i g h t i m p r o b a b l e . H o w e v e r , they m a y be threatening to k i l l t h e task master. W h a t r e m a i n s o f lines 5 - 7 c a n be interpreted to agrée w i t h this latter sensé. T h e p r o p o s a i t o k i l l t h e task m a s t e r i s met w i t h the answer that E n l i l w o u l d s i m p l y appoint a n o t h e r . I 63 A n unambiguous w r i t i n g o f t h e root sqr/zkr o c c u r s i n a n O B text probably from S i p p a r a n d the reign o f A m m i - s a d u q a : Sa pa-qi-dam ù sa-tyi-ra-am la i-Su-û (cultic text, JCS 20. 96. 38). T h i s implies a f o r m skr, s i n c e b a n d k interchange i n O B , as i s w e l l k n o w n . H o w e v e r , this h a r d l y serties t h e f o r m i n Atra-hasïs. I 242 T h e form ta-aS-ta-AH-fa has been taken as a I /3 s i n c e i n t h e context there is no reason for its being a I / i perfect o r I / 2 . T h i s i n v o l v e s a c c e p t i n g t h e value 't, w h i c h i s not otherwise attested so early. H o w e v e r , i n I 3 0 2 t h e v e r b c a n o n l y be a I / 2 présent, so that one m u s t read i-ta-i-du w i t h this v a l u e . I I i , 16 W . v o n S o d e n reads
li-ih-ta-an-ni-ma (AHw hanànum).
I I v i i . 38 I n view o f line 4 2 one suspects that the text m u s t have a p a r t o f tummû, but i f i nutammi as translated i s correct, the text as i t s t a n d s m u s t b e c o r r u p t . I I vii 4 9 Sullat and IJani§ further o c c u r i n a n O B seal i n s c r i p t i o n s o m e w h a t m i s r e a d by M . L a m b e r t i n Cahiers de Byrsa v u . 6 9 . 107. I t reads : fiu-na-ba-tum, d a m e n . Zii-fra-zi-ir, gemé P A dLUGAL. A n o t h e r o c c u r r e n c e o f JJaniS alone, a n d o n e w h i c h confirms his character as a god of dévastation, i s f o u n d i n E r r a i v . 145 : ki-i afr-ra LUOAL i-ti-qu e-me qf-i-Sum-ma 'the reed beds became as after rjEaniS has p a s s e d b y (beginning of line from I B 212, collated, a n d e n d f r o m K 2 6 1 9 ) .
3934)1909 H . W i n c k l e r , Keilinschriftliches Textbuch zum Alten Testament? 88 (W). 1910 H . V . H i l p r e c h t , BE ser. D v / i (3). 1910 H . V . H i l p r e c h t , Der neue Fund zur Sintflutgeschichte aus der Tempel1910 1910 1911 1912 1915 1919 1922
bibliothek von Nippur (3). T . G . P i n c h e s , Expository Times 21.
364-9 (3: added comments by F . Hommel). J . D . P r i n c e a n d F . A . Vandenburgh, AJSL 26. 303-8 (3). G . A . B a r t o n , JAOS 31. 3 0 - 4 8 (3). R . W . R o g e r s , Cuneiform parallels to the Old Testament}- 103-9, 113-21 ( W , B , 3, K 3 3 9 9 + 3 9 3 4 ) . S . H . L a n g d o n , PBS x / i . 2 4 - 6 ( E ) . S . H . L a n g d o n , Le Poème Sumérien du Paradis 34-9 (JE). A . T . C l a y , A Hebrew déluge story in Cuneiform (YOR v/3) 58-69, 81-2
( B , K 3 3 9 9 + 3934, W , 3). 1926 R . W . R o g e r s , Cuneiform parallels 1931 1931 1956 1957 i960
to the Old Testament
103-9, 113-21
( W , B , 3, K 3 3 9 9 + 3 9 3 4 ) . A . B o i s s i e r , RA 28. 9 1 - 7 ( C ) . E . E b e l i n g , Tod und Leben 172-7 ( E , K 7816 with S iii). J . L a e s s o e , BiOr x u i . 9 0 - 1 0 2 (excerpts and discussion). W . v o n S o d e n , O r N.S. 26. 306-15 ( E ) . W . G . L a m b e r t , JSS 5. 113-23 ( U , Q ) . a
d
d
d
S rev. iv. 10, 14 T h e reading o f J e n s e n i n KB v i , [sur-r]iS li/i-se f r o m t h e A s s y r i a n sé'u (OLZ 1964 35) is perhaps préférable, as suggested b y W . v o n S o d e n .
(ii)
TRANSLATIONS
WITHOUT TEXT
(M0STLY
PARTIAL)
1875 G . S m i t h , Assyrian discoveries 186 ( W ) . 1876, 1880 G . S m i t h , The Chaldean account of Genesis1 153-6, 265-6; ^155-8, 281 ( S , W ) . 1876 G . S m i t h , Chaldaische Genesis 127-30, 224-5 ( S , W ) . 1879 J - O p p e r t , apud E . L e d r a i n , Histoire di Israël, première partie 426 (W). 1901 W . M u s s - A r n o l t , apud R . F . Harper, Assyrian and Babylonian literature 3 6 9 - 7 1 (B).
BIBLIOGRAPHY 1902, 1903, 1908 T . G. Pinches, The Old Testament in the light of the historical records and legends of Assyria and Babylonia * > 117 ( W ) . 1904, 1906, 1918, 1930 A. Jeremias, Das Alte Testament im Lichte des alten Orients 130, 2 , i 2 S ( W ) , 120 (3), i 6 ( W ) . 1909 A. Ungnad, apud H. Gressmann, Altorientalischc Texte und Bilder zum Alten Testamente 57-8 (W, B). 1911 A. Ungnad, Das Gilgamesch-Epos 6 9 - 7 0 ( W , B). 1921 A. Ungnad, Die Religion der Babylonier und Assyrer 122-7 ( W , S ) . 1923 A. T . Clay, The origin of Biblical traditions 1 7 3 - 8 6 (B). 1923 C.-F. Jean, Le Milieu biblique H. 33-5 (3). 1924 C.-F. Jean, La Littérature des Babyloniens et Assyriens 2 4 - 5 (3). 1925 G. Hilion, Le Déluge dans la Bible et les inscriptions akkadiennes et sumériennes 34-5 (W, 3 : thesis done under J. Plessis). 1926 E. Ebeling, apud H. Gressmann, Altorientalischc Texte zum Alten Testament 199-206 (3, W , B, S ) . 1942, 1951 (1954, 1963) A. Heidel, The Babylonian Genesis 5 4 - 6 , 6 6 - 7 (E). 1946, 1949 (1963) A. Heidel, The Gilgamesh Epic * 1 0 6 - 1 6 (B, C , W , S , P). 1950, 1955 E. A. Speiser, apud J. B. Pritchard, Ancient Near Eastern texts * 1
1
2
3
3 3
4
2
3
1
1
1
2
2
2
1
99-100, 104-6 (E, S, P, B, C , 3, W , S). 97-9
2
2
1952
G. Contenau, Le Déluge babylonien? (îii)
GENERAL
DISCUSSIONS,
GLOSSARY
3
(B, C
2
W , K 3399+3934).
PARTICULAR
NOTES, ETC.
1875 G. Smith, Assyrian discoveries 97 (finding of W). 1889 P. Haupt, BA 1. 122, 151 (W not part of GilgameS xi). 1903 H. Zimmern, apud E. Schrader, Die Keilinschriften und das Alte Testament 551-4-
1906 P. Jensen, Das Gilgamesch-Epos in der Weltliteratur 5 5 - 6 (argues that there must have been seven plagues !). 1906 B. Meissner, OLZ 9. 549 (identification of K 7 8 1 6 ) . 1907 O. Weber, Die Literatur der Babylonier und Assyrer 9 4 - 6 . 1908 A. Ungnad, OLZ 11. 5 3 6 - 7 (qa-da-ni3fin S vi 6 haplography for qa-da-da-niï). 1914 M . Jastrow, Hebrew and Babylonian traditions 3 4 0 - 4 (B, 3 , W). 1922 C. F ossey, Journal Asiatique, Onzième série xix. 18-23 (S viii. 12; iv. 47b, 49b; 1. 191).
1922 R. Campbell Thompson, The Times Literary Supplément, Oct. 12. 646 (review of Clay, YOR v/3). 1023 D, D. Luckenbill, AJSL 39. 153-60 (critical review of Clay, YOR v/3). 1925 S. Smith, RA 2 2 . 6 3 - 4 (S iv. 4 7 D - 4 8 m 5 7 0 - 5 8 ) and 6 7 - 8 (11. i. 8 and S iv. 8). 1931 S. H. Langdon, apud J. A. MacCulloch (éd.), Mythology of ail races v, Semitic 270-6. 1933 B. Landsberger, ZA 41. 3 1 5 - 1 6 (translation of S iv. 4 2 - 5 1 ) . 1947 F. R. Kraus, JCS 1. 115 (identification of D). 1956 R. Borger, AfO 17. 293 (identification of T ) . 1959 P. Garelli and M. Leibovici, apud Sources orientales, La Naissance du monde 129-30. 1061 S . N . Kramer, Mythologies of the ancient world 1 2 6 - 7 . 1967 J. Aro, Teologinen Aikakauskirja 72. 7 0 - 8 3 . 1967 H. Hirsch, ZA 58. 3 3 3 - 4 (review of C T 4 6 ) . 1967 L . Matous, ArOr 35. 1-16 (review article on CT 46). 1967 A. R. Millard, Tyndale bulletin 18. 1-18. £967 J. J. Finkelstein, RA 61. 133 (note on I 2 9 9 - 3 0 4 ) .
THE glossary contains aU words found in Atra-hasïs arrangée! by consonants, and by root consonants for Semitic words. Where the script writes an initial vowel, the glottal stop has been posited. Similarly with the so-called hollow roots, an âlephsign is used to indicate the middle consonant. Since the purpose is nearer that of a concordance than a dictionary, only a brief, and often incomplète, attempt at meaning is given. The glossary is intended not only to help thefindingof words and passages, but also to indicate the source of restorations. Many répétitions occur in this epic, and the various recensions and copies offer variant forms of the same épisodes. Thus restorations may be purely conjectural, plausible if taken from simiiar passages, or virtually certain if from exactly paraliel passages. Only in spécial cases are notes given on particular passages indicating the source of the restoration, if any exista. For ail other cases the glossary should be consulted, where the Une-numbers of restored occurrences are put within square b rackets, e.g. [25], alongside the line-numbers of surviving examples. Trivial orthographie variants, especially of words in the context, are not noted, norarehalf-bracketsused. The glossary is intended to aid study of the text, not to dispense with it. Words only found in the late copies are indicated by the appropriate manuscript symbol; otherwise the words are Old Babylonian. The letter 'n' is appended to the linenumbers of words discussed in the philological notes. êsâ 'where?': e-la-a a-nu il-li-kam III iii i cohortative particle: t ni-im-fju-ur-ma 51 39 I 41 ; cf. 44 46 58 60 62 214 II vii 38 999 J 1 2; ? tu-uk-t[a]-bi-it I 295 S iii i6n atmû 'to speak': i-ta-mu ifati I 366 [367] cf. S iv 19 20 (i-ta-mu) v 29 30 9 u 'and': mu-H u ur-ri I 38; cf. I [10] [18] awfttu 'speech': ii-[tné] a-wa-tam fu-a-ti 127 139 151 [164] 206 210 212 221 225 I 166; [a-w\a-tam an-ni-[tam] III i 46; 275 276 288 300 301 364 367 II vi [12] la û-$a-a[s}~sà-ku a-wa-at-ka M vi 26; [14] 22 vii 49 III i 31 43 ii 45 iii $1 i-x-ar a-tva-as-su I 168; it-me-e-ma DN 42 46 v 46 vi 24 [26] 44 vii 7 n S [—] II iii [29] ; a~ma-te-$u-nu a-na ki-ikki-[fi] i-sa-an-[ni\ $ obv. 12 obv. 10 rev. 3 S iii 9 iv [20] v [30] 999 33 W 3 7 8 x rev. i [4] 5 8 9 12 40 ewû 'to become like': ki-ma zu-ub-bi ii 2 [3] 9 [10]
4
GLOSSARY
17$
'mnu 'day, weather': u -mu-um h-ni-d^i[,m] III iii 34î Pa-"»'*'* III ii 48; ali-ri-a-ti-iï**-mt I 214 l 7 J i A
4
2 2
9/7 « -mi ï 294 303 4
(udjneS);
UI iv «4
S
mis
UI vi4n;see k m m /
GLOSSARY
ku-nu u[r-ta] II vii 36; la-ap- \hi «o-fa] m ii [ i ] ; M&f.c . JT I a; [ub-lu] e-pi-tam I [408] H ij [ . û-ub-ba-al qâ-tî a-na n[i-Si-ia-ma] II vi* 43; II vii 35; III ii 29; 61-/0 e-pi-ta I 381 [39Ô] II ii 12; a6-/a-Ham I 195 196 li-bi-il — G i i i o n V obv 5 6; II iii 19; [k]u-up-ruba-bi-il III ii cj[fo-ba-b]i-il ar-hu III ii 39; pa-ar-sa-am m
4
rfM tt
a 6 ]
/I-DI-IÏ,
and x rev. i 7 ùmisarn 'dally': [u^mi-Sa-am-ma II in x rev. i 13 (-Sam-) Y ( " " ) ta-ba-al-ma I 171 ( K L ) ; ? os-fa S vi 2* O u S I fi7»] 'bl "n ebêlu see b'r i-ni mi-na-a a-mu-ur I 109 'bn ixiu *eyc' iv 53» abunnatu 'umbilical cord': a-bu-un-na-ti iv 43 I 260 (P); ba-m-iq a-bu-un-na-te S iii 7 âsu 'to l *bn abnu 'atone': at-ku-up-[pu na-H a-ba-ansti] III ii [ i 2 n ] a'âru "grow Bt-û ia i-im-ru b iv 49 cf. *br J N * 59 P] ibratu 'outdoor shrine' : I 275 ûrtu "order*; ub-la pi-i-ni . . . ur-[ta-am] 'bs* II v (is] 29 vi [24] cf. viite-er-ta 36; II vi 6 I 116 absânu 'yoke': ab-sa-nam li-bi-il I 196 tërru cf. 195 G ii 10 11 16 V obv. 5 6 I385 III i 38; 8; te-rt-et II iv 'ht cf. x rev. ii [8] abâ ru 'to destroy*: sf-ou-uf bi-ta III i 22 'gbb ugbabtu 'a kind of priestess': û-uk-ba-akka-ti III vii 6n um n
T T
I X
4
§ a m
v
abu
11 [124]
egisîtu 'a kind of priestess': e-gi-si-a-ti III vii 7n *gr ugâru 'field' : sa-al-mu-tum ip-sti-û û-g[aru] II iv 7 cf. S iv 47 57 v [6] (a.gàr); im-lu-û û-ga-ra I I vi 11 M i-Sa- 'gr a-bu-bu] igâru 'wall' : i-ga-ru fi-ta-am-mi-a-an-ni 'j III iii III i 20; [i]-ga-ru-maH-m[e] S obv. 14 ta-an-nu *d *a] II vii a d i *so long as': a-di-tna-nti I 370
a-os-[fis]
abu *bb abûl
[46]; il-ku-nu a* cf. IQ vi 21 viii o
w-ba.,. i d u 'side': it-ba-a id-fii Su-tu U rev. 9; * a-bu-bi [i]-zi-qù a-na idi-$u U rev. 10: li-qi 23 U id-ka I 171 ( M ) 46; III
1É abâ
idû 'to know : t-fa û-ul i-di I 71 73 cf* II vu [45] ; i-de mil-kd H obv. 9 cf. 10; [w\u-ud-di-a I I I i 13; M-ul] û-te-ed-du-û 9
4
'dr r . adâru 'to become afraid : mt-tn-tu ta-du-ur I 94 96; ul-ta-dar U rev. 21 »• ^ ] i L f > na'duru 'to be disturbed, become dark': »kl j./is it-ta-a*-da-ar I 355 II i 4 (Q ittar-du) S iv 2 (it-ta-*-[dar])\ at-ta-a- ekëlu 'to be dark'- » ài^dar S iv 7 4°"» el-lu-tu[m\ z[i]-mu&-na i*-a-ad-ru III v 45 'dr ul 'not': û-ul i-di I 71 f I r. 1 r [406] 416 II i , i P ' ^^14051 idrânu 'sait': se-ru . . . ma-li id-r[a-na] v " [45] H l i f ^ ^ / ^ S Ô II iv 8 cf. S iv 48 58 v 7 »ds essu 'new' : bi-pl eS-Sû U obv. 11 rev. 4 , r e v X V f ) 'ab .jf % ezëbu 'to leave': s-ss-so II ii 2' (Q); [1-*]*îj ( )-'-^ &mu-û III ii son zi-ib-H-na-ti I 412 II ii 34 u
3 ;
n
(
M
m
7
V
c
C
?
a
[
8
1
[
9
]
[
l
9
l
V
i
8
?
*zz allu 'hoe': al-U ma-ar-ri I 337 ezêzu 'to be savage': la-ru uz-zu-zu III ii 54Î [i]-te-te-zi-zu DN à [DN] III i 43 flu 'god': i-lu û-ul i-di I 71; cf. I 173 (K) ezëbu 'to gird : [q]a-ab-lt-la i-te-zi-ih 355 II i 4; [i'lu]-ma II vi 15; i~lu-umma ù a-wi-lum I 212 (E dingir-^û); I 286 s-fam ta-at-bu-ba I 239 II vii [33]; 'zn cf. I 208 (dîngir); fi-t-t> I 215 uznu 'ear': [uz-na] i-Sa-ak-ka-na II iii (E dingir) 228; cf. Iï iii 7 V obv. 3; [8] [10]; ge§tu-i« pi-ta-at S iv 18 v 28 dingir I 191 197 G ii 12; it-ti i-li-kxt-nu % è i-U û-[ul ma-gi-ir] III i 42 cf. 49; a^u 'brother': [û-ul] i-mu-ur a-ffu a-ha-fu s7-fa I 367 cf. 365 y 10 (dingir-/i<); III iii 13; ana a-hi-Su I 168 169 (M); i[t-ti i-li-iu] I [366] ; cf. II iii 211 S iv t-/s ah-bi-Su I 48 175 (M) G ii 2 II 19 v 29 31 (dingir-iu); t'-Ja . ^ ub-lu vii [41] J 4 (ab-ke-e-Su) cf. I 106 du-ul-la I 1; cf. I 12 63 233 Iï vttt 112 (L) 34 III iii 30 52 iv 15 v 34; dingir.mei afyâzu 'to seize' : [q]a-tam i-liu-zu qa-ti-ia I 209 p| obv. 1; a-na i-U ab~V& I 48; cf. I 3 43 45 57 59 [106} [122] 134 I 11 ; i-ta-ali-zu-nim i-il-la-ku-nhn I 68 [146] [151] [159] 164 17s (MN) 232 236 tâîiazu 'battle': ta-ba-za i ni-ib-lu-la 247 (P) [339] 357 î l i o yi 16 18 21 qâ-ab-la-am I 62; — e-ep-pu-ul I 108; [41] III iii 2 4 ; | F [ta-b]a-zi I 129 141 vu 199 cf. J 4 (*-&); dihgirjneS 3 ^ obv. 9 «v. 1 4 S ii 205 G ii 2 17 r*>v ri fiiî x rev. abriâtis 'for ever*: ab-ri-a-ti-ii u -mi 10 IV 5 2< I 214 227 11 45 î «*r II ii 23; efûtu 'darkness': [Sa-pa-at é]-tû-tu III iii 18 393; - — e|lu 'young man': et-lu a-na ar-d[a-tî] dingir jne Uni 'goddes R 9; ti-it e$-li I 274 'tm il-ta-am I e t e m m u 'ghost': e-te-em-mu li-ib-st I 215 *I la-du-ma ali 'where : 217 ( E Pi-te-em-mu I 2 i 5 n ) 228 230 I 291 i k u 'canal': i-ki ib-nu-û ra-bu-t[im] I 338 el 'over*: »* 'kb i k k i b u 'taboo': hi-û ik-ki-bu E-na-ma I I I eîi 'over': e vii 8
IÉ
A
1
*kl akâlu
*to eat': si-ifo-tum i-ku-ul-su II vi 16 18; i-ku-lu ni-qi-a-am III v 36; i-ku-la fa-a[r?^fa|] Il i 9 ; [a-**-/Jtt j»$k-ka-al *I 43î Iwur-fsiJ . . . €-kal mâtu v
1 1 1
SISiss
tu
N
GLOSSARY
x 8 7
elêmi 'above': e-le-nu-um II xv i ; e-le- i 22; gts.mâ ra-bi-tam % rev. 6 ; e-le-ep-pa nu-ia III Iii 44; 'upper régions': if-pf-ur ip-fû-ur III ii 55; gis.ma ul e-pu-ul DN e-le-e-nu II v [16] 30 vi *5 x rev. W 13 cf. 15; [giS.mâ] e-ru-um-ma ka gtè.mâ tir-[rd\ W 6; ip-ha-a gi [s.mà] i W [8] U { • ] 9 16 a U rev. [3] cf. W [4] ufUI 'presently': ul-li-ii III i 34 elû 'to ascend ' : [O-tu DN] i-lu-û ia-me-e-la'm I 17; DN i-te-li — I 13; e-te-el-li-i-ma ummu 'mother': ama a-na dumu.SAL a-na ia-ma-i III iii 48; [ul-Qu-û re-ïi-iu S v [19] vi 8 ; zi-ba-ni-it dumu.SAL I 32; [fu-ti ana] àb-bi-fd W [7] i-na-fal ama S v 21 vi [10]; — ama *ld dumu.SAL — S v [20] vi 9 ; e-reb ama alâdu 'to beget, bear': û-ul ul-da er-se-tum dumu.SAL i-da-gal S v 18 vi 7; um-mi re-e[m-Sa] II iv 4 ; ul-da g[al-la-ta] ie-er-ri I 292 S iii 19 (ama) ti-a-am-ta UI iv 5; a-U a-li-it-tum 'm û-ul-la-du-ma I 291 S iii 18 (û-laemu 'father-in-law' : bi-it [e-mi ra-bé]-e du-ma); û-ul-la-du I 238 (P); a-na-ku-ma I [3020] û-ul-la-da [a-bu-ba] II vii 46; a-la-da-'m am pu-ur-si III vii on; sëru . . . ûjlu- amu 'raft': ki-ma a-mi-im III iv Sn 9 tY-tsf id-ra-na S iv 48 58 v 7 M m âlittu 'bearing woman': a-li-it-tum I 291 mâmltu 'oath': ma-mi-tû II ii 12' (Q); S iii 18 (-tu); a-U-it-tum-tna la a-li-it- a-na ma-mi-tû a-bu-bi x rev. ii 46; ub-la tum III vii 2; i-na bi-ir-ku a-li-it-ti III pi-i-ni . . . ma-mi-tam III vi 8; i-de« vii 5 ; i-na bit a-li-te S iii 15 lillidu 'offspring' : ki-ma zu-ub-bi i-wu-û m ma-me-et-lu-nu obv. 10 li-il-U-du III iii 45 ummânu 'workman' : dumu.meS um1k m[a-ni] W 8 alâku 'go': il-li-ik DN I [134] cf. I 154; 'mbr û-ul il-li-ïk-ma 600.600 mu.lji.a I [352] ibbaru 'mist' : ib-ba-ra ûjli-Ha-az-ni-in 416 II i 1; il-li-ik ra-du III iv 25; II ii 16 30 a-ia-ar DN [il-li~ku-ma] II v [18]; 'md ei-ru arfyu il-li-ka-am-ma 1 281: cf. I I emëdu 'to put on, in to': i-mi-da a-na iv 11; e-ia-a DN il-li-kam jka-am III ki-ib-ri III iv 9 cf. 8; iu-up-ii-ik-ka-kuiii 51 v 39; a-U-il-li-ka mi-lu II i 12; nu a-tvi-[t]am e-mi-id I 241 II vii û*ul i[l-li-ka] mi-lu 11 iv [2] cf. S iv [x] ; [31]; ïèr-ta e-mi-id x rev. ii 27 43; \i~U-H-$]h*4u ma-as-ba-tum I 409 IImu-ur-sa i-im-mi-du-ni-a-ti I 371 ii 27; [il-li-k]u-ma x rev. ii 30; U-il-li-ik 'mtjl la-ru II i 14; — DN II vii 52; li-il-li-ik- imfiullu 'evil wind' : im-bul-lu U rev. 8 £u ma-as-fya-tum I 3820 397 II ii 13;'mm li-il-H-ku II vii 50; a-ia-ar at-ta ta-al- umfimu 'wild animais': û-ma-am se-rim li-ku-ma II v 32 vi 27; al-l[i-ik] I 156; % rev. 11 W 9 [i]l-la-ka di-ma-lu I 167; qâ-ad-di-iS'mn MUla-ka II iv 16; [iï\-lak DN U rev. imittu 'right-hand': a-na i-mi-it-t[i] I 257 14» i-iUla-%u-nim I 68; al-ka-ma II iii (P) S iii 5 (zag) 33; al-ka-nm I 44 46 58 60; al-ka-ni *mq ka-la-ni x rev. ii 46; a-la-M II ii 3' (Q); 'strength': e-mu-qâ iu-ur-ii III i 33 qa-da-nil {[t-ta-n]a-la-ka S v [17] vi 6 emûqu 'mr 'U amâru 'to see': i-mu-ur-ma I 334; a*i(tillu 'yoke': ap-fû-ur ul-la I 243 cf. II i-mu-ur I I I i 30; [û-ul] i-mu-ur a-bu v * 9 [i \ vi 28 a-ba-iu III iii 13; i-mu-ur-ma il-tum m III iii 32; li-mu-u[r] II iii 22 x rev. elëlu 'be pure': û-ul-la-[a]l ka-la-ma i 21 (li-mur)\ i-ni mi-na-a a-mu-ur I 109; I 202; li-te-el-li-lu dingir.meS I 209 a-mu-ur-ma III iv 10; lu-mur-ma W 15; eUtt 'pure': el-lu-tu[m] z[i]-mu-H-na III ma-qû-ra i-ta-ma-ar III vi 5 ; a-ta-mar v 455 el-lu-ti III ii 32 pa-ni-k[a] TJ obv. 11; a-am-ru II iii 17; tëliltu 'cleansing': te-U-il-tam û/lu-ia- ar-qû-tum am-ru pa-n[u-H4ri\ I I iv 15; af-tû-in ri-im-ka I 207 222 ni-hi û-ul am-ra-[(a)-ma] II iv 6 1 'mr eleppu 'boat': [e]-U-$p-pu ia ta-ba-an- amurru 'wcst wind': a-mur-ru U rev. 10 nu-û-[jK\ III. i 25; bi-ni e-le-ep-pa III cf. 6 3
II
r
GLOSSARY mr immeru 'sheep' ki-ma im-me-ri III iv 19 'n ana 'to, for': a-na I 16 [18] 81 83 84 98 100 110 117 [134] [155] 170 200 242 249 (P) 257 (P) 258 (P) (301) 330 [370 381 386 [396] 408 II i 9 10 ii [12] 26 iii 21 28 30 v [20] 25 [2'] vi 2 29 vii [32]
179
i 30; -d)u-uh an-nùa-am ! 162 (O); an-ni-a-am qd-ba-fa I 244; cf. Ul viii i«î an-na-a x rev. i [a.w)a-tm anni-[tam] III i 46; cf. tll i 50; <m-nuum . . . i-ip-pu-uf III vi 13; gu-Hk-burf a\n-nu*tum] III vi [a] annumma 'now': a-nu-um-ma ti*iûa tuqû-um-tam I 61 4 0 ;
37 42 43 viii 33 35 III i 39 ii 41 iii 27 V 48 54 iv 8 9 15 v 30 41 43 46 vi 48 viii unâtu 'taclde' : h-û du-un-nu-na û-ni-a18 R 7 9 S iii 20 iv [18] [34] 39 42 turn III i 32 50 52 60 v [9] [19] 22 [23] [28] vi 8 12 *nt U rev. 10 22 x rev. i 26 38 44 ii 6 8 31 uttatu 'barley': [fo-/t]... ie.bar-toi W 7 46 Jb obv. 11 12; ana il ii 5' (Q) S iii 'nk 5 6 vi 11 W [7] x rev. ii 13 ; issaqar a-na anâku T ; i*w mi-na-a a-mu-ur a-[n]o-hu I 48 86 92 106 112 119 [169] 199 205 I 109; cf. I 203 289 II iii 24 v 17 31 236 357 369 373 388 II i 6 iii [18] vi 26 vii 45 46 111 i 34 iii 36 46 x v 23 vii 41 viii 37 III i 2 12 16 41 rev. i 22 ii [19] [35]; PN a-na-ku-(ma\ vi 12 17 42 46 S iv 5 22 29 37 x rev. % obv. 6 i [1] 18 ii 45 G ii 2 U obv. 14; 'nn — ana I 168 ( M ) 175 (LMN) J 4 S ii enênu 'to punish* : \ji]-tu-ma e-ni-nu*fa[8] x rev. ii 15 W 12 nu-ti x rev. ii 26 42; e*>te-mn-$u~nu*t$ 'at the discrétion of': a-na ra-ma-ni-ia x rev. ii 25 41 III ni 4 2 n 'ni aâsu 'so that' : ai-Su la mu-ui-H-i I 217 230 assatu 'wife': ai-la-tum 0 mu-ià 1276 300; 'n âzm-ka $ rev. 2 W [8] ina 'in, at' : i-na ka-la-ak-ki I 40; cf. 1 assùtu 'wifehood': (a-na) ai-i[u-u^ ù mu» 44 46 58 60 122 [132] 144 148 161 206 tu-ti I 301 209 210 213 215 218 221 224 225 228 tënisû/tëniàetu 'mankind': te-ni-fe-tu II [259] (P) 290 299 302 305 355 [359] 377 vi 130; ut-ta-za-ma ta-np-lè-ti S iv 383 392 398 401 [404] 410 II i 4 8 ii 23 25 [14] 16 17 20 22 28 30 31 iii [3] [6] 8 10 'nt 16 24 27 iv 13 14 16 v 5 [21] [3'] vi 16 atta, atti 'thou*: [at-t]a û K4 III vj 44; [18] 19 30 vii 50 III i 44 47 [48} ii 49 Su-ut-fi-ir at-ta UI i 19; cf. II v 34 vi 53 54 «i [7] 14 3 * 36 43 47 5 ° * 9 » 18 27 III viii ix S ii 3 X rev. i 37 u 22 45(?) vi 1 10 18 44 vit 1 2 3 viii [10] [5] [ 12] ; at-û-i-ma B-às-&û-ru 1194 UI Jjl obv. 2 3 7 S ii 10 iii 6 15 iv [2] vi[47l [3] [7] [8] 30 [40] [41] 43 53 v [12] 'sk [13] [H] [15] 17 [18] [22] [26] 32 vi asakku 'pestiknce : il-fà-km-ma JJ*fg|t [1] [2] 3 4 7 11 15 U rev. 5 16 x a-ta-ku S iv 50 60 v [9]; cf. S iv 12 16 rev. i 24 25 42 ii 47; in II ii 8 (Q); 28 ina II ii 3' (Q) obv. 5 S iii 17 'am W [14] 16 x rev, i 3 22 simânu 'moment': ti-ma-nu B-im-fi 1 305 'from': i-na ma-ia-li û-i$-et-[bi-iu] I 79; cf. I ^ 8 0 ] i-na na-aq-bi II i 13 iv 3 S i 8 iv 45 'eq 55 Ul cf. I [27] ; i-na né-el-m[e-n%\ III isqu 'lot': is-qâ-am id-du-u I 12 v 50; i-na bi-ir-ku a-UÂt-ti III vii 5 inûma 'when': i-nu-ma i-lu , . . ub-lu uppu 'drum': up-pa i m-H-me 1 2i4n cf. I 1; I 301; e-nu-ma S* obv. 1 x rev. [227] i 15 y 13 m inanna *now'; pa-na-mi . . » i-na-an-na epïtu 'cake': et-fe e-pi-ta U**n II ii 12 cf. I 408 (e-pi-tm) H « * I 247 'n entu 'a kind of priestess': e-ne-ti III vii 6 appuna 'moreover': [a^pu-na so-lu-uitum U~i[b}-8 Ul vii ï 'n 'ni ' - ^-''^ ' axxmx 'yes' i-pu-lu a-an-na I 218 apâlu «to an»wer': i-pu-lu a-an-na I *l8 V annû 'this': an-nu-û-ma II iii 32 cf. x rev. 'ps v
1
6
v
i8o
GLOSSARY
apsû 'tfae Apsû*: [d]p-sa-a I 29; [a-na a]p-si-i [i]-ta-ar-du I 18 cf. I I iii 28 S vi 27 (?) x rev. i 26 38 (zu.ab); iaf-ri ap-si-i I 102; [k]i-ma ap-si-i I I I i 29; [ma-li-k]u-ut ap-se-e S i 2 'pr apâru 'to cover the head* : u*-pu-ut ka-aqqà-as-sà I 284 apparu 'hair*(?): ap-pa-ri S S i 7 *pr epëru 'to supply with food': [la t]e-ep-pira-nim I I vi 14 epësu 'to do, make*: la na-tû a-na e-pé-ii 1200 cf. 180 ( M ) ; fa-ab-su-ta-am i-pu-ui I 285; H-ip-ra le-em-na . . . i-pu-ui I I viii 35; pâ i-pu-ia-am-ma is-sà-qar I 47 85 91 105 m 118 174 ( K ) 204 [368] 372 [387] I I v [22] v i i 40 viii 36 ( D i-pu-ia-ma) I I I i 1 11 15 40 vi x i 16 41 45 G ii [1] J 3; pâ dù-ia S ii 8 iv 21 [29] U obv. 4 13 ; dù-ma WII x rev. ii 14; pâ i-pu-ui-ma x rev. i [1] ii 44; pâ te-pu-ia-am-ma I 198 235; ia DN i-(pu)-iu-ma I I I v 4711; [lu-û e]-pu-ui I I I vi 18; gis.ma ul e-pu-ui W 13; a-na-ku lu-pu-us I 203; cf. W {15]; i-pu-ia qâ-ta-ia I 289; ma-annu . . . i-ip-pu-ui I I I v i 14; ta-faa-za e-ep-pu-ui I 108; te-ep-pu-iu ï rev. 10; ia-a-E-im-ma-a it-te-né-e[p-pu-ui] I 107 nëpisu 'tool : i-ia-tam du-û-ma I 64 1
ne-pi-H-lu-nu
id-
V a s u 'to go out' : û-si na!-pi!-iS-tum I I I vi 9 : ia-am-mu û-ul û-si-a I I iv 5 S iv 49 59 [8] (û-sa-a); ki-i û-sa-an-ni x rev. ii 20 36; i-ir-ru-ub ù û-us-si I I I i i 4 5 ; fjjfartnà I 115; [it-ta~fa-a] a-bu-bu I I I fp [ii] U rev. 18 (i-ta-sa-a); la-am a-bu-bi toa-se-e 3 rev. 4 ; li-ie-sa-an-ni-ma i-na nê-el-m\e-nï\ I I I v 50 v
esëlu 'to be stifF: ? i-ta-as-sû-la esënu 'smeil': [i-si-nu [34]
i-l\u
I 33611
e-re-ia
III v
m& esêru 'to design': s-|*-*> çl-ma I 288; tv-lfir û-sur-tà] W [16]; e-fir û-[sur-tu] W 14 (imptv.); û-su-ra-te id w&F*** û-sa-ar DN S iii 14 cf. R 5 usurru 'design': [û*$w]-tu lu-tnur-ma W (x$]> see also under esêru
v
'
W%
|p
uteqqû 'to observe': é-te-eq-qi [û-t]e-qi-ma Hkna U obv. 2 6 8
I
74;
tëqitu 'slander': te-qi-ta
GLOSSARY I I vi ign
'qi
e q l u 'field': a.§à . . . iu-a (li)-ii-ii I I ii 19 [33]» ii/U-iur a.sa ii-pi-ke-e-iu S iv 46 56 v 5 cf. I I i 18 'qn uqnû 'lapis lazuli': uq-ni ki-ia-aH-i[a-ama] I I I vi 3 'qr aqâru 'to be rare': DN zu-un-na-Su ûjlu-id-qir S iv 4 4 54 v [3] 'r i r t u 'breast': i-ir-ti-ia I 272; li-te-ed-di-liir-ta-ia I I i i g n ; i\li-né- gaba-4a S iv47 5 7 v [6] V erû 'to be d r y ' : ka-aq-qd-ra li-e-er-ri I I i i5n 'rb erëbu 'to enter': [i-ru-u]m-ma ip-ha-a gip.ma] U rev. 3 ; i-ir-ru-ub à û-us-si I I I ii 4 5 ; i-te-er-bu I 249; e-tar-bu-ma S v i 17; [gis-mâ] e-ru-um-ma W 6; ki-im-ta-iu ui-te-ri-ib I I I ii 42 cf. [34] 38; li-[ie-ri-b]u-ni a-na ma-ab-r[i-ia] I I v 2 5 ; e-reb ama dumu.SAL i-da-gal S v [18] v i 7 ; e-re-ba-ka âS-me-ma U obv. 1 5 7 arâdu 'to descend': [a-na à]p-si-i [i]-taar-du I 18 ; e-tar-du S i 1 ; lu-ri-id S vi 27; ii-pu-ur DN û-ie-ri-[du-ni-i]i-iu I 99; cf. li-ie-ri-du-[nim-m]a I 97; -r]i-du Si3 'rd a r d u 'slave': is-sà-qar a-na ar-di-iu I 373 I I I i 16 a r d a t u 'young w o m a n ' : ar-da-tum R 8 cf. [10]; ct-Ztf a - n a ar-d[a-tï\ R 9 cf. 7; S iii [20]
'**
arâhu 'to consume': bitu i-re-ba-ma S v 24 v i 13
il-ta-nu
ïanti*
a r h u 'month': [ib-ba-b]i-il ar-bu I I I ii 39; ei-ru iti il-li-ka-am-ma I 281 cf. 280; i-na ar-bi I 206 22x ; [i~ma]-an~nu ar-fn' I 279 'rk a r k u 'long': ar-ku-tum ma-az-za-zu-H-na [ik-ru-ni] I I iv 18 S v [15] v i [4] 'rk a r k u 'after': pu-ra-na-ta ar-ki-id S i 7 'rm armânu'pomegranate': ? a r - m a - n a I I v 12 'rn a r n u 'crime': [be-el ar-n]im I I I v i [25] *rp
erpetu 'cloud': er-pé-e-tum li-ifr-ta-anni-ba I I i 16; [er}-p]él-tum û-ka-la-la I I vi 12; i-na er-pé-H I I I ii 49 53 'ts ersetu 'earth': er-se-tum I I iv 4 S iv 49 58 v [7] ( k i ) ; er-se-tam I 14; — ia-apli-tam I I v I 7 n 31 v i 26; er-se-tim qabli-tim x rev. i [5] 9 i i xo rev. ii 3 (ki-rim) 17 (ki-fu) 33 (er-se-tû) ; er-se-et DN I I I i 48 '«1 a r q u 'green' : ar-qû-tum am-ru pa-n[u-li-in] I I iv 15 urqëtu 'grass': mu-la û.Sim me-er-[*i-sun} W9 'IT
arâru 'to suxTer cramp' : i-na i-ta-na-ar-ra-ar-ru I I I iv 23 'ré
bu-bu-ti
e r e s u 'smell': [i-si-nu i-l]u e-re-ia I I I v 34 m e r s u 'bed': na-de-e e-er-H 1299 ( E P gis.nâ) 'rs e r s u 'wise' : e-rii-tu DN I 250 (P) ; e-rUH tam DN I 193 ; e-ri-U-ta DN I I I iii 3311 ; e-rii-ta DN S i i i 16; er-ie-te mu-te-ti S iii 8 's
isâtu 'fire': i-ia-tamlta-am 's
I 64 65
isû 'to have': ia i-iu-û te -e-ma I 223; ndim-ma i-i[u-û] I I I i i 30 3X; iamai la-aS-iu I I I iii 18 x
à
esû 'to be confused': û-te-[ii] I 74; ? i-Su-ma I I I v 47n 'Sb asâbu 'to sit': a-iar us-bu i-na bi-ki-ti ui-bu-ma I I I iv 18-19; [u]l-la-ab ib-taak-ki I I iii 12 14; û-ul û-ui-ia-ab I I I ii 4 6 ; û-ul û-ui-ia-ab I I I i 4 7 ; it-ta-ai-buma I 332; [ta-at-t]a-ai-ba-ma I I vii 34; wa-ii-ib I 101; a-H-ib I 254 ( P ) ; tva-aëba-at I 189 [278] G i i 8; âi-bat S ii 6 V 1; tu-ia tua-ai-ba-a-ku I I I iii 49; ai-ba-[ku] Jfy obv. 7; [w]a-ai-bu I 103 cf. I I I iii 31; ai-bu I 172 ( K ) ; âl-bu-ma S ii 5 ; i-ta-Su-uS a-ia-ba-am I I v i 15 17 assâbu 'tenant': ki-i a-ia-bi i-na bi-U di-im-ma-ti I I I i i i 46 s u b t u 'dwelling' : i-na iu-ub-ti-iu I 44 46 58 6 0 ; a-na — I 84 mûsabu 'dwelling': zu-uk-ki mu-Sa-[ab] l 329 ( ? ) 'akr i s k a r u 'task': [ii-k]a-ra-a-tu I 181 ( M ) 'in
àittu 'sleep' : la i-sa-ba-su H-tu S iv [3] g 41 û-za-am-tna Si-it-ta I 35c \\ \ % rev. i [3]
;
x
luttu 'dream' : [fa iu-ut-ti w]u-ud-di-a qi-ri-ib-ïa I I I i [13]; [as-na} Ma-ah-kana i-na iu-na-a-û I I us 8 10 'sp siptu 'incantation': Si-ip-ta it-ta-na-an-aH I 253 (P) cf. S iii 3; ig-mu-ru 8~pa~at~ s[a ] I 255 (P); tam-nu-û supa-ta S iii 3 'sr aâar 'where' : a-ia*ar DN iUli-ku-ma I I v 18J32 vi [27] ([a-îfl]r); a-sV isl^a I I I iv 18; I I I iv 26 'sr esertu 'shrine' : so-su-sl ti-[re\-H I 337 'sr esêru 'be straight'; rëmu ... uljia û-fe-8r ièr-ra S iv 51 ex v [9] 'sr e s r u 'tenth' : ei-ru Ira affala I 280 281 9
mïsertu 'abundance': û-ma-al4$-er . . . nd-ie-er-tam I I v [2on] [z ] vi 29; cf. mi-ièr-tû x rev» ii 6 13 {me-ih-tû) 'sa asâsu 'to be pained' ; i-ta-fa-ul a-ia-ba-am I I vi 15 17 'st isti 'with': U-U-ka I 170 (K) istu 'after': is-tu-ma tb-lu-la pi-fa I 231; 1
cf. I [17] 255 (P) H i " 25 I I I » 5» v 36 S iii 3 vi 26 x rev. i 23 ii [26] 42 -since': {tf^-tv-ma ap-ta-na-a\l-la-b DN] I I I i45 ; — te-eb-nu-na-fcma S iv 27 'St istën 'one': i-lu\\am il-te-m 1173 ( K L N ) 208 S ii 7 (dis); I I I iii sn (?); ttte il-ta-nu S v 24 vi 13; ii-û-ta la-at-tam I I iv 9 istènis 'together*: ub-la pi-i-ui I I v 15 29 vi 24 I I I vi 8; ka-la m4i ii-te-nii i-sa-bat % rev. 3 ilsanu 'north wind* ; il-ta-nu U rev. 6 **tr istaru 'goddess': il-ta-ar-ku-un I 379 u
394
I I ii xo
ii-tar-fu-un
S iv 31 (*u.dar-*M-t«);
I [406]
I I ii 24
't ittt 'with': if-tï I [152] 165 201 [36^] I I vii 47 I I I 1 4 2 49 Sivi9V29î*t-ft-sama I 200; sf*aVfc I 367 S iv 20 v 30 (4sl) x rev. ii 48 (-Ai); it-ti-Sa I I I iv Ï5 ï it-ti-iu-nu I I I iii 38 *t ittu 'sign': ? gtj-to S vi 20; ba-at-fa tt-taiu ûjU-ie-di-iu-ma I 216 229 'tkp
GLOSSARY
i8z
at-ku-up-[pu na-H a-ba-an-lu] III ii I2n
atkuppu 'reedworker':
'tl etellu 'noble': e-te-el-li I 170 'ta atmânu 'résidence': ba-bi-fa-at-ma-ni
Ir
I 6gn
GLO8
b's
ilU-ba-al-tna i-na ka-at-re-e I 383 398 [410] II ii
bâsu 'to be put to shame': 14 28
DN
û-Sa-aq-bi bi-i-\sa] III iii 39n; û-Sa-as-lii bi-i-S[a] III iii 41
bïsu 'shameful speech': b't
la-wi I 71; é il-ta-nu S v [24] vi 13; û-bu-ut bi-ta III i 22; qi-ri-ib bi-ti I 375 390 II i i 14' ([qi-rib bitu]tn Q ) ; é Si-im-ti I 249 (P); bi-it [149] 162; at-ra-am I 37 qâ-di-iS-ti I 290; —- [e-mi ra-bé]-e I 302; b" — i-li-fu II i i i 11; — di-im-ma-ti bâ'u 'to go along': ê-ba-a* ka-Su-Su III iii III iii 47; — na-ak-ma-ti III iii 50; 12 U rev. 19 (i-ba-a)\ i-ba- U rev. 11 ; é DN H obv. 7; é a-li-te S iii 15; é b ba-a-a' a-bu-bi III i 3711 rii-ti S iii 17; ib-nu-û bi-is-su I 402 b'b 11 ii 20; la-wi bi-it-ka I 80 82 bâbu 'door': i-di-U ba-ab-lu I 89 cf. III i i b b ' 52; H-a ba-ab-lu I 380 395 [407] II ii bubùtu 'hunger': i-na sû-mi ù bu-bu-ti u 25; i-pé-eb-b* — III ii 51 ; ul i-pa-te III iii 31 ; i-na bu-bu-ti III iv 22 II iv kâ-& S v 19 vi 8; e-àt-il ba-ab-ka I 87; 12 (-tint) S v [14] v i [3] (-te); a-na pf-te — I [120] S ii 9 (kà-ka); i-na-as- bu-bu-ti-H-na II i 10; bu-bu-ti-il ni-H sa-ru kà-k[a] W 10; kâ ili-Su S v 31; I 339 kâ giS.mi W 6 ; û-pa-ab-bi-ir a-na ba-b d r bi-iu I 386 J III i 39; i-tu-ta a-na ba-bi-iajka I [81] 83 110; il-mu-û ba-bi-budûru 'profusion': bu-du-ri nu-ni III i H-ka I 1x4; ba-bi-la-at-ma-ni I 6Qn atâru 'to be more': a-na làpa-na i-ta-at-ra S iv 39 atru 'excessive': Su-up-Si-ik-ku or-ru I
bïtu 'house': é
a
bk'
b'd
(pûduï) 'shoulder' : ra-ap-lu-tum bakû 'to weep': ib-ki-i-ma I I I iv 12; bu-da-Si-na II iv 17; tap-iâ-tu [bu-da]- e-li-H-naab-ki 111 iv 10; i-lu it-ti-Sa ib-kuû III iv 1 s ; il-tum i-ba-ak-k[i] I I I iii 32; H-na S v [16] v i 5 [û\£-Ia-ab ib-ta-ak-ki II i i i 12 14; b'1 ib-ta-a[k-ki] x rev. i 13; ib-ta-na-ak-ki bëlu 'lord': DN id-de-ki be-{el-Su] I 7 8 ; II iii 4 be-el te -mi III iii 51 v 40; [ — ar-n]bn bikîtu 'weeping': f-fia bi-ki-ti ul-bu-ma III vi [25]; [en t]a-§i-im-ti S iv [17] III iv 18 v [27]; en S iv 23 25 vi 19; cf. U obv. bkr I [5] [7]; is-sà-qar a-na be-U-ëu I [369] b u k r u ' s o n ' : a-la-da-am bu-ur-Wd* ? III bûdu
t
II viii 37
III i 2 12j cf. II i i 4' (Q);
vii 9n
DN be-U-lHi] W 12; cf. en-su blfc S iv [18] 22 v [28]; be-li I 80 93 155; bultjîtu 'feverishness': [bu-û]l-bi-ta û-kaVY 17; i-na bit DN en-ia al-ba-[ku] la-la ia-ap-ta-la I I I i i i 29n; sa-mi-a » obv. 7 la-ap-ta-Hi-nu bu-ul-fai-ta I I I iv 21 bëltu 'mistress': be-el-tum ra-bi-tum III i i i Mt 28; be-le-[et] (P -l]et) ka-la i-U lu-û balàju 'to live': W-t ib-lu-uf a-wi-lum fiu-u]m-ki I 247 III v i 10; cf. I I I v i i i 10 (ib-lu-f[û])\ ba'ûlâtu 'subject*': ba-û-la-tu-ul-fu I 14 i-na H-it-ku-ki na-p(-i[l-ti ba-al-ta] b&hl 'cattle': bu-û-[ut} III ii 3 6 ; [bu-ul] II iv [14]; cf. S v 26 vi [15] (bal-fa-at) \ na-pi-il-ta bu-ul-U-ip III i 24 sert W [9] balâtu 'life' : ba-la-td lu-û [ Js) rev 4 cf. 1 b'r baflu 'living': ba-al-fa it-ta-lu ûjli-h-dibâru 'to be firm' or 'to rebel': i-ba-a-ar Su-ma I 2 i 6 n 229 II v 10 Mfct b'r n a b a l k u t u 'to rebel': ib-bal-kat ersetu bâru 'to snare' i-bi-ir-[ma] I I I ii 34n re-em-Sâ S iv 58 v [7] cf. S iv 49 (li-bal(or from ebëlu) kat) Vr bit bém 'to choose': li-ib-u-ru (D li-ib-te-e- balâlu 'to m i x ' : il-iu-ma ib-lu-la fi*fa rt«l) '"-ffti vu 48 I 231 ; ta-ha-za i ni-ib-lu-la qâ-ab-la-am
ARY
I 62; û-ba-li-il Xt-it-fa I 226 cf. I 211 (li-ba-al-li-il, li-ba-li-iï) ; i-lu-um-ma ùgallû 'sherirT': gal-lu-jfu-nu [139] (-ku-nu) a-wi-lum li-ib-ta-al-li-lu I 212
183 I ion 127
gll [il-t]u-ma te-eb-nu-na-li-gallatu 'rolling' : g[al-u>ta] ti-a-am-ta ma S iv 27; a-na-ku-mi ab-ni I 289; g mI IrI iv [Si ib-nu-û el-[re]-ti I 337; %-ki — I 338; gamâru 'to complets': il-tu-ma ig-mu-ru
bn» banû 'to build':
— bi-is-sû I 401; II ii 20; [é\-le-ep-pu B-pa-as-s[a ] I 255 (P) la ta-ba-an-nu-û-[H] III i 25; bi-ni gamertu 'total destruction': i-Zu iq-bu-â e-le-ep-pa III i 22; cf. 31 rev. 6; bi-ni-ma ga-tne-er-t[am] I I viii 34n; cf. I I I iii 38 lu-ul-la-a I 195 cf. G ii 9 (li-ib-ni-ma) (»ta-am)\ ub-la pi-i-ku-nu ga-me-er-tim V [2] 4 ; I 190; ba-ni-a-at a-wi-lu-ti III v 44 I 194; — ii-ma-ti I I I vi 47; ba-na-at gn H-im-tu 8 iii z 1 ; Sà-su-ta-H... û-ba-na-a gana 'come!': [ga-na sa~a]s-siï-ra DN S iii 9 10 Si-si-ma III vi [43]; x rev. i 31 b i n u 'son' : bi-nu bu-nu-ka I 93n 95 gps b u n u 'son': a-na kurummate*' bu-naU-tàkgapâsu I I 'to collect*: ku«.me8 û-gap-pinu S v [23n] v i 12 iam-ma x rev. ii 22 38 binûtu 'structure' : qâ-ne-e gâb-bi lu bi-nug*' us-sà 31 rev. 7 gerû 'to provoke war':fy§*ra-amt]u-qûbunu/bûnu? : bi-nu bu-nu-ka I 93n 95 um-tam I [130] [142]; mUg-ra-am bsr tu-qû-um-tam I [146] 160 b u s a u r u 'to report': il-lu DN û-ba-[as-sa- d' ar] I 365 di'u 'sickness' : [mur]-iu <#-'» tu*ru-pu-u bql a-sa-ku 3 iv 12 16; mur-fa di-'a etc. b u q l u 'malt': ki-ma bu-uq-li II iv i 3 n ; ki-4 S iv 28 èe.DiM me-te S v [25] vi 14 d'k br' dâku 'to kill': su-up-&-4h-ku... id-du-uk* bïru 'between': [i-na b]i-ri-su-nu I 259 ni-a-ti 1 [149&] ; ad-du-ku ma-as-sa(P) S iii 6 (be-ru-) ru tam-ti x rev. ii 24 40 (ad-du-ka); brk i-da-ak i-da-dl U rev. 13 b i r k u 'knee' : i-na bi-ir-ku a-li-it-ti III d'm vii $n da'âmu 'to be dark': u^-mu-um U-id-daba' i-[im] III iii 34 basû 'to b e ' : e-te-em-mu [ib-H] I [228] d'r [230]; Su-ru-pu-u ib-H S iv 13; a-ii-4b- d a m 'âge': a-[na da-ri] I [371] H-H-na-H ri-iS-t[um] II i 20; mu-sum d'ft i-ba-al-H I 70 72; it-ti DN — H-ip-*u dâsu 'to thresh': i-da-ak i-da-âl U rev. 13 I 201 cf. II vii 47; G ii 7; i-ba-al-su-û dbb 3 obv. 3 s ; ma-la—31 rev. 5 ; [i]b-ba-i[u ?-dabâbu 'to complais': [i-ûa-bt^bu-ma «?] III viii 8 ; li-ib-Si-ma . . . pa-H4t-tu i*ik-ka-lu ka-ar-si I 39 III v i i 3 ; cf. I 215 217 360 III vi 50 dgl vii 1. - S iv 9 (lih-H); û-la-ab-H qâ-a[b-dagâlu 'to watch': e-reb ama dumu^AL la] III viii 13 i-da-gal S v 18 vi 7 busû 'goods': [Ht-H ana] lib-bi-M . ^ . dk' ni*g.Su*À
4
1 0 2
btq batâqu 'sever': S iii 7n
dll
ba-m-iq a-bu-uu-na-ted u l l u 'toil': du-ulrhi-uM ka-bs-à I 4; cf. I 177 (N dul-ta-su-m) G ii 4; du-ul-lam û-la-az-ba-hs I 6 cf. 38; ub-lu . m du-ul-la I 2; ka-ab-tam du ul la ht nu qâ-ne-e gâb-bi lu bi-nu-us-sà 1240; —• du-ul4a~ni 142 ; du-ul-la-ni-ma I i$o 163
gb gabbu 'ail': % rev. 7 gzl dm g u z a l û 'chamberlain': gu^-^um^a-iu-Hsf^nu d a m u 'blood': i-na S-ti4u u da-mi-hi I 9n 126 [138] (-ku-nu); gu.2a.la • nPmI 210 aa$ bu-ur-ma I 4 1 ; gu.za.là la-bi-ru->tkn d m ' I 49 J 5 (gu.za,la~e) dîmtu 'tear': [fljLla-ha di-ma-su 1167 gl
i8
GLOSSARY
GLOSSARY
4
dmm d i m m a t u 'moaning':
z k r (see also sqr) i-na bi-it di-im-ma-ti z i k a r u 'maie': zi-ka-ru a-na [arda te] I I I iii 47; û-qd-at-ti di-im-ma-ti I I I iv 11 S iii a o ; R 6; û-ba-na-a nitâ.meS S iii 9 dnn un' danânu 'be strong': lu-û da-a-an I I I i 33 z u m m û 'to lack': û-za-am-ma Si-it-ta W 3 (da-an); lu-û du-un-nu-na I I I i 32 I 359 I I i 8 x rev. i [3] d a n m i 'strong': pi-lu-la dan-na 3b rev. 9 z m r dpr z a m & r u 'to sing': a-bu-ba ... û-za-am-medapâru 'to be sated' : DN id-pi-ra I I I iii 39 er I I I viii 19 drr z a m f i r u 'song': an-ni-a-am za-ma-[ra] n a d a r r u r u 'to move freely': id-da-ar-ruU-iS-mu-ma I I I viii 15 ma I 245 znn andurâru 'freedom' : an-du-ra- [ra aS- z a n â n u 'to r a i n ' : ib-ba-ra û/li-Sa-az-ni-in
ku-u]n l 94$; cf. I I v [19] [i'J vi 28
I I ii 16 30; û/li-ia-az-ni-in na-al-Sa z'z I I i i 18 32; [û-Sa-az-ni-i]n DN zu-unzâzu 'divide*: is-qa-am id-du-û i-lu iz-zuni-Su I I vi [10]; û-Sa-az-na-na-ak-ku I 12 bi-is-bi is-sû-ri bu-du-ri nu-ni I I I i 34n z'z z u n n u ' r a i n ' : zu-un-ni-Su DN li-Sa-aqi z z u z z u 'to stand': mu-Su i-zu-uz-ma qi-il I I i 11 ; cf. S iv 44 54 v [3] (zu-unx rev. i x6; iz-za-az-zu-ma I I i v 21 ; na-Su); see also zanânu it-ta-zi-iz ma-bar DN I 90; i-ta-zi-iz zxxn U obv. 3 ; i-zi-iz ma-ab-ri-ia I 88 ; ki-mi- z a n â n u 'to provide food': i-za-an-nu-un is i-zi-iz I 123 I I I v 32 m a z z â z u 'leg' : ar-ku-tum ma-az-za-zu- z q n fi-na I I iv i8n S v [15] v i 4 (ma-za- z i q n u 'beard': zi-iq-nu I 273 zi-Su-nu) m z'm xiâtju 'to w a t c h ' : i-bi-if I 75 zimu 'lace': zi-mu-H-na [it-ta-ak-rû] fcbl I I iv 12 S v [14] v i 3 ; el-lu-tu[m] n a f j b a l u ' b a r ' : [H-ga-ra n]a-ab-ba-lu ti-az[ï]-mu-Si-na I I I v 45 am-tim I 15 cf. x rev. i 6 10 i i [4] 11 18
XII
*•«
[ki-m]a mt-fre-e i-zi-qaii-na-U-ma S iv x 5 ; [t]-27-0i> . . . a-murru U rev. 10; [&t-m]a me-fre-e li-zi-qaE-na-ti-ma S iv x x ; si-qu-Sû U rev. 7n z i q z i q q u 'gale': tig-si-qu U rev. 7x1 zâqu 'to blow' :
34 y 1 7 S v [1] bbr tjubùru 'noise': i-na bu-bu-ri-Si-na
û-zaam-ma Si-it-ta I [359] I I i 8 S iv 3 8 41 x rev. i 3; — —- i-lu it-ta-a*da-ar I [355] I I i 4
xjadû 'to rejoice': [n]a-am-ru-ma ba-du-û z'r zêru 'to hate': ma-ak-ku-ra zé-e-er-ma pa-nu-Sa I 283 ; Sa-[ab]-sû-tum . . . li-ifrdu I 290 S i i i 17 I I I i 23 zbb bidûtu 'rejoicing': [U-iS-S]a-ki-in bi-duz u b b u 'fly': zu-ub-bu-û a[n-nu-tum] I I I tum I 303
vi 2; ki-ma zu-ub-bi I I I iii 44 cf. 19 (suub-bi) v [35] ; su-bé-e ra-bu-ti I I I v 46n
bip halûpu 'lapse (of t i m e ) ' :
[b]a-lu-up pa-le-e
zbb I 282TÏ z i b b a t u 'taxi': lu-ui-te-e si-ib-ba-as-sà Mq I I I i I4
13; i W du-ul-lam û-Sa-az-ba-lu DN I 6 ta-an-ni-ba I I x i 6 n
z b n (?) zibânitu 'acales' :
zi-ba-ni-it ama dumu.SAL i-na-fal 8 v [20] vi 9 cf. v (zxj vi 10
zk' zaJiû 'to be clean':
zu-uk-ki mu-ia-[ab]
xjas tjasâsu 'to I I I vi 4
remember':
lu-ub-sû-ûs-sû
[r]i-gi-im-Sa %b-pi 10;fae-pi-i-mali-ib-ba-Su I I I ii 47
feepû 'to break':
I I I xii
tjlpu 'break ( i n tablet)': obv. 1 x rev. 4 9
hi-pi I I i
12
U
ki-i û-sa-an~ni % rev. ii 20 36; ak-ki a-li-iutu û-la-du-ma S iii 18 kïma 'like':fo'*f»w/ M i-Sa-àb-bu I [354] (jiçbu 'abundance': ffi-if-bi is-$û-ri I I I i j g II i 3 III fil 15; eqlu ki-ma h-ar*ra* hr> qi-tu Su-a {U-)il-H II ii ion [33]; ki-ma barû 'to sever' ( ? ) : um-mi Se-er-ri û-b[a- im-me-ri im-lu-nim ra-ta-am III iv ro; ar]-ru-û ra-ma-an-Sa I 293n; cf. lu-bar- cf. I l iv 13 I I I i 29 iii (ro] [12] 16 ri-Sâ S iii I9n 19 40 44 iv 6 8 9 v [35] S iv n 15 U obv. 2 6 8 rev, 17 [19] W 2 h*' kïma 'that' : ki-ma ni-ii-ku~[nu a-bu»b]a Ijerû 'to d i g ' : i-be-er~ru-nim I 21 23; I I I viii 9 [i-ber]-ru-û S i 5 fer* barifttu 'woman i n confinement':
ba-riS-ti S iii 15 17
xxrâ fjurûsu ( ?) :
m
k'1
a-li-te
lu pu-ut-tu bu-ru-Su %
jjisiïfttu 'necessities' :
ub-la] I I I U [14]
ki/akkl 'when':
rev. 5
kâlu 'to hold': ka-i-lapâr-ti-fa S iv 32 k'n kânu 'to be firm': h kin ub-bu-hu 1 rev. 5;
uS-ta-ka-an I I I iii 24
kbs \fai-ïi-ib-takabâsu 'to tread': lfM]t"ta i'kab-ba-ta-am I 252 (P) kbr baS-ba-[Sâ]kabru 'fat': ha-ab-ru-H I I I ii 33 kbr kibru 'shore': i-mi-âa a-na ki4b-ri I I I
la-ap-nu
ijêtja rjasfyasu 'feeble': û-fé-mi U obv. 10 t*t fitjtju 'clay': ti-it-ta-am I 2 0 3 ;
ûjli-ba(-al)- iv 9; i-na m-tb-ri II iii 27 is-f/ pi-it-ta I 211 226; [ti-i]t-ta i-kab-ba- kibrâtu 'world régions': a-bu-ba il-ht-nu sa-am I 252 ( P ) ; iS-tu-ma ib-lu-la ti-ta i-na ki-ib-ra-H Jt) obv. 3 Sa-ti 1231 ( O [f]i-ta-a-S[a]) ; *-# ti-it-fi-Sâ kbt S iii 4; li-ib-ta-al-H-lu . . . t-aa fi-ip-fi kabâtu 'to be heavy'; ik-ta-ab-ta ri-gi-m I 213 ; ru-u'-tam id-du-û e-lu ti-if-ti 1234 a-wi-lu-ti I [358] II i 7 s rev. i 2 S iv 6 (fk-tab-ta>m[a]); au-Mu-um (ému 'personality': Sa i-Su-û fe^-e-ma ka-bi-it I 4 150 [163] 177 (K) G ii 4; I 223n ; i-lam ta-at-bu-fra qd-du te^-mi-Su tuk-ku — I 179 (N) G ii 6; i terttkI 239 I I vii 33 cf. I 243 (P fè-mi-Su) t[a]-bt-it DN I 295 CE -t]ab-bi-it) S iii 'mind' : [i]S-ta-ni fe -e-em-Su I I I iii 25 16 (tùk-ta-bit) b e l t e r n i 'président': be-el fe -mi I I I i i i kabtu 'heavy': ka-ab-tam du-uUla-ni I 42 5 m v 40 (fei-e-nu) cf. 240 é
t
\lbu ' d i p p i n g ' : li-te-el-li-lu i-na fi-i-bi I 209
dingir.mes
kk kakku 'weapon': ka-ak-Jû-lu U-qi I 90 [153J; ka-ak-ki-ka U-qi I 88 X i i ; giS.tukul.fneS-/iû [—] S ii 9 kks kikkisu 'reed wall': ki-Jd-Su /t^vt>#4£
'to slaughter': i-lam ta-af-bu-ba I 239 I I v i i 33; ilam il-te-en H-if* bu-bu-ma I 208; i-na pu-ûb-ri-Su-nu ka-la sfàq-ril-ia III i 21; kiJùf U obv. it-fa-ab-bu I 224 15; [iz-za-ka]r a-na ki-ki-B V obv.-14; a-ma-te-Su-nu a-na H-ik-ki\K[ i-la* tefjû 'to approach': if-bi-a a-na qû-ut-ri-ni an-ni $ obv. 12 I I I v 41 ; if-be-e-ma a-na su-bé-e ra-bu-tik l I I I v 46 kalû 'ail': ka-la i-ti-ma I [xaaj 134 [140]
tjabâfjiU
t*d tjarâdu 'to s e n d ' : [ifl-fa-ar-du-ni-in-ni I I I i 44 k k l ' h o w ? ' : ki-i aq-bi I I I i i i 37; ki-i ib-hhuf
[151] [159) 1*4 247 (P) x »** * 4SI [k]al-la Sa-di-i I 33ï fefe tU^nl4a III i ai; fo»-Ja * rev, 3* u-«/-*e-[â:]/ ka-la-ma I 202; r<&éa>l»f» Z>iV Wi*-f» I I v M 28 vi feî I I I vi
7 ; al-ka-ni ka-la-ni x rev. ii 46 a-wi-lum I I I vi 10 kullatu 'the whole': ku-ul-fa-at ka4a k l 'Uke' : ki-i a-Sa-bi i-na bt-it di-im-ma-ti i-H-ma I 146 151 ?59 ï^4î o-na ku-ul-laI I I i i i 4 6 ; ki-i dingir.meS % rev. 4 ; at ni-H I I I viii 18 âî-t 7 m u . m [ e s ] U obv. 9 ; ki-i buqU klk me-te S v [as] vi 14
i8e
GLOSSARY
k a l a r k u 'excavation I 4 0 ( 1 4 8 ) 161
i-a»
1
ka-la-ak-ki
kfl
k u U u l a "tecomplète : si-na-iàm " û-kala-la-n-na S m t a n 13; lit-i]p~ra . . . û-ia-ak-h-ii I 23S k u l l u l u *to covcr*: [er?-p]é:-tum û-ka-Iala I I vi 12; [bu-u]l-h-ta û km la la ia-ap-ta-ia I I I in 29 9
sc
ul
ku-ii-h
krs k a r s u 'stomach': Ï-WS kar-H-h-na e\li-mesn sam-mu S i v 43 53 ksd kasâdu 'to arrive*: (a) f~a» ka-id-di S v l i a ] 13 [15J m M v: [ 0 [2] W 7 «
I I I iv 6
kalâsu 'to contract*: [H-ï\ak-ti-n rigim a-na nam-tar S iv to cf. 140, see p . 172 km k i m t u 'family*: M-im-to-iu ui-u-ri-ib III11 42; fci mt-ka sa-lat-ka W 8 kms kamâso *to consign': m-S ik-mi-su a-na ka-ra-S I I I m 54 • 4 3
ksd kisâdu 'neck': m vi
kasûsu 'power*: e-/j i-ba-a' ka-fu-iu I I I iii 12 cf. U rev. 19 ktm katâmu 'to cover : ki-ma hu-uq-U kaai-[mu pa-nu-st-iri} I I îv 13 cf. S v 25 vi [14] (kat-mu) r ïâ 'oot*: ai-Su la mu-ui-H-i I 217 2 3 0 ; cf. I 2 0 0 I I I n i 53 v 42 v i i 2 ; [/a tu-ia]ka-la-mm I I v i £13]; cf. I I v i [14] S i v 3 8 39 42 : la-ai-im I I I i i i 18 S a l â 'apart f r o m ' : ma-an-nu an-ni-tam ia la DM i-ip-pu-ui I I I v i 14
IO (*-«(**])
gbircie*: aa-eav kip-pa-H 'pxtctV:
•rli-iû]
ku ap nt
h-û
W 2 aa-a-an
m W f j ] ; [k]u-up-ru I I I in 3f3i ; ku-up-ra {tî-ta-m M I 13
ba-bi-iî ie-er-ru]
k a a a N ' b m d ' : r«a« (la) ku-sur-ma
S iv 51
fcr* k a u u 'gàV: i\U-ba-ai-\ 1383 398 410 I I ii 1er* karô 'to be short*; orzu-h-ma tk-ru-ni I I r r
e-e
r
i-az-za-
k a r â t a *to bies**: i-ka-ar-ra-ab kat-ra-ba-ma S «V 35
kraa
I r i i f m m u l B *faoat> «-M â-tâk-nm $ v {23} vi 12
\ 287;
k%-ia-di-i\a-a-ma]
3
kmr karaâra 'to beap up*: ib/-wi-«Nin J rev. 22 *Pf>
uq-m
ktt
k n m r r a i 'to kneel': sk-mU m-km i-ta-zi-iz U cAVr. 3 ; a*-*** û-ui-sa-ab û-mI i-ka-amwâ-is I I I 1 1 4 6 ; ki-nà-is i-zi-iz I 123 S ii
1 h% (asseveraîjve parti c leJ: ga-î* e]-pu-ui I I I v i £igj: ba-la-tâ biré [ & rev. 4 ; I I I v 49 l a (precative p article): I*M-aî À-iMS-ata-iie ai-flM-txtai I I I i 3 2 ; cf. I 248 ( P l a ) II i ai I I I i 31 33 v 52 v i 3 v i i 8; iu W 1 3 S ïv 51 S rev. 5 7 8 ; j o i n e d to verb aa m li-ia-si-ik 14a; passim r M V H d o x ' : ki-ma U~i i-éa-ab-bu l 354 II i j I I I i i i 15 r* l a w ô *to s i i r r o u n d ' : il-mu-û ba-hi-is-ha I 1 x 3 ; S i 14; 6*tat lo-flft I 71 73 8 0 82 f U t u 'chedk*: aWl ef^/i" I 2 7 4 Ibb i i b b a 'heart': be-pi-i-ma H4k-ba-Su I I I ii 4 7 ; U-ib-ba-ia û-na-ap-pi-ii I I I iv i a cf. v i 40 (l^â^èV); M-ib-ba-ka I I I v i 23 ; [ub-l\a~ma U-ih-ba-ku-nu U vii 36; Z W âaa i a - 4 | a l obv. 5 ; [su-U ana] tih-bî-ïé 9
SIK-J* a*-«a
krp karpai» 'pot': [ki-ma ka-ar-pa-ti r}t~ei« a s * g~af IIIii.fï^|;c£ U «cv. 17 (dise) fa» r i r i e e r %a psach otT, zirau "pièce : WH^é H ektmwiimyi I wgb (P) et 257-5*
libirtu 'bricar*: B^in^na-di U-bi^it-tum 1194 (P U-bil-tum); lî-bt-it-taid-at 1288; it-taS ii-bit-ti I 2590 ( P ) cf. S i i i 6 15 (et**)
Ibr labirûtu 'old t i m e ' : gu.za.la la-bi-ru-tim I 4 9 cf. J 5
vi 10 vîîî (10]
kfl
KXIHIQ 'dragon-tly': ki-ma
GLOSSARY
kar&o 'slander': i-ik-ka-lu ka ar-si I 3 9 ; mi-nom hir-n-hl-nu n\i-i]k-ka-al I 176 (KN) Gîij tes karâsu disaster": m-fi ik-mi-su a-na ka-rail I I I i i i 54 v 4 3 ; i-«o ka-ra-h I I I iii 14
libbâtu 'aftger*: B-ib-ba-ù
I U vie
ma-ti
I I v 13
l i g i m r n û orTspring': li-gim?-ma'r-a U-ibni-ma I 19011 Ifcm l a h m u 'water monster*: a-na la-ah-tm I I i i i 3 e n ; Vah-mu x rev. i 28 ( ? ) Il lullû ' m a n ' : hi-nï-ma iu-ul-la-a I 195;
ir
G ii 9 0 ; lû.u^.lu V obv. 2 4
laiû 'émotion': la-la-ia if ru up I I I iv 14 cf. U rev. 23 (la-Iu-iâ) Un l a m a 'before': la-am a-bu-bi wa-$e-e % rev. 4 Iran l e m n u 'evil*: H-ip-ra ît-em-ita I I v i i i 35 n e l m ê n u 'distress': U-ie-sa-an-ni-ma i-na né-el-m[e-m] I I I v 50 lpn l a p n u 'poor*: la-ap-nu [ip-HJi-ta ub-la] I I I i i 14 lot lapâtu 'to touch*: ïl-pu-ui si-ik-ku-ra I 75 leqû 'to take': ka-ak-ki-ht il-qi-a U-er-tam I 385 i i 2 8 (u-qu-uj: h-ip-ru S v i 16; ka-ak-ki-ka
cf. S i i 4 [9]
îl-qz I 90 153; I I I i 38 cf. z rev. U-qn-û I I i f 19 li-qi I 88 121;
I 171 ( L M ) ; 3M&4*
a\r-da-tum\ R 10; cf. I I iii 19; W-çée-ma z rev. i 19 îrd l a r d a ' c o u c h grass* ( f ) : i4m-la lâhafr?daî] I I i v 9 0 ltk m a l t a k t u V a t e r - c l o c k ' : ip-ie ma-câ-iaak-ta su-a-ii û-ma-al-U I T I i 36 m - m a (coptila appended to verbs m seqoence): U-id-at-nam-ma fr* . lu-pu-mi I 2 0 3 ; passim • m a (emphatic particle): it-ti-ia-ma la na-tu I 2 0 0 ; passim m m (particle mtroductng direct apeedi): ma bel S ïv [23] v i 19 U obv. [5] - m i (particle appended to word of direct speech); a-di~ma-mi I 37e; cf. I 128 [ï29Ï (130} { 1 4 0 ] (141] [142} 159 246 289 376 I I v 14 2 8 m' m â t u ' l a n d ' : ma-tum ki-ma U4 t~£a~ak~bm
**7
I [354) H i 3; — ir-m-fM I {313J Hia S & ï ''kmy [nfriùHm I I I à 9; nm-Us I I I va 26; f^or t rev. 17 8 vi 19; nwf^if *-Aa/ sur * $ w 24 al-, t^aa me^aa» I 377 39» f # s j H i as; ma-ti I I ii 8 (Q) g iv 30 ftar^k fb-ku-é a-na ma-tim U I iv 15; a a - ^ iaVai iaa-f»w I 22 24 $ t é (kasf; ma-tim 1 30; i-*a kur .mei ' S obr. a s
1
1
m mâ'u 'to vomit': i-ma-a* ma m fa a a
I "
m'd màdn 'to be asacfe'; s M i |s>ai-af 1353 I I i 2 S iv [r]; ma-a-oé la m la mm l4[t5oJi03f7r(W ««W aa/t m i t a 'dead*: AM ^ £ mw-a* S v {25] fi 14 aagr magâro 'sa zmtmf: îi-ii iUkam i-U ts-[ul ma-fi-ir] I I I 1 [42) mdr midirtu ' c a a # : av^aWa*av is|a"
idrifa^L] y r3
mehû 'storm': awfri» « I I I i i 5; tana» m&4m-é I I I iv 25; cf. I I I vii 25 Çaî-mja im-he-é iflimmGmtima i tv 11 15; U fev. 4 7 aa|r ma^âru 'to taor*: gaaai&f m mfa*r-mt I 41; mi-à-hlu-Tû-ml I I I 1 2 6 m a i t n i 'ttoor*: a*â*S*a HW [aw aji ri} I I VA Isoj; é ai âa axai a-aa *m-*\jh fè\4m I 100; aMM-a-éi iMa-ès — — I I I i i i 27; *-aa st{a-a(H^a]a I ^ i ; ^asHtz aw-a#n<s I 8$; anai mami I l v 25; fJ~t*-2i-cz ma-har DtS 1 00; i>iV a i N M a a . î 172 :(L^!) S a f5l; u-ks-h-fa mm^mëiSsî 13; o-^-ia aas ak-ri4* I 254(P)ct a $ s | r ) m % r u 'dam*: 9nr-\di B vi mf matû *to become fear*: favQa kum-ta-a 9*39 mkr makkûnz 'goods*: ma-ak-ha-m m-e-erma I I I i 23; aaa} A a 4 » a ^ i ^ ml' m a l u 'to nH * aa*oHS a aa fa O ia Hî tM-ht-mm ra-ta-cm I I I iv 20; aaveMh « a Mi-m^ai I I I iv 7; im-k-m S v (24} ai t a ; •** «É#iNai I I % a^M^MMhlBva^ ffî*ié;m*»al~ 1
i»4W
$a-*k*m*4 *rf'aata lfiI I I i 30
t$8
GLOSSARY
mala '«a much as'.* ma-la i-ba-ai-iuu S rev. 5; nui-la urqfht f*#*tf»['i*tfm] W 9 mllu 'flood': a-n-il~h~ka mi-lu i-na naaq-bi U i 13; cf. I I iv 3 S iv 45 55 v UI mlk malâku 'to take counsal : ia /a iw-ta-alku-mu I I I iii 13 v 42 (-ku-û-ma) ; im-taiku mU'hà Jfy obv. 1 ; \at-t]a ù H-i mit-itli-ka I I I vi 44 mal ku /malik w 'counsellor': ma-li-ik i-li I 43 45 57 [50] I I I viii xi ; \w]a-li-ikSu-nu l H; ma-li-ih-ku-nu I 125 [137] S ii 13 milkix 'counsel': tii'-o qi-ri-ib hi-ti mil-ha I 375 390 I I ii 14' (Q); im-tui-ku mil-kd obv. x; mil-kd ia dingir.mei $ obv* 9; mi-Uk-id is-p[u-ub] U rev. 17 snWkfitu 'rulership' : ? \ma-li-h\u-ut ap-se-e S i a ma monnu 'who?': mo-oti-nu-uaf-att I 128 129 13° 14° 4 142; ma-an-nu iu-ti I I vii 4$n; ma+aa-nu I I I vi 13 maftluxn 'what? : [m]a-iu-um-ma lu-uiu4 I I I i 1711 mïnu/minû 'what?': mt-^nam kar-si-Sû-nu I 176 ( K ) O ii 3 ; mi-nam x rev. i 42; fan* mi-na-a a-mu-ur I 109 (F mi-na); a-na mi-nim I I vii 42 m Insu 'why?': mi-in-iu ta-du-ur I 94 96 m i m m a 'whatever': mi-im-ma i-S[u-û] I I I ii 30 31 •man (appended particle): a-bu-ma-an I I I iv 511 ma' manu 'to count* ; [Sanûtim im]-w-û ia iu-up-ii-ik-ki I 34 36; [tum]-nu Si-ip-ta S iii 3; #~tu*ma taw-nu-û ibid. ; [i-ma]-an-nu ar-fri I 279; iMd»r"* na-H S iii 2 cf. I 254 (P) 1
1
ï
4
ûW
macjùru 'boat': ma-qd-ra i-ta-ma-ar I I I vi s raqrqr maqurqurru 'boat*: /« gifi.mft.gur.gur-/wj I rov. 8 mr marru 'shover*. a/-/i ma-ar-ri I 337; ma-ar-ri-iu-nu i-ia-ta-am . . . it-ta*ah-iu I65 mâru ' son'* mu-ru a-na a-bi-Su I 336] dumii JfffM!' x lav. ii 15; ma-ru ra-mani-ka I 94 96; ma-ru-iu ub-bu-ku I I I iii 26 cf. U rev. aa (dumu.meft-/d); ma-ru-h I I I iii du&ïw» W§ &2 it-H-Sû 1
w
GLOSSARY
x rev. ii 4 8 ; dumu.mel um-m[a-ni] W 8; dingir.mel dumu.meX»/u 8 iv 5 37; |//
9
9
4
1
no'fldu 'to heed': i-ta-i-du ii-tar 1 302 ndn n'd nadAlX» 'to givs'ï [fi-ga-ra n]a-a^ba4u nâdu 'to praise': i-t[a-ad n\a-a$*iû-fa ti-a-am-Hm [it*ta-a]d-nu a-na DN 116; i-ta-ad ke-la I 297-8 ti-i(.-(a-am li-id-di-nam-ma I 203 nzm tanlttu 'praise': fa-ni*it-ti-ii-[ka] I I I viii Hn nazâmu 'to shout': na-ap-ba-ar-lu-nu n»l ut-la-az-za-am III v 38; ut-ta-za-ma Itfllu 'to lie : 1/" oS-id\-tum » mu-sà la-ni-h-ti 8 iv 23 25; [ut»ta-a*]-Ba-m I 300 I 40 maialu 'bed': i-na ma-ia-li û-ie-et-[bi-iu] nxji I 79; il-ta-kdn ma-a-a-al-iu S v 32 nut)éu 'prosperity' : nu-fjit-ul ni-H nisaba n'n II vi 14 nûnu 'fish': bu-du-ri nu-ni U I i 35; af [k]u«.mel I 1er kus.mel . . . kuê.mal nafû 'to be suituble' : it*tMa-ma la na-fû x rev. ii a i aa 37 38 1 200 n'r ntl nâru 'river': [/i~/>|/-// na-ru I I iii 19; nafàlu 'to look': zi-ba-ni-it ama dumuM* [idS}glat na-ra-am I 25n; tm-la-a-nim i-na-fal 8 v 20 vi 9 cf. 61v 21 vi 10 na-ra-am I I I iv 7; [i-ber]-ru-û Id S i 5; nkm pu-ti4S na-ri I I iii 26; [i-n]a pu-ut id nakkamtu 'treaaurs': bi-it na-ak-ma-ti 8 v 32; cf. x rev. i 24; na-ri I I iii 18 III iii 50 n'r nkm namAru 'to shine': [n]a-am-ru-ma banakâmu 'to itch' (?): û-na»ak*ki-tnal du-ti pa-nu-ia I 283 na-àk»ka-am-t[a] II iv ion S v [12] n'r vl [i] (na-kâm-l[a]) nâru 'to kill* : i m-na-ra-a[i-§u] J 1 nakkamtu 'itch' ( ?): sec nakâmu n'r nkr nlru 'yoke' : i ni-iS-bi-ir ni-ra J 2 nakâru 'to become itrange': ui>iftti4frnan'r {jt-ta-ak-ru) I I iv [12] S v 14 vi 3 nâru 'to roar': [ki-ma p]a-ri*i na-ê-ri (iMak-ru) I I I iii x6 nki n'a nakâsu 'to put': lu-np-li-ik-ki-lu-nu 'gina n ê i u 'Ufe': ? I 4x3-15 (Q ne-ê-H) it-ta-ak-iu 1670 nb' ni! nabû 'to call' : Iu-ti tf-tat-ft t«ôa>-[a] I I I nallu 'dew': li-ia-ax-m-m na-al-là (B nav 4 9 ; t-fa-ao-ot I 296 (E t*ta6-ot); aî-[Sa]) II ii 18 cf. 32 [l]t-ib-bu-[ti} I 304 (P)î H-tar [li-it-tanmi a]b-bu-ii DN I 304; ti-aa-ao-60 DN nammaliû 'wild animait': na-[ma-aiI I I iv 4 13; [x-t]a-ab-bi-x I 306 Se-4(î) I H a [ 3 7 ] ngr nsb naggâru 'carpentar': na-ga-[ru na-H punaaa%u 'to pull out': ta-ar-kwd-li DN as-su] I I I ii xxn [&ftfl-Ji«to'] I I vii [51] cf. U rev. 15a ngr (ttata-ia-^a) nftgiru 'herald': (li-)is-SH+tt na-gi-ru I 376 nak 391 [403] I I ii 15' 21 S iv 30 lussuku 'to do away with*: du-ut-la-ku-nu ([ni]glr) û-ia-as-H-ik I 240; ia iMia-a[<}-ia>Jtti nd' o-toa-at-ito III vi 26; du-ut-ta-ni JMa* nadû 'to put': li«H<4t'>ta id-di 1 288; s(<4k d-ni 142n I l iii 13; is-qd-am id-du-û l i a ; i-ia-tam nsa ne-pi'H-Su-nu id-du-û-ma I 64; ru-u*nissatu 'mouroixig*: il-bi np-issà-um tam id-du-û I 2 3 4 ; tl-lo>ox H-bèt*t\*l UI iv x6; ia-a-at-tum m^tà-t[û] I 259 (P) S iii 6 (i-ta-di)\ U I v 3x1 U I v 48 U rev. 2; [qd-sa to-at]*la>oV S iii 4 ; n p i [i]t-td«du-ltl tam-ta I 173 (M); i-d[î*^ nuppulu 'to give rest to': U^feiï&*$Q tam-ta] S ii 7; ifa«de-# §-er
GLOSSARY napistu 'life' (cont.) bu-id-li-ip I I I i 24; Sum-sa lu na-si-rat na-pis-tim 9 rev. 8; i-na Si-it-ku-ki na-pi-i[s-ti\ I I iv 14 cf. S v 26 vi [15] (zi); [n]a-pi-H-ti ma-tim I 2211 24 S i 6 ([n]a-pûl~ti) nsr nasâru 'to guard': is-su-ur DN e-le-nu II v 16 30 vi 25 cf. is-sur S v a x rev. i 11 ii 16 17; as-sû-ur er-se-tam Sa-ap-litam I I v 17 31 vi 26; cf. x rev. ii 19 Q-sur) 35 (as-su-rm); is-su-ru DN e-le-nu x rev. i 8 ii 32; cf. x rev. i 9 ii 33 y 6 8 (tr-f&va); i-na-as-sa-ru bâb-k[a] VY xo; i-na-as-sa-ru e-le-nu x rev. ii 2 9! cf. 3 ro (i-na-sa-ru); [H-ga-ru n]a-ab-ba-lu tam-ti [at-ta ta] -na-as-sa-ra x rev. ii 5 12 (-sa-ru); cf. x rev. i 7 (U-is-sur) y 2 (U-is-sû-ru); li-is-su-ru [DN e-le-nu] x rev. i 4 5; [û-ptr] a-dan-na W [ 5 ] ; fum-sa ht na-si-rat na-pis-tim M rev. 8; [û-ui-t]a-si-ra na-pi-i[i-tam] I I I vi 19; K-ip-ra . . . Su-us-si-ir at-ta I I I i 19; su-us-si-ri ka-la si-iq-riî-ia I I I i 21 massâru 'guard' : ma-of-sa-ru tam-ti x rev. ii 24 40 massartu Svatch': mi-H-il ma-as-sa-ar-ti I 7on 72 aq' naqû *to pour out': ? iq-qû-û J 8 niqû 'offering': ma-as-fra-tum ni-qû-û I 382 397 4<>9 I I ii [13] 27 S iv 33 (aitkur); i-ku-lu ni-qi-a-am I I I v 36; e-lu m-qi-i pa-ah-ru I I I v 35 nqb naqbu 'tbe deep': [i-na n]a-aq-bi I 27 I I i 13 (Q - * M iv 3 cf. S i 8 iv 45 55 v [4] ni nistx 'people': ni-Ht û-ul am-ra- [(«) - ma] I I iv 6; im-ti-da I 353 II i 2 S iv [x]; [m-i]u la im-ta-a S iv 3 9 ; qa-da-nii ï[t~ta-n] a-la-ka m-su S v 17 vi 6; ni-lu.^ . [zi~m]u-H-na it-tak-ru S v [14] vi 3 ; ni-iu . . . bal-ta^at S v £26] vi 15; a-na ni-H I I i 9 v [20] [2'] vi 29 viii 3 s I I I vi 48 S iv 42 52 (ni-ie-e) S iv 50 60 v [9} x rev. ii 613 (ukù.xneS) ; i-na ni-H I I I vii 1 2 3 ; e~U ni-H I I I iii 12 U rev. 19 (ni-ie); ka-la ni-H 3 rev. 3 ; a-na ku-ul-la-at ni-H I I I viii x8 ; nu-hu-ui ni-H I I vi 14; bu-bu-ti-ii ni4S I 339; ni-H ik-nù-su a-na ka-ra-H I I I iii 54 v 4 3 ; û-su-ra-te id ukù.mes-ma S iii 14; û-sû-ra-at ni-H R 5 ; ni-Si-iu iq-ri I I I ii 40; û-ub-ba-al qâ-ti a-na n[i-H-ia-ma] I I vii (43] ai' nasû £ g cartf^
uljia
U-Sd-a
me-hi i-na
GLOSSARY 19X
na-aq-bi S iv 45n 55 v [ 4 ] ; ku-up-ra [it-ta-H le-er-ru] I I I ii [13]; iu-up-ii-ik Him a-wi-lum H-ii-H I 191 197 G ii [12] V obv. [3] ; eqlu . . . Jfu-a (li-)ii-H I I ii 19 33» lu-û na-H I 333; na-ga-[ru na-Hpa-as-su] I I I i i [11] cf. [12] nsk nissïku, nassïku, ninsïku 'prince': ni-ilS[i-ku] I 250 (P Pnini-n-kù) cf. S iii [1]; I I vii 3 9 ; a-na DN m-iS-H-ki I I I vi 42 cf. I i6n (na-aS-H-ki) nsq nasâqu 'to kiss': û-na-ai-H-qû ie-pi-ia I 245 nir nasâru 'to cut off': (H-)ii-iu-ur eqlu iS-piki-su I I i 18 S iv 46 (li-iur) 56 v 5 (il-èur) ntk nataku 'ta drip' : ti-ku a-ii-it-tu-uk I I i 1711 tîku 'drop': see nataku s'q sâqu 'to be narrow': ra-ap-lu-tum bu-daH-na [is-si-qâ] I I iv [17] cf. S v 16 vi 5 (is-si-qa) sûqu 'street': qâ-ad-di-ii i-il-la-ka i-[na sû-qi] I I iv [16] S v 17 (su-qi) vi 6 (su-qf) ah* sibû, si bit ru 'seven': [7] à 7 sà-su-ra-ti S iii 9 cf. xo; ra-bu-tum DN si-bi-it-tam I 5 n ; 7 ki-ir-si I 257-8 (P) cf. S iii 5 - 6 ; 7 ud.mes S i i i 15 sebûtu 'the seventh day of the month': i- na ar-bi se-bu-ti ù la-pa-at-ti I 206 221
«*'
sariû 'to rebel' : û-ia-as-bi bi-i-i[a] : I I I iii 41 skp aakâpu 'to overthrow': sa-ki-i [p] I I I iv 27 skr s e k ë r a 'to block': is-sa-kir lap-US S iv 55 v 4 ; li-sa-kir iap-US S iv 4 5 a sikkûru 'boit': ïl-pu-ut si-ik-ku-ra I 75
(K mi-)
al' sullû 'to pray': û-ul û-se-el-lu-û ii-tar-Suun I 406 I I ii 2 4 ; e tu-sa-al-li-a ii- ta-ar-ku-un I 379 [394] I I ii 10 al' salâtu 'kin': ki-mat-ka sa-lai-ka W 8 siîïtu 'womb' : si-li-tam ip-te I 282 sxaa (?) s i m a n û : Si-bu-ti si-ma-ni-^i I 374n 389 I I i i 13' ([si-ma]-né-e Q) ani a i a n i i t u 'female': û-ba-na-a SAL.meS S iii 1 0 aar see aer
spb aapârtu 'to scatter': mi-lik-id U rev. 17
is-p[u-ub]
puttru 'assembly': \p]u-u}pru I Ifi%%'(Q) pu-ûb-ra II viii 32 III vi 27; i^a pu-ity-ri I 122 2X8; cf. I [134] I l j 16 18 I I I iii 36; mi-it-li-ka i-na puub-ri I I I vi 44; a-na pu-bur ka-la dingir.mei x rev. ii 45; cf. I 122 (F pubu-w) S ii 10 (ukkin); DN ft-iokanjkan pu-pur-fu S iv 4 37; pu-bur-M I I i 5 (Q); i-na pu-uh-ri-tu-nu I 224 pu|uir 'together': H-ib-ta-al-H-lu pu-bu-ur I 2130 naptaru 'totality'; na-ap-ba-ar-iu-nu utta-az-za-am I I I v 38 v
sp* suppû 'to pray': e tu-sa-pa-a u.dar-ku-un SW3X spn sapannu 'edge': i-mi-da a-na s[a-pa]n[ni] I I I iv [8] sqr/zkr (see note on I 63) aaqâru 'to speak': PN pi-a-ïu i-pu-iaam-ma is-sà-qar a-na PN (or, a-na PN is-sà-qar): I 48 86 92 106 112 119 168 M 175 ( M N ]-aq-qar) 199 205 236 369 373 388 I I v [23] vii 41 viii 37 III i 2 [12] 16 41 vi 12 [17] 42 [46] G ii 2; cf. U obv. 14 ([iz-za-k]ar) W 12 (\iz-zàk\-kar) x rev. i [1] 18 ii [15] (iz-zak-kar) x rev. ii 45 (iz-za-kdr) S ii 8 iv [22] 3 7 (mu) S iv 29 (mu-&) U obv. 4 (mu-dr) J 4 ; is-sà-q[ar] I 169 1357] I I i 6 iii 18 S iii 1 ; [iz-z]a-ka-ra S iv 5 ; is-sà-qar-iu-nu-H I I v 27 siqru 'speech': si-iq-ra ia DN I 11311; û-ia-ap-ta si-iq-ra I I I vi 15; iS-mu-û si-qi-ir-Su I 630 400 I I I iii 52; iu-ussi-ri ka-la si-iq-ril-ia I I I i 21 d
p' pû 'mouth': ûb-bu-ku a-na pi-id U rev. 22; ub-la pi-i-ku-nu I I I v 4 4 ; ub-la pi-i-ni I 152 165 I I v 15 29 vi 24 I I I vi 8 ; pi-a-iu i-pu-ia-am-ma I 47 91 105 111 118 204 368 372 387 I I v 22 vii 40 viii 36 I I I i 1 11 15 40 vi ix x6 41 45; pa-a-iu — I 85 n i ( F cf. L ) 118 ( F L ) 174 ( K N ) G ii 1; cf. J [3]; pa-u-lû W I I X rev. 2 [1] ii 14 44 ka-fw U obv. [4] 13; ka-iw S ii 8 iv 21 [29]; pi-a-ia te-pu-ia-am-ma I 198 235 pûtu 'front side' : pu-ut nâri S v 32 x rev. i 24 25 ; pu-ti-iS na-ri I I iii 26 p** pâsu 'axe': na-ga-[ru na-H pa-as-su] I I I ii [ u n ] Pgr pagru 'body. self : a-na ra-ma-ni-ia à pa-ag-ri-i[a] I I I iii 4 2 a pelxû 'caulk': ip-ba*a i-pé-efr-fti ba-ab-iu gis.fmâ] W 4
gi[s\ma] U rev. 3 ; I I I ii 51; pi-fn'
pahâru 'to assemble' : e-lu ni-qi-i pa-afy-ru I I I v 3 5 ; [pa]b'Ta-ma er-ie-te mu-te-ti S iii 8 ; Jî'-ott-lt' û-pa-ab-^ir I 386 I I I i 3 9 ; S[à-à]s-su-ra-a-tum pu-ûb-bu-ra~ma I 2 5 1 (P) cf. 277
;
pahâru 'to release' : ip-fû^-ur ul-l[a] H v 19; e-le-ep-pa — I I I ii 55; ta-ap-pUtr ut-la I I v [ i l vi 28; ap-fû-ur — 1243
PJ ,
palû 'period' : \j%\a-lu-up pa-le-e 1282 m palâhu 'to révérence': aval ip-la-bu v-H* Su-un 1 405 II ii 23; e ta-ap-la-tyx i-li-ku-un I 378 [393] I I ii 9 Siv [31]; [if\-tu-ma ap-ta-na-a&la-bu DN] Illt4$ plk* palkû 'extenaive': fê*ru pa-ar-ku II iv 8; edin pal-ku-û S iv 48 58 v [7] tnV pâaô 'face': u^-mu ii-nu-û pa-nu-û-su III ii 48; Jja-du-û pa-nu-ia 1 283; ka-aU [mupa^nu-H-in] I I iv [13] cf. pa-nu-H-na S v [25] vi 14; ar-qû-tum am-ru pa*n[uH-m] I I iv 15; a-ta-mar pa-ni-k[a] U obv. 11 ; pa-mia &«p-t[e] III v 51 xnanini 'infront':x rev. ii 47; Î-BA ku-u[n] I I I vi 18 pana 'formerly': pa-na-mi... i-na-an-na i 246; a-na tâpa-na S iv 39
P 9' peau
•
^
,
'to become white : sa-at-nm-tum ip-su-û û-g[a-n^ IX iv 7 cf. tp-fu-u S iv 57 v [6]; Up-su-û S iv 47 pqd paqâdu 'to adiriinister': pa-qi-du h-ma-U I 220 pqi paqâlu 'to carry': la BNictpUF&MRf* aa-ga^lM/efj] I I I v 470 pr* t
p a r a 'to eut': sp-ru-u ma-ar-ka-sa Ul 1
iâ 55 p a r u 'wild asa': l/Û-ma p]a-nH na-e-n I I I iii 1 6 ; ir-ta-kab pa-re-e^m} M «w. 5 prk' ' . aaparkA 'to be lacking': su-par-he-e naptitî S v [26] vi 13 ara
GLOSSARY aarâsu Ho cut oÊT: [ta-pa-ra]-sa mur-sa $ iv a8; ip-tlar-sju c-a* ni-se-e tt-fa
S iv 5»; MMHVVM 42 (tfarl A I axa);
II i
m-lm mm mm
ni
sé-ur] Ai — i At I I I ii J S tep-te^si
Smj P*t
pâsirru (a decnon): (i-ib-H-ma pa-H-ii-iu I I I vii j n
i-na ni-H
sapsâqu 'distress': ma m mi §a-ap-sa-qmm I 4 ca> [is°J G a [4]; — Sa-mpmwêmmm 1 1 / 7 (M) passera Ho explain': ip-su-ur
I 135; ap-su-
«fr] 1157; m-pa-aS-fmr 3 rev. 2 PC petû Ho opes': n-h-tam ip-te I 2 8 2 ; ip-r* • t af ts? fià-to I I I x 3 6 ; m a a-na dumujsAL W t > • le kd-ia S v 19 vi 8 ; ma-me-
s-hu-ut-su
I I vi
sera country': m-rm pa-ar-ku I I xv 8 cf. f # 4 8 $§ v £7} (eàhs}; ki-ma a-mi-im i-na se-ri Ul xv 9x1; H T a 3 7 ; a n si se-rim 3 rev. x i ; é-ma-am edin W 9
SHBS
43;
sera 'over : m nim ma 1 0 iii aT i*ai « e la*aVsaa m-ri-H-in I I I iv xx aasrru Ha casai': h-ù-sî-m ma-ar-bi-ka VU via 1711 9
e-li-is
pu-ur-si
vii 9 parsu 'rite.. auttWuy': par-sa-mm ta-baml MM I 171 ( K ) ; km-i-Ja pàr-si-fu S iv mupparsu 'winged \- mu- u-p-pa-a[r-ia isfi* HÉ pesa (?): àsz-Rî-if a-bu-un-na-te
sullulu 'to cover over* : fÏMt"
S jv
9
sa* aaliihi 'to seize*: AavA* aâ-Jï . . - i-sa-bat
3 nor. 3 ; As t-#o-ea-ss S xv 3 cf. 8 41 y f a èar to-aâ); pa-H-it-tm A H S > ie-tr-ra I I I vii 4 ffct m a s h a t u sesame-meal \* (H-jd-h-ik-iu ma-
GLOSSARY
dan-na
à
$ii-ap~li~if i
III rev.
i 9;
ssi-ul-lu-la-at 31 ;
sû-lu-la
[AJMSMI
"p-
tt-t* . . . sti-til-li-il-si I I I 1 29 sulûJu 'roof: see sullulu aim s al m u 'black': sa-al-mu-tum ip-sii-û û-g[am] I I iv 7 S iv 4 7 5 7 v [6] (gig-mes) sm' s a m û 'to be thirsty': sa-mi-a-at h'-ik-ri-il I I I iv 17; sa-ms-a ia-ap-ta-iu nu I I I iv a i ; zi-se-ms [!Lïi-.ka-[$a] U obv. 10 s ûmu Hhirst* : i-ma pi-mi ù bu-bu-ti I I I iii 3* smd
s a m â d u Ho yoke': [î]s-sa-am-du I I I ui 6 «ar issûru "bird*: [is-sû-wr] sa-ma-ii I I I ii [35]: if-sur sa-me-e 3 rev. xx; hi-is-bi is-sû-ri I I I x 35 spr s u p r a 'ciaw': [ M B * sjû-up-ri-iu [û-ia-arri-it] ia-ma-i I I I iii 7 cf. U rev. 16 (su-up-ri-Su) as 5 u s û 'marsh': su-si-a ra-bi-a I 35 $rp sarâpu Ho consume': la-la-ia is-ru-up I I I iv 140 U rev. as (la-lu-id) 9
qâtu *hand': [q]a-tam i-hu-zu qa-îi-sa I u n ; û(H-ia-aq-qi-il qà-as-sujsu I 384 399 411 I I ii 15 2 9 ; [Mi-tyaï-kân**** qat.su S iv 3 6 ; [qé-sa ta-at\-taS e-U ti-it-îi-sa S m [ 4 0 ] ; i-îa-as-su-la qâ-îi I 336 ( ? ) ; û-ub-ba-al qâ-ii I I vii 4 3 ; i-pu-ia qa-ta-ia I 289 ( P ed-to-o-a); s'-no qa-ti-su I I vi 19 Ob' q e b â Ho speak, c o m m a n d ' : [a-m}a-tam an-m-[tam iq-bi] Ul i [ 4 6 ] ; àa-Af>>aM ù-su-ru z rev. i 8 cf. y 3 ; èû-û-
qabû 'speech': an-ni-a-am qd-ba-ia (P gaba-ia) I 244 qbl qabhi 'battle ' : qd-ab-lum i-ru-sa a-na [b]a-bi-kalia I S i 83 110; ta-forn-aa i ni-ib-lu-la qà-ab-la-am I 6 2 ; û-ia-ab-H od-efA-Az] I I I viii 13; qâ-ab-lam I [131] 143; [qà^-ab-Um I 128 140; [Ai-axe qd-ab-tji £-li ni-H I I I iii [12] cf. U rev. [19] qablu 'middle': [q\d-ab-H^ta i-te-zi-ih I 286 qablû 'middle' : er-se-tim [qab-tirtim] x rev. i [5] [ 9 ] ; — qab-li-tu jqa-ab-li-tïm iqabli-tum x rev. i i 3 xo 17 33
«i
m
qt» qatû 'to come to an end': iq-te II iti 16; û-qâ-at-ti di-im-ma-ti III tt 11 qtr qutturu 'destroy': lu-û qû-ut-tu-ur II j zm qutrînu 'intense offering': it-fc-a a-na qû-ut-ri-ni I I I v 41 r" ru'tu 'spittle': ru-u'-um id-du-û e-lu ti-it-ti I 23411 r" mérita 'iodder*: ma-la urqètu me-ef-ffr sim] W r*d râdo 'downpour': Û-H4k ra-du III iv 2$; agafrj U rev. 70 r*t râta 'trough': ki-ma sm-me-ri sm-h-mm ra-ta-am I I I iv 20 r*xa rëxnu 'womb': arhui lu ku-pa-ma S iv 51 cf. 61 v [9]; é-td ul-àa er-se-tum re-e\m* Sa] II iv 4; ih^li-hal-kai erutu re-em-U S iv 58 [7]
9
qadxx 'with* : i-lam . . . qd-du te^-mi-fu I 239 cf. 243 P (-d]u-um) I I vii 33; [qd-du sam-me-su] S v [2] cf. x rev. i 7 ii 5 12 19 3 5 ; qd-da x rev. i 11 qdd qaddis, qaddânis 'hunched': qâ-ad-aH-is i4l-la-ka I I xv 16; qa-da-nii t[t-fa-a]ala-ka S v [17] vi 6 qdm tff q a d m u 'front': bi-la e-pi-ta a-na qû-udrasa 'to mova*: qà-ab-lum i-ru-sa a-na mi-su I 381 408 I I ii [12J 2 6 ; ha-hi-ka\îa I 8in 83 110 qû-ud-mi-ia I 39011 cf. S iv 34 (qudaf me-ia); qû-ud-mi-is I I iv 20 23 rèsxx 'head': [wl4]^-û re-ss-su 132 qds r*s qadistu 'prostitute' : X-SMI Aî-tt qâ-dî-is-ti rista 'rejoicing': a-û-ibS-6-na-â ri-OI 290 t[uax] H i 20 qm' ra' qêmu 'meal': i-si-ir qé-ma I 288 rabâ 'tobe great*: bt-vp-B-ik ra-bi-\m]ft
49 V
I3 rabtx 'great': sûrqi-a ra-bi-a I 35; {aaa* ra-bé\-e I 302; be-d-tum ra-bt-tum I I I iii 28; ra-bi-tam I 157; gilmâ ra hi tant I rev. 6; ra-bu-tum BN15 103 219 233 II v 14 28 vi [23} I I I iii 30 vi 7; i-A'/dingirjneâ ni-ôa-toa I 106 199 205 232 (-a) 236 357 I I i 6 ffîvîx7 (-a*) vai [xi] S xi 10 (màjasa); dingir .mes ra-aè-ht-ti % obv. 9; i-ià. », ra-Aa-rfm] I 338; a-aa xs-ieW fo-Aa-ft I I I v 46 q e r û 'to invite': ni-H-iu iq-ri I I I i i 40 narbô 'greatness': a%«Ml-ffa as-ar-At-As q e r ê t a 'banquet': a-na qé-re-ti I I I ix 41 I I I v i i qrb rk' cjtrfra 'inside': qi-ri-ib At-ft I 375 {300] erbû 'tour*: imJimmu.ba U rev. 5 I I i i [ 1 4 ! ; çf~fi~»Mx* I 3 1 ; [Ai su-ut-ti rgm zé]u-ud-di-a qi-ri-ib-sa I I I i 130; a-ày+rigma 'noise*: tHgma i-st-em-mm-â 171 mu-ur iamai q&-ri-ib~£a I I I i 30 cf. X79 (»A>; m-c&ia-**^* n^-m qrd qurâdu 'hero' (always Enhl, except once I 377 faoal404 H a 8 a a Siv30 Axai: I 2 6 9 ) : qû-rm-du I 8 [125] [137] (x%); Ax^^HifSia I I I ^ 47î I I v 2 7 vi 3 2 I I I vi [si S ii [13]: ri-^a^o-«»^AHil3|$ 0 * 7 SivA qû-ra-dam I 43 4 5 57 59*» qû-ra-di I 69 qanû 'reed': qâ-ne-e gâb-bi lu bi-nu-ns-sà J rev. 7 qqd (qdqd) qaqqadu 'head*: u'-pu-ur ka-aq-qd-as-sà I284 qqr (qrqr) qaqqaru 'ground': ka-aq-qd-ra U-e-er-ri I I i 15; ina qaq-qa-ri e-sir M-lfUT-tu] W 14 16
&
17
d
I242 S vii 325 i t ^ ^
92x12x69 siaxss
I I I vi 12
x rev. ii 3t-(fis-) B
194
GLOSSARY
GLOSSARY
r i g m u 'noise' (cont.) i 12 y 9 ; [i]u S iv 20 v [30] ; a-tva-tam cf. U rev. 20 ( K A ) ; U-mu-û ri-gi-im-Su Su-a-ti I 166; iu-a-ti sti-ul-li-il-H I I I I I I i i 50; [r]i-gi-im-ia ty-pi I I I i i i 10; i 2 9 ; iu-a-ti û-ma-al-li I I I i 36; ki-ma ii-te-me ri-gi-im-H-in I 356 I I i 5; ti-ru-ru iu-a-t[ï] I I I i i i 4 0 ; ti-ta ia-ti ri-gi-im-H-na ei-me I I I iii 4 3 ; ri-gimI 231 ; iu-nu-ti I I v i 3 5 (verbal suffix ?) B-na I 413-15 ( Q ) cf. 360ff.( V ) ; s i (3rd person pronoun): [at-t]a ù H-i [li-i]ak-li-si ri-gim-H-na S iv 10 cf. 14; I I I v i 4 4 ; cf. I 253 (P) I I v i i 35 ( ? ) [ w w ] rig^^-me-H-na at-ta-a-dar S iv 2 37 I I I iv 18 v 46 3 rev. 8 ; ii-a-ti 7 cf. 40 I I I v i 38 rd' redû 'to flow': îi-tr-[di mi-ilj-ra] I I vii 53; s u ' u 'grain': Hs-û ia i-im-ru S iv 49 59 v 8 ; mi-ib-ra [û-iar-di] TJ rev. [14]; û-ia-areqlu . . , iu-a (li-)ii-ii I I i i 19 33 di a-no iu-ub-ti-iu I 84
fi'
rfes
rat>âsu 'to overwhelm': [i-r]a-bi-is i-da-ak rev, 13 rkb rakâbu 'to ride : ir-ta-kab pa-re-e-[iu] U rev. s rukûbu 'chariot': ru-ku-ub dingir.mes U rev. 12 rks m a r k a s u 'hawser' : ip-ru-u* ma-ar-ka-sa I I I ii 5S rm' rummû 'to let loose': ru-um~mi I I I v i 24 rmk r i m k u 'washing': te-li-il-tam . . . ri-im-ka I 207 222 r m n (?) ramânu 'self' : û-b[a-ar]-ru-û ra-ma-an-ïa (P -id) I 293 cf. S iii 19; ma-ru ra-mani-ka I 94 9 6 ; a-na ra-ma-ni-ia ù paag-ri-ia I I I iii 42 rpé rapâsu 'to be wide' : ma-tum ir-ta-pl-ii I [3533 H i 2 S iv 1 (ir-ta-pi[i]) r a p s u 'wide': ta-ma-tu ra-pa-di-tû x rev. ii 7 2 9 ; ra-ap*fa-tum bu-da-H-na I I iv i7n S v [16] vi 5 (rap-fd-tu) rso ( ? ) : tr-»-x[ G ii 5 cf. I 178 ( N ) rqd raqftdu 'to dance': ur-[taq]-qa-da U rev. gn ri' rafiû 'to have': e-mu-qâ iu-ur-H I I I i 33 S s a (genitrve particle): i-na pu-û%-ri ia i4i I I v i 16 18 I I I iii 36; cf. I 34 3 ° 77io8n(?) I I ii 20 v [13] v i a i I I I i [13] vi 6 S obv. 9; id: S ii 10 i i i 14 iv 26 39 * - " C*3l [39] i a (relative particle): DN ia i-iu-û fei-e-ma l 223; cf. I H 3 I I i"' 31 v i i 44 I I I i 18 25 iii 53 v 42 47 v i 26; id: S v i 25 W 5 17 x rev, i 29 ( F o r ia là see là,)
U
1
r e v
é»
iû (3rd person pronoun): lu-û~ma I 202; cf. I 333 364 367 I I v i i 45 48 x rev.
fi"
se'û 'to seek': [t-/e] bâb ili-iu S v [31]; i-fi-ti ba-ab-iu I 407 I I i i 2 5 ; ii-a ba-ab-iu I 380 [395] I I i i 11 ; lu-ui-te-e si-ib-ba-as-sà I I I i 14; [m]a-tu-um-ma lu-ui-te-i I I I i 17 fi'b fiibu 'elder': [H-b]u-tum ii-mu-û I 400 cf. I I I i i 10; H-bu-ti si-ma-ni-i I 374 389 I I ii [13']; — u-pa-ab-bt-ir I 386 I I I i 3 9 ; is-sà-qar a-na H-bu-ti I 388 I I I i 41 §'t i â f o 'to drag' : ta-aS-ta-i-ta ri-ig-ma I 242 I I v i i 32, see p. 172
fi'l
fiâlu 'to a s k ' : il-ta-am is-sû-û i-Sa-lu I 192; ia-la I I i i i 34 ( ? ) s'm fiimtu 'fate' : bit H-im-ti I 249 (P) ; si-ma-nu H-im-ti I 305 280 (H-ma-H); lu-û H-im-ti i-ba-[a] I I I v 4 9 ; pa-qi-du ii-ma-ti I 2 2 0 ; ba-ni-a-at ii-ma-ti I I I v i 47 cf. S i i i 1 i n (H-im-tu) tasïmtu 'understanding': [bel t]a-ii-im-ti S i v 17 v [27] s*p fiêpu 'foot': ie-ep-iu ii-ku-un I I iii 3; û-ul a-[ia-ak-ka-an ie-pi-ia] I I I i [48n]; ki-ma Hkin gïr"- -fc[û] U obv. a n 6 8 ; û-na-ai-H-qû ie-pi-ia I 245 ( P ) fi'r s i r a 'flesh' : i-na H-ri-iu à da-mi-iu I 210 225; i-na ii-i-ir i-li I 215 228 fi'r fiêru 'morning': i-na Se-re-ti I I i i 16 30 iii 6 fi'r fiftru ' w i n d ' : h-il-li-ik ia-ru I I i 14; I I I iii 17 U rev. 4 ; i-na im.limmu.ba ir-ta-kab U rev. 5 ; ia-ru uz-zu-zu I I I ii 54; te-bu-û fdrû [ ] U rev. 8 ; a-na la-a-r[i] I I I v 3 0 fi'r fiêrtu 'penalty': ièr-ta e-mi-id x rev. i i 27 4 3 ; iu-ku-un ie-re-et-ka I I I v i 25 fi't mei
m
ei
âûtu 'south w i n d ' : it-ba-a id-iû iu-tu U rev. 9 ; iu-û-tu U rev. 6 fib' sebû 'to be sated': ii-bi ni-is-sà-tam I I I iv 16 fib' sabû 'to be loud': ma-tum . . . i-ia-ab-bu I 354 I I i 3 ; [a-bu-b]u . . . — I I I iii 15; na-gi-ru . . . ri-ig-ma ûjH-ie-eb-bu-Û I 377n 392 4<>4 H ii t l 22 S iv 30 (lu-id-bu-û) fibr sebêru 'to break': [id ii-ga-r]u ii-bi-ru mi-Hl-iu x rev. ii 23 3 9 ; i ni-ii-bi-ir ni-ra J 2 8
fibfl
s/tabsûtu 'midwife': ia-[ab]-iu-tum (E tab-sû-tum) . . . li-ib-du I 290 cf. S iii 17 (iab-su-tu-um-ma) ; tab-su-ut dingir.mes' I i 9 3 n ; ta-ab-su-ut i-U I I I iii 33 sabsûtu 'midwifery' : la-ab-su-ta-am (E RU-ab-su-tal-am) i-pu-ui I 285a
195
9 obv. 2; x-ra-me $ la-âï-ku-na-li-na-ti S iv 38; ki-ma ni-if-ku~[nu a-bu-b]a I I I viii 9; ni-U-ku-u[n] I 147 [161]; i-ia-ka-an J 7; [uz-na] i-h-ak-ka-na i-na iu-na-a-H II iii 8 10; J 6; a-[la-akka-an ie-pi-ia] I I I i 48; il-ta-kan\hàn pu-bur-iu S iv 4 37; U-ta-kôn ma-a-u-alsu S v 32; [ill-QaUkà* qatsu 8 iv 36; [il-t]a-âk*mt I 28; S i 9 U-tàk-nu a-na nap-ta-ni dumu.SAL S f [22] vi 11; a-na kurummate** bu-na U-tàk-nu S v 23 vi 12; fa-ku-un U-re-etka I I I vi 25; iu-uk-ni d-uk-ba-ak-ka-li I I I vii 6; tê-H'dUtaM ûjlu-ia-ai-ki4n ri-im-ka 1207 222; ii\l[ii]-ïâ-kin-ma... a-sa-ku S iv 50 60 v [9]; [U^f]a-ki4a bi-du-tum I 303; x rev. i 20 karan
fiikna 'placing': gar ki-ma gar lêpë^ k[a] U obv. 2n 6 8 fikr sikru 'beer': sa-mi»a*a$ H4k-ri-H III iv 17 si' figm fialû 'street' : [t6]-ra-n' à iu-U41275 sagâmu 'to roar': i-ia-ag-gu-um i-na fils er-pé-H I I I i i 53; ii-ta-ag-na DN i-na salustu 'third*: Sa-lu-uS-tum la-at-tum er-pé-ti I I I i i 4 0 a I I iv n ; ia-lu-ui-tumH4[b]-H III vii 1 figr im fiigaru 'boit': [H-ga-ra n]a-ah-ba-lu ti-as u m u 'name': Sum-Sa lu na-si-rat na-pifam-tim I [15] cf. S v 1 x rev. i 6n 10 Hm 3 rev. 8; be-l$-[et] ka-la i4i lu-û ii W [11] [18] [34] Y 1 7 (xy H-ga-ru); i[u-um]-ki (P ium-kii I 248 [id H-ga]-ru ii-bi-ru mi-Hl-iu x rev. i i i m ' 23 39 fiamû 'heavens': [4-ia-ar^ri4(l la-ma-i id' I I I iii 8 U rev. 16 (sn*«); I 19; a-nu fiadû 'mountain': [k]a}-la ia-di-i I 33 sar-ri [ia]-me-e I t o i ; [fa-su-ur] ia-ma-U fiadû 'east w i n d ' : k u r - a U rev. 6 I I I i i 35; is-tur ia-me-e 1 rev. u\a-na fiijrr ia-ma-i ( M -m]a-mi) 1170 I I I iii 48; s u r j a r r u r u 'to be quiet': ia-bu-ur-ru rii-U-H su-me-e-la 1130 17 ig-mi I I I i i i 4 7 ; ia-bu-ur-ra-at I I iii 15; i m ' me-ed-ra-tu iu-bu-rat S v 33n se mû 'to hear': 0-\mjs] a-wa-tam iu-a-ti fik'n I 166; il-vuhe-tna I I ut 29; iS^né-ma sukênu 'to b o w down': ik-mis ui-kin x rev* i 39; ii-[m]é*ë-ma x rev. i 27; U obv. 3 ri-gi-im-s%-na ei-me I I I iii 43 ; e-re-ba-ka ikk di-me-tna U obv. [1] 5 7; i-la it-mu-û sakâku 'to harrow': i-na H-it-ku-ki narirgi-int-iu I I I ii 50; ii-mu-ma an-m-a-am pi-i[i-ti] I I i v 14a qd-ba-la I 244; il-mu-û si-qi-ir-iu I 63 ski 400 I I I iii 52; [up-pa ii-mu]-é I [227}; s u k k a l l u 'vizier': a-na sukkal DN I 86 e ta-ai-nâ-a a-na . . . I I viii 33; up-pa [119] IIV23 t ni-il-rne I 214; t^HM**** É obv. 4; fikn ri-ig-ma i-ie-em-mu-û ffa,. . .] 1 77; [tèMHr}ftt»flt# rùîg-ma I 179 (M); sakâmi 'to p u t ' : an-du-ra-ra ii-ku-un I I v [ 1 9 ] ; ie-ep-iu — I I iii 3 ; I I v 2 1 ; ii- te-meri-gi-im-li-4nI [356] I I i 5; 7 ki-ir-si . . . ii-k[un] I 258 ( P ) ; ii-ku-nu an-ni-a-om xa-tna-[rd[ U-iirtnu^ma I I I a-bu-ba I I I i i i 53 v 4 2 ; an-du-ra-ra viii 16; a-bu-ba . • ^ û-za-am-me-er ta-ai-ku-un I I v [ i ' J v i 2 8 ; I I v [3'] H-me-a I I I viii 19; i-ga-ru H-ta-am-mivi [ 3 0 ] ; 7 ki-ir-si . . . tai-ku-un S i i i 5 6 ; a-an-ni I I I i 20 cf. U obv. 16 ([£]an-du-ra-[ra ai-ku-u]n I 243; di-kunta-ma-ni) W obv. 14 (&*i[*]); aWa* fu-nu-H-[m]a x rev. i i 25 4 1 ; ii-ku-nu e f a i M I 227 ( 0 ) I I I v i 3 9 ; dingir.meS a-bu-ba ii-ku-nu fim'l 813163
02
mri
196
GLOSSARY
sumêlu 'left (hand)': 7 ki-ir-si a-na Su-mesu-ra-a-tum pu-ûb-1)u-ra-ma I 251 (P); li iS-k[im] I 258 (P) cf. S iii 6 (gùb) [Sà-as-s]û-ra-tum — I 277; [7] ù 7 smm Sà-su-ra-ti S iii 9 sa m mu 'plant': li-wi-sû Sa-am-mu I I i 10 *p cf. S iv 43 53 (Sam-mu) ; ia-am-mu û-ul saptu 'Iip': [bu-u]l-bi-ta û-ka-la-la Sa-apû-si-a I I iv 5 cf. S iv 49 59 v [8] (Samta-Sa I I I iii 29; fa-mi-a Sa-ap-ta-Su-nu mu); DN (H-)is-sur qd-du Sam-mi-Su I I I iv 21 x rev. i [7n] 11 cf. ii 5 12 (Sam-nù-ka) «p' 19 (Sam-me-id) 35 (Sam-mi-ùf) cf. S v [2] sapû 'to be thick': [Sa-pa-at e]-fu-tu I I I smn iii [18] samnu *oil': Sa-am-ni R 4 Spk sms ispikû 'crop': U-iS-Su-ur eqlu iS-pi-ki-Su samsu 'sun': i-na aS-qû-la-lu Sa-am-Si I I i 18 cf. S iv 46 (iS-pi-ke-e-Su) 56 I I v [ai] [3'] i 30; see also Samas" (is-pi-ke-Sû) v [5] v Spl an saplû 'lower': er-se-tam Sa-ap-li-tam I I sattu 'year': Sa-lu-uS-tum Sa-at-tum I I iv v [ i 7 n ] 31 vi 26 11; iS-ti-ta Sa-at-tam I I iv 9; Sa-ni-ta suplu 'under part': Su-pu-ul [ x rev. i 20 Sa-at-tam I I iv 10; 2, 4, 5, 6 mu t-ua saplis 'below': ia-ap-li-iS a-ii-4l-li-ka I I ka-Sd-di S v [12] [15] [18] [22] vi 4 i 12 iv 2; is\li-sa-kir Sap-HS S iv 45 55 7 11; 3» > 3 mu.an.na S v [13] v 4 ; e-li-iS ù Sa-ap-H-iS I I I i 31 ; cf. W 3 vi 1 2; 1 mu.an.na S vi 28; 600.600 mu-feLa I 352 416 (Q Sd-na-a-tim) sapâru 'to send': iS-pu-ur I 9 9 ; iS-pu-raI I i 1 (Q —) S iv [1]; 40 mu.rji.a an-ni I 124 [136] S ii 12; [ta-aS-puat-ra-am I 37; [mu.lji.a im]-nu-û I [34] rà]-an-ni I 155; Sa a-Sap-pa-rak-[ka] [36]; ki-i 7 mu.m[e§] U obv. 9 W 5 ; [a-Sap]-pa-rak-hùm-ma W 10; In' Su-pu-ur I 97 s anu I 'to change': u -mu iS-nu-û pa-nusipru 'task' : it-ti DN-ma i-ba-aS-H H-ip-ru û-Su I I I ii 48; [i]S-ta-ni fe^-e-em-Su I I I I 201; [H-i]p-ra ta-aq-bi- a-ni-im-ma iii 25 I I 'to repeat': a-ma-te-Su-nu . . . I 237; H-ip-ra le-em-na I I viii 3 5 ; i-Sa-an-[ni] Jfy obv. 13; [ter-ti] DN . . . Si-ip-ra Sa a-qâ-ab-bu-ku I I I i 18; û-Sâ-an-nu-û x rev» ii 8 cf. 30 Si-pi-ir DN I 196; H-ip-ru il-qû-û I I iv sanû 'second, other': bitu il-ta-nu z-û 19 cf. S vi 16 (kin); Si-pi-ir-Su I I vii 4 7 ; i-re-ba-ma S v 24 vi 13; [Sd]-né-e i-SaSip-ra-H-na I I ii 6' (Q) ka-an J 7; Sa-ni-ta Sa-at-tam I I iv 10 sinasam 'in pairs': Si-na-Sàm*d-na ù-ka- m â r sipri 'messenger': [iz-za-kar] ana dumu Hp-ri x rev. ii 15 la-la{-Si-na) S iii 12 13 SpSk sV s/tupsikku 'toil': Su-up-H-ik-[ku] at-ru sasû 'to call': is-si I 232; il-ta-am zs-sû-û I 149 [162]; iz-bi-lu Su-up-Si-[i]k-ka I 192; is-sû-û eS-ra arfuj I 280; — na-giI 2 cf. S i 10-13 (i-za-bi-lu tup-H-ka); ru I 403 I I ii 2 1 ; pa-na-mi DN Sa Su-up-Si-ik-ki I 34 36; Su-up-Si-ik i-li ni-Sa-si-ki I 246 (P); [a]l-ta-n I I ii 8' I 3 ; — ilim a-wi-lum H-iS-H I 191 197 (Q)î li-is-su-û na-gi-ru I 376 391 U ii G ii 12 ([Su-up-H]-ku) V obv. 3 (tu-up[15'] S iv [30]; [sa-a]s-su-ra DN H-ik-ku) ; Su-up-H-ik-ka-ku-nu a-ivi-[£]am Si-st-ma I I I vi 4 3 ; i-lu iS-te-en Si-si-ma e-mi-id I 241.&. I I vii 31; 'carrying I 173 ( K L N ) cf. S ii 7; ti-si-a tu*qûbasket': Su-up-H-ik-ki-Su-nu *girra it-taum-tam I 6in ak-Su I 66 fer s/sassuru 'birth-goddess': wa-aS-ba-at ipt D[N Sà-as-s]û-ru I 189 V obv. i n sapattu 'fifteenth day': i-na ar-fri se-bu-ti (sa-as-fr \G ii [8] S ii [6); [f]à-asu Sa-pa-at-ti I 206 221 su-ru H-gimï-mal-a li-ib-ni-ma I 190 spl cf. V obv. 2 (sa-as-su-ru) ; at-ti-i-ma ëûqqulu 'to withhold': [û-S]a-aq-qi-il Sà-as-su-ru I 194 cf. I I I vi 47; ' tuqd-as-su I 411 I I ii 29; li-Sa-aq-qi-il — uk~t[a]-bi-it DN sa-as-sû-ru I 295 I 384** 399 I I ii 15; zu-un-ni-Su DN (P -su-)\ [S]à-su-ru ba-na-at H-im-tu — I I i 11 8 iti 11; i-t[a-ad s]a-as-sû-ra I 297; Sqll [sa-a]s-sû-ra DN H-n-ma I I I vi 4 3 ; asqulâlu ( ? ) : i-na aS-qû-la-lu Sa-am-H a-na DN sa-as-sû-ri I I I vi 4 6 ; S[à-a]sI I v [21] [3'] vi 30 v
2
t
GLOSSARY sâru 'myriad': 1 Sar ku .me§ 1 gâr*» ™ x rev. ii 21 37 6
4
M sarâfu 'to tear': [u-Sa-ar-ri-if\ Sa-ma-i I I I iii [8] cf. U rev. [ i 6 n ] Srp suruppu 'plague': [Su-r]u-up-pu-û li-ib-Si I 360 (V [S]u-ru-up-pu-u) cf. S iv 9 13 (Su-ru-pu-u) ; [— i-te-z]i-ib-H-na-H I [412]; [mur]-su di-'u Su-ru-pu-u a-sa-ku S iv 12 16 28 Srq Sarâqu 'to act stealthily': (U-)iS-ta-ar-riiq . . . lil[û]-Sa-az-ni-in na-al-Sa I I ii i 7 n 31 sarrâqû 'furtive': ki-ma Sa-ar-ra-qi-tu Su-a (U-)iS-H I I ii I9n 33 Srr sarru 'king': DN a-bu-Su-nu S[ar-r]u I 7; Sar-ri [Sa]-me-e I 101; Sar-ri ap-si-i I 102; SAR-n. I 413-415 Q let serru 'child': ku-up-ra [it-ta-H Se-er-ru] I I I ii [13]; li-is-ba-at Se-er-ra I I I vii 4 ; ullia û-Se-Sèr Sèr-ra S iv 51 61 v [9]; I 351; um-mi Se-er-ri I 292 cf. S iii 19 (Sèr-ri) SS' ? SaSû 'to disturb': i ni-iS-H-a i-na Su-ubti-Su I 44x1 46 58 60 St' satû 'to drink': [Sa]-tu-ti i-Sa-at-ti I I I ii 44 t" te'ùtu 'food': [p]u-ur-sa . . . te-i-ta I I i 9 (B te-i-tam Q ti-wi-tu) cf. S iv 42 52 (ti-ta); ti-i-ti-4S [i-U\ I 339 t'm tâmtu 'sea': ta-ma-tu ra-pa-dS-tu x rev. ii 7 2 9 ; ul-da g[al-la-ta] ti-a-am-ta I I I iv 6; [Si-ga-ra n]a-ab-ba-lu ti-a-am-tim 115 cf. S v [1] x rev. i [6] 10 (ta-am-ti) ii 4 (tam-ti) 11 (ta-am-ta) 18 (tam-td) %
197
34 (ti-flm-fi ) ; ma-at-sa-ru tam-ti s rev. ii 24 40; ti-a-am-tim II vi 1 t'm(?) tâmtu 'destruction': [l]ùid-du-Sû tam-ta I 17jn (M); ï-^'-ii/tom-ta]S ii [7] t'r tara 'to turn'ï it-tu-ru I 413 îî ii 35; u -mu-um .. . li-tu-ur lùU-[iï\ III iii 35; Jf-p] U-tu-ur a-na up-[ II vif 37; [ti"J-fcrram-ma Ser-ta e-mi-id x rev. ii 27 43; kâ giâ.ma tfV-[ra] W 6 tb' tebû 'to rise': DN it-bi-ma I 104; DN it-bé-e-ma I I I v 37; it-ba-a id-Sû h-tu U rev. 9; te-bu-û XM.meS U rev. 8; i-na te-bi-Su I I I ii 54; i-na ma-ia-li u*feet-[bi-Su] I 79 tkk tukku 'lament': tu-uk-kum ha-b[i*H] G a 6 cf. I [i79n] (N) tkl tukultu 'help': tuk-la-at % rev. 3 tm' ta mû 'to swear': DN it-UM/d z rev. ii 48; . . . i-U ta-mi-ma I I iii 7 9; i-na pa-ni ta-mu-ni x rev. ii 47; dumujneS>ai it-ti-Sti ta-mu-ni x rev. ii 48; a-na mi-nim tu-ta-am-ma-n[i] I I vii 42; i nlu-tja* am-mu-ni I I vit 38 tpsk see spsk tqm tuqumtu 'war* : ti-si-a tu-qû-um-tam I 61 ; ma-aH-nu-u[m-mi ig-ra-am t]u-q&uintam I 130 142; ni-ig-ra-am — I [146] 160 (tu-qû-um-ta-am, G tu-qum-tam) trkl tarkullu 'mooring pôle': ta-ar-kurui-tt' DN lU-na-sUb] I I vii 51 cf. U rev. 15 (t[ar-kul-lt]) trr(?) tiruru (a démon): ki-ma H-ru-ru ht-a-tfj\ III iii 40n ts rusa 'as if': tu-Sa «a-aS-ba-a-ku III iii 49a 4
(198)
LIST OF NAMES I N THE A K K A D I A N TEXTS Adad: I I i n ii n 20 [25] v [16] 30 vi 10 25 I I I ii 49 53 S iv 44 54 v [3] x r e v . i M [8] i i 2 9 1632 y 4 Urev.5 A n u : I 7 13 17 97 9 9 * 4 136 168-9 ( M ) 174 I I v 16 30 vi 25 III iii 51 v 39 47 vi 11 x rev. i [4] 8 ii 2 9 (16)3247 S ii 8 12 U rev. 20 ( ? ) Anunnaki: I 511 103 172 219 232 I I v 14 28 vi [23] I I I iii 30 vi 7 S ii [5] Atra-kasïs: I [364] 368 385 387 I I viii 36 I I I i i [11] 38 40 ii 18 S i v 17 21 29 v 27 vi 18 x rev. i 12 y 9 U obv. [3] $ obv. 6 W I I (see I s n ) 0 1
1 1 1
Bëlet-ilî: G ii 8 V obv. 1 (247) S ii 6 iii 16
G i r r a : I 66 H a n i s : I I vii [ 4 9 " , and p. 172]
I 2
I [189]
E k u r : I 73 E n k i / E a : I 16 [18] 98 100 102 201 204 250 (P) 254 (P) 365 372 I I iii 9 29 v 18 vi [17] 22 vii 39 4 0 I I I i [15] 43 [45] iii [25] vi 14 [16] 42 [45] G ii 1 S i 4 iii 1 iv 18 20 22 25 [29] v [2] 28 30 x rev. i 7 11 21 [27] [39] ii 8 [14] 31 y 2 8 10 U obv. 1 [7] [13] W 12 16 î& obv. 5 7 M u t : I 8 [45] 59 69 73 82 84 85 90 92 95 104 105 112 118 125 133 137 145 [152] 165 167 168 169 ( K ) 196 335 [356] II i 5 v 22 [27] vi 22 32 vii [47] viii 35 I I I i [43] 48 iii 39 v 41 vi [5] 12 [41] vii 21 J 6 Sii[i3]iv4[37] rev. i [ i ] i i 8 31 4 4 4 8 y 5 E n n u g i : I i o n 127 139 E r r a k a l : I I vii 51 TJ rev. 15 Euphrates: S i 7n x
Igigi: I 6 n 20 113 233 6 viii 16 Isfrara: I 304a Istar: I 302 304
I I v [13]
III i v
K a l k a l : I 74x1 76 K e s (home town of mother goddess) : I 298 M a m i / M a n i a : I 193 235 246 250 (P) 296 I I I iii 33 S iii 14 16 N a m t a r : I 380 [395] 401 4 0 7 S iv 10 14 N e r g a l (see Sin) N i n t u : I 198 211 226 278 295 I I I iii 28 iv 4 13 v 37 vi 43 46 N i n u r t a : I 9 126 138 I I vii [52] U rev. 14 N i s a b a : I I i 19 vi 14 S iv 47 57 v 6 N u s k u : I [76] 7 8 n 86 87 89 91 115 [ " 9 ] 120 [134] 153 I I v 23 S ii 9
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S i n and N e r g a l : x rev. i s n 9 ii [3] [10] [17] 33 S a m a s : I I I i 30 iii 18 S u l l a t : I I vii 4 9 ^ and p. 172
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