Craig Roberts - Psychology For Cambridge International As & A Level-oxford University Press (2014).pdf

• for Cambridge International AS &A Level

Craig Roberts

OXFORD V1'1fVERSITY PlU!SS

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An1erlcan Psychological Association (APA) for cxt ralcs/llphds SC'lle Que!o"lionnaire in th<' Ap1x·11clix to "l11e hnpan of Daily Stress on Health and Mooct P>ychologiral and Social R<'sonn·t>s as Mediators' by Anita Ocl.ongis. S11sa11 Folkman & Richan! S Lazan1s. joun1al of Pl.'rsonaluy ruul Social Psydiology Vol. 54:3 ( 1983). pp 486-495. Bo wling Green Stace Universiry. Psychology Depart mcnt for extran from tbc Job Descriptive Index fron1 Tiae Measurement or Satisf~ion in Work ancl Retirement: a Strategy for Hie Study of

Attituclcs by I' C Smith. I. M KcncWJ. & C L Hnlliu (Rru1<1 McNally. 1969). Elsevier for thc !.RR.\ quc!o"l101111aire fr0111 111c Social RcadJt1''1111Clll R;iung Scale' byT H Holmes & R II Rahc.joun1al of Pyschosomauc Research . Vol 11: 2 (1967). pJ> 213·218. copyright© 1967. internal ion al Associado n for the St ncly of Pain (11\SJ>) for the MPQ in ··nw Mc(; Ill Pain Qu<>slionnaire: Major pro1x•rtics :i nd sco1·iug melhods' by Ronalcl Mclzack.Jonn u:il ofl'ai 11, Vnl 1 (1975). pp 277·299. IOS Press BV for Figu~ 2: · R;inclomization of participants Io 011e of1wo1c,1 co11d1tio11~'. fro1u Yi·Nuo Shih. Rong·llwa H1~111g & Hsing·Yu Chiang: 'Backgrom1cl Mu>ic: Effects 011 allc111io11 1:ierfonu:u1cc·. work 42 (2012), pp 573-578. PARS Intematlo nal Corp for ·37 who saw ruurderd1dn't call !lac police; ApatJ1y al ~abb111g ofQuccn's woman sboclcs Inspector' by Martin Gansberg. TI1e New York Times. 27 March 1964. ropyrigbt © 'l11c New York Tuues 1964. All Rights rc•crvcnnh>ion aucl 1>1'0tcc:te
INTRODUCTION This book has been \vritten as a companion to support you throughout your Psychology International AS and A Level course. The book is divided into two parts: one for the AS Level and one for the A Level 1 he AS part \Viii guide you through all 20 Core Studies and the A level part \Viii guide you th rough the t\vO options you have chosen to study (fro1n the five available). 111ere are a range of activities throughout the book Lo get you thinking psychologically which is ideal preparation for the exanlinations. 111ere are also san1ple exa1nination questions for you to answer. There is an acco1npanying Revision Guide '"hich \Vil! cover marked student exainples so you can practice anS\\tering exan1-style questions to the best of your abilities. This '"ill be a separate book.

r Craig is a freelance tutor and author of psychology tex'tbooks. He has been teaching for over 20 years and is an experienced examiner \vith a number of National and International examination boards.

I sin1ply have to thank everyone \\tho has made an impact on my life and '"ho support nie through every venture I take on. 111is indudes my family, closest friends and cat! I could and \vould not be doing this \Vithout any of you. A special thank you has to go to all the teachers I trained in Florida in February 2014 for niaking niy first training event brilliant

r \VOuld also like to thank Matt Jarvis for his kind permission to use his material from OCR AS Psychology.

I To Mum & Dad. Ahvays love you.

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CONTENTS Approaches and perspectives in psychology .......................................... v Ho'v psychologists research ....................................................... J issues and debates 'vithjn psychological research ........................ 7

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Cognitive psychology .............................................................. I 3 Social psychology ................................................................... 29

Developn1ental psychology ...................................................... 47

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Physiological psychology ......................................................... 65 The psychology of individual differences .................................. 87

AS-.Le·vel Exam Centre .. ......... .......... .... ....... ....... ...... ..... ...... ..... .. .... ... l 07

Psychology and education ..................................................... 111

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Psychology and health ........................................................... 147 Psychology and environment ................................................. 177 Psychology ru1d models of abnormality ................................... 207

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Psychology and organisations ................................................ 239

A-Le·vel Exan1 Centre ....................................................................... 275

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APPROACHES AND PERSPECTIVES IN PSYCHOLOGY There are n1any different ways in 1vhich psychologists try to explain human and animal behaviour. 'These approaches and perspectives in psychology forn1 the whole discipline of "psychology''. However, they are all very diflerent and this chapter will cover ho1v these different types of psychologist try to explain behaviour. TI1ere are five approaches and two perspectives that CIE expect you to kno1v about. We will look at each in turn highlighting their general assu n1ptions, the n1ain research meLhodology they use and 1vhich studies from AS-level fit into each one.

Cognitive psychology Cognitive psychologists are interested in ho1v 1ve process information. They look into ho1v 1ve input information, then ho1v 1ve process that information and finally ho1v 1ve retrieve and/or use that information. Some cognitive psychologists believe that the brain 1vorks like a computer follo1ving the procedure of input-process/storage-output. Areas of interest include memory and forget ting, perception, language and attention. The AS-level studies listed in the Cambridge syllabus under this section are:

1. Mann, Vrij & Bull (2002) 2. Loftus & Pickrell (I 995) 3. Baron-Cohen et al (200 I) 4. Held & 1-iein ( 1963). The niain research 111ethod used in this approach is laboratory experin1ents.

Many findings are based on research conducted 1n a laboratory. As variables are controlled it means that findings are more likely to be reliable. Therefore, it can be seen as being a sc1ent1fic approach.

As cognitive psychologists are investigating processed information that cannot be seen directly, there is still an element of guesswork and inferences.

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Comparing the human information processing system to that of a computer 1s reduct1on1st. It ignores the role of emotional and social factors on how we process information.

The approach is useful 1n terms of being able to help improve everyday life 1n humans by. for example. improving memory or improving eyewitness testimony

-·--· Social psychologists are interested in ho1v we '\vork" in the social 1vorld. They look at ho1v individuals interact 1vith each other and ho1v 1ve interact in "groups". Therefore, they look at the individual as an individual but also as a group men1ber and see ho1v this affects behaviour. 'I hey also exan1ine ho1v the role of culture and society aftects our behaviour. Areas of interest include prejudice, obedience and confonnity. The AS-level studies listed in the Cambridge syllabus under this section are:

1. Milgran1 (1963) 2. Haney, Banks & Zimbardo (1973)

3. Piliavin, Rodin & Piliavin (1969) 4. Tajfel ( 1970). The main research methods used in this approach are questionnaires and interviews.

The approach does tend to look at the individual "as a whole" to try to explain behaviour across situations. Therefore. it is more holistic rather than reductionist.

A lot of evidence from this approach is from studies that have used questionnaires and 1nterV1ews. Therefore, the validity may be reduced as what people say they will do and what they actually do can be very different

The approach is useful in terms of being able to help improve everyday life 1n humans by, for example, reducing prejudice or explaining atrocities.

It can be very difficult sometimes to distinguish between what is influenced by the 1nd1v1dual and what is Influenced by the situation people find themselves in. This can make designing studies difficult and then drawing the correct conclusion may be difficult.

Development sychol Development psychologists are interested in ho1v 1ve "develop" as a person fron1 birth to death. Nlany development psychologists focus on "child development" and what sorts of things affect ho1v a child develops psychologically and socially. They also look at ho1v physical development might affect psychological development. Ho"•ever, there are other psychologists 1vho 1vill examine development over a lifespan. Therefore, they may examine development from adolescence through early adulthood

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into late adulthood. Areas of interest include moral development, cognitive development and social developn1ent. The AS-level studies listed in the Can1bridge syllabus under this section are:

1. Bandura, Ross & Ross (1961) 2. Freud ( 1909) 3. Langlois el al ( 1991) 4. Nelson (I 980). The main research methods used in this approach are observations and longitudinal studies.

Longitudinal studies can be Longitudinal studies are very time consuming and costly an excellent way to assess and participants wHI drop out development over time with (participant attrition can be high). participant variables being controlled for. This makes findings As a resu lt, findings may be from these types or study more difficult to generalise to outside valid as the same people are being of the participants who are left as there may only be a few and they followed over a period or time. Also, as we are following the same could be unique. people over time, we can examine what is down to nature and what is down to nurture in terms of how these influence people's developmental pathways as humans.

There may be ethical issues with studying children over time. This is because before they are 16 years old their parents have to give informed consent. Therefore, the children are not giving their own informed consent and may never want to take part in tests and studies.

Physiological psychology Physiological psyd1ologists are interested in ho\v our biology affects our psychology. TI1ey look at the role of things like genetics, brain function, horn1ones and neurotransn1itters have on our behaviour. Many physiological psychologists believe that our behaviour can be explained via biological mechanisms more so than psychological mechanisn1s. However, others believe that it niay be an interaction between the t\vo. Areas of interest include origins of n1ental disorders, treatments of mental disorders, sleep, circadian rhythms and localisation of brain function (\vhich parts of the brain are responsible for di ffercnt behaviours). The AS-level studies listed in the Cain bridge syllabus under this section are:

1. Schachter & Singer ( 1962) 2. Dement & Kleitman ( 1957) 3. Maguire, Fracko,viak & Frith ( 1997) 4. Den1atte, Osterbauer & Spence (2007).

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'fhe main research method used in this approach is laboratory experiments. Strengths

Weaknesses

The approach can be seen as The approach is very scientific as 1t uses methods such as laboratory being reduc1ion1st as it ignores the roles of social and emotional expenments, blood tests. brain factors 1n our development. scanning, etc. These are highly controlled methods that can easily As many studies take place under be tested for reliability. We can controlled laboratory cond1llons. draw cause-effect conclusions many studies lack ecological more easily as a resull validity and mundane realism. Therefore, some b1olog1cal As we are dealing with biological mechanisms, it 1s an excellent way reactions may be tnggered to assess which of our behaviours because of being In a controlled environment and may not are due to nature and which are due to nurture. necessarily be the same in a realworld setting. "--~~~~~~~~~~~~--'-~

The psychology of individual

er_ This approach looks at ho'"· as individuals, '"e differ fron1 one another. Instead of looking for explanations that could explain hO\V lots of people 1nay behave, psychologists \vho research into this area look at \Vhat makes the individual unique. Therefore, there are differences between people that may be part of the san1e group. Rather than looking for general laws, psychologists \Vho research into this area may focus more on \Vhat makes the individual different from the others around him or her. The AS-level studies listed in the Cambridge syllabus under this section are:

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Rosenhan(l973)

2. Thigpen & Cleckley ( 1954)

3. Billington, Baron-Cohen & Wheelwright (2007)

4. Veale&Riley(2001) • This approach can be useful in explaining differences between individuals in the cause of behaviours. These can be useful during, for example, therapy so the treatment can be tailored lo the individual rather than following general laws of behaviour.

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Findings from studies may have limited generalisability as they are focusing on the individual rather than a group or people. The people being studied may be unique in some way and therefore findings have limited use. This approach can be seen as being reductionist as it ignores the way we behave in groups and follow group laws or behaviour.

The behaviourist perspective Behaviourist psychologists are interested in \vays in \vhich both humans and animals learn. They look into general la\vs that can apply to all species and ho\v the experiences \Ve have mould our behaviour over time. There are Lhree main areas \Vithin this perspective: ~

learning by the consequences of our behaviour (operant conditioning)

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learning through association (classical conditioning)

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learning through observation, imitation and modelling (social learning).

Strict behaviour ism follO\VS the idea that \Ve should "observe the observable" and no t examine mental processes as they cannot be directly seen. Behaviours can be directly seen so we have objective measures of behaviour. Areas of interest include behaviour modification, therapies for mental health disorders or for prisoners, etc. and develo pment of behaviours such as aggression. There are no nan1ed studies for this perspective but Bandura, Ross & Ross ( 1961 ) can be used as an exan1ple of social learning. The main research methods used in this perspective are laboratory experin1ents and observations. Strengths

Weaknesses

The perspective 1s very objective as 1t "observes the observable" - this means that data is scientific and quantitative and likely not to be biased. This makes f1nd1ngs from studies reliable.

Parts of this perspective ignore the role or social. cognitive and emotional aspects or behaviour. Therefore it can be seen as being reductionist in just focusing on observable aspects and 1gnonng internal mechanisms such as biology too.

The approach is useful 1n terms or being able to help improve everyday life 1n humans by, for example, reducing phobias or modifying a child's behaviour for the better.

Some psychologists disagree that there are general laws that govern animal and human behaviour humans are more complex than rats, pigeons, dogs and cats so generalising findings from animal research to humans may not be valid.

The psychodynamic perspective Psychodynan1ic psychologists are interested in bow our early lives and our unconscious mind affect our behaviour. They look at the role of early childhood development and hO\Vtrau1nas that occur at various stages may affect adult personality. They also look at ho'v our unconscious mind (the part of the n1ind that \ VC are una\vare of) affects our everyday behaviour. We have structures of personality such as the id (driven by pleasure), tile ego (driven by reality) and the superego (driven by morality). AU of these have an influence on our behaviour. Areas of interest include development of

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mental health d isorders (e.g. phobias), dreami ng and the trcatn1ent of mental health disorders. There are no named studies fo r this perspective but Freud ( 1909) is a psychodynamic case study. The main research methods used in this perspective are case studies and intervie\vS. Strengths

Weaknesses

The approach is useful 1n terms of being able to help improve every day life in humans such as helping to understand why we have a mental health disorder and then helping to overcome it.

Ideas such as those relaling to the unconscious mind cannot be directly tested and are therefore unscientific. How can you assess something that cannot be directly seen or manipulated? It is an abstract concept that might not even exist.

Supporting evidence tends to come from case studies which are very detailed collecting qualitative data. This should improve the validity of findings as the whole person Is examined rather than just one aspect of them.

Many findings from this perspective are based on case studies. These findings may be difficult to generalise to a larger group of people as the case studies may be unique in some way.

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HOW PSYCHOLOGISTS RESEARCH There are 1nany different ways in \vhich psychologists can collect information for their study. These are called research n1ethods and it is up to psychologists to choose the one they think is the n1ost appropriate for their study. The 111ain ones are: experiments (laboratory and field) self-reports (questionnaires and interviews) case studies observations (naturalistic, controlled, participant). As \veil as choosing the most appropriate research nlethod, psychologists have to decide: \vho the participants are (the sample) and ho\v they are going to recruit (the san1pling technique) if they are using an experiment, \vhich design of study lo use (e.g. repeated measures, independent groups or matched pairs)

v•bat the procedure of the study 1vill be for participants including what apparatus is needed the type of data they want to collect (e.g. quantitative or qualitative).

RESEARCH METHODS These take place in a situation or environment that is artificial to participants in the study. There are nvo main types of variable that need to be considered when running any experiment:

Tndependent variable (IV)- the variable that psychologists choose to manipulate or change. This represents the different conditions that are being compared in any study. So, for example, if a psychologist wants t.o investigate 1ne1nory in school children, then the variable that requires "changing" is age. Therefore, age is the IV. However, the IV requires some form of operationalisation. To do this, the psychologist must clearly define \vhat the different conditions are. For the example of memory in school children the operationalised lV could be: le,·el I = 5-6 years old and level 2 = 7- 8 years old. Depe11de11t variable (DV) - the variable that psychologists choose to measure. It is ahvays hoped that the IV is directly affecting the DV in an experi111ent. Also, the DV needs son1e form of operationalisation. To do this, psychologists must dearly define ho\v they will nieasure. For the example of men1ory in school children the operationalised DV could be the an1ount ofiten1s that a child remembers fron1 a tray of objects (n1axiJnum 25). The psychologist 1\!iJI atten1pt to control as many other variables as possible to try to ensure that it is the IV directly affecting the DV. There are different types of variable that can affect the DV that have to be controlled if possible. One of these is called participant variables. These are the traits and behaviours that participants bring to the study that may affect the DV (e.g. level of intelligence, prejudices or any previous experiences). ....

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QUESTIONNAIRES

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Laboratory experiments have high levels of control and so can be replicated to test for reliability. As laboratory experiments have high levels of control, researchers can be more confident 1l is the IV directly affecting the DV.

As laboratory experiments lake place 1n an artificial setting, it is said that they can lack ecological validity. Many laboratory experiments can make participants take part 1n tasks that are nothing like real-life ones so they lack what is known as ·mundane realism".

FIELD EXPERIMENTS These are experin1enls that take place in participants' own natural environrnent rather than in an artificial laboratory. The researcher still tries to n1anipulate or change an JV while n1easuring the DV in an attempt to see ho\v the IV affects the DV. There is an attempt to control other variables that could affect the DV. One of these is called situational variables. These are variables from the setting that might affect the OV, such as the \veatber . Field or time of day.

When a study uses a questionnaire, it is asking participants to ans\ver a series of questions in the \VTitten forn1. There are various types of Quant question that a psychologist can use in a questionnaire-based study: Likert scales: these are statements that participants read and then stale \vhether they strongly agree, disagree, etc. For exa1nple, the statement might be "0\vning a pet is good for your psychological health~

Rating scales: these are questions or state1nents where participants give an ans1ver in the form of a nu1nber. For example: " On a scale of 0- J0, ho1v happy are you today?" Open-ended: these are questions that allow participants to develop an answer and 1vrite it in their 01vn words. 111ey write sentences to ans1ver the question. For example: "Can you tell me about a happy childhood n1emory?" Closed: these are questions where there are a set amount of anS\vers and participants choose which ans1ver best fits hO\V they 1vant to respond. For example: " Pick the emotion that best describes ho1v you feel today: happy, sad, cheerful, moody''.

• As field experiments take place In a realistic setting, it 1s said that they have ecological validity. As the participants wil l not know they are taking part in a study, there will be few or no demand characteristics so behaviour is more likely to be natural and valid.

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Situational variables can be difficult to control so sometimes 1t is difficult to know if it is lhe IV affecting the DV. It could be an uncontrolled variable causing the DV to change. As the participants will not know they are taking part In a study, there are issues with breaking ethical guidelines including informed consent and deception.

Participants may be more likely to reveal truthful answers in a questionnaire as it does not involve talking face lo face with someone. A large sample of participants can answer the questionnaire in a short time. This should increase the representativeness and generalisability of the findings.

Participants may give socially desirable answers as they want to look good rather than giving truthful answers. This lowers the validity of findings. If the questionnaire has a lot of closed questions then partic ipants might be forced into choosing an answer that does not reflect their true opinion.

INTERVIEWS

m'{'i·iliB •

These are similar to questionnaires but answers are in the spoken not \Vritten form. lntervie\vers ask a series of questions using the types listed above. They may record the intervie\V so they can go back and transcribe exactly \vhat participants said. Depending on \vhat the psychologist is studying, there are three main types of iJ1tervie\v: Structured: thi~ is when a set order of questions is used. Each participant \viii be asked the questions in that order. Semi-structured: there are certain questions that must be asked. Ho1vever, the intervie1ver can ask then1 in a different order and/or ask other questions to help clarify a participant's response. Unstructured: this is 1vhen the intervie1.ver has a theme or topic that needs to be discussed. The intervie1.ver may have an initial question to begin the interview but each Interview subsequent question is based on the response given by the participant.

If the interview has a lot of open questions then participants will reveal more of the reasons why they behave 1n such a way or have a certain opinion

Participants might be less likely to give truthful answers (maybe due to social desirability) as they are actually face to face with the interviewer and might not want to be judged negatively.

CASE STUDIES This is not a "true" research 111ethod as it utilises other methods to collect the data. A case study examines a single person or a unit of people (e.g. a Case family) in depth. There may be so1nething unusual about the "case" (e.g. a trauma or a mental health issue). ·n1e psychologist \vill use questionnaires, intervie\.vs and observations to collect the data.

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As psychologists

As psychologists using

using case studies are focusing on one individual (or unit of individuals) they can collect rich, in-depth data that have details

case studies are focusing on one 1nd1vidual (or unit or individuals), the case may be unique. This makes generalisations quite difficult.

This makes the f1nd1ngs more valid. Participants are usually studied as part of their everyday life which means that the whole process tends lo have some ecological validity.

As these partic1 pants are studied in depth, an attachment could form between them and the psychologist which could reduce the objectivity of the data collection and analysis of data. This could reduce the validity or the findings.

OBSERVATIONS This research method involves \Vatching and observing people or animals and their behaviours. There are many different types of observation, as highlighted belo"'· Ho1vever, some elements are core to observations in general. Prior to observing, the psychologist must create a belravioural clrecklist (calJed an etlrogra111 if observing non-humans). This checklist must name each behaviour that the psychologist is expecting see. Jn addition, a picture of the behaviour happening and a brief description of it is useful. This makes sure that if there is more than one observer, they are looking for the san1e behaviours. The behavioural checklist or ethogran1 nlust be "tested" before the main observation to ensure that all potential behaviours are covered tind the observers can use the checklist or ethogn1n1 successfully. 111is is called a piJot observation. Additional behaviours may be added to the checklist or ethogram after this process.

These are observations that take place in a person's or anin1al's O\Vn natural environment.

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These are observations that take place in a controlled setting. An example could be in a laboratory roon1 '"ith the observers being behind a one-\vay mirror so they cannot be seen observing.

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These are observations in \vhich psychologists become a part of the group they '"ish lo observe. This can be overt (the group of participants kno'" \vho the psychologist is and that they are being observed) or covert (the group do not kno\v that a psychologist is ~ in the group observing 1hen1).

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If participants are unaware that they are being observed they should behave "naturally". This increases the ecological vahd1ty of the observation. As behaviours are ·counted" and are hence quantitative, the process 1s objective and the data can be analysed statistically with minimal bias.

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If participants are aware that they are being observed they may not act "naturally" and may show more socially desirable behaviours. This reduces the validity of the findings. It may be difficult to replicate a naturalistic study as many variables cannot be controlled. This reduces the reliability of the study.

PARTICIPANTS AND SAMPLING Participants are the people who choose to take part in a study. The researcher nn1st decide on a target population (TP). This is the group of people that the psychologist \van ts to study in the hope that the findings can generalise to and be representative of that TP. For example, if a psychologist \Vants to investigate memory in school children then the TP might be children aged 5- 8 years old. There are different sanipling techniques

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that a psychologist can use to help recruit participants from the TP. The main ones are highlighted belo\v. •

This technique involves researchers recruiting

participants \vho happen to be around at the time they need participants. Once the correct number have been chosen and have con1pleted the study, no more participants are asked.

Self-selected or i This technique involves researchers advertising for participants. It is frequently used in universities to recruit participants for a range of studies. Therefore. participants choose whether they \Vant to participate or not.

This technique involves every participant in the TP having an equal chance of being chosen. If the TP is sn1all then potential participants can be numbered and chosen fro1n a hat. If the TP is large, all potential participants can be numbered but a random number generator can be used to select the sample.

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This technique involves recruiting a sample that is a mini version of the TP. Therefore, researchers recruit pa1ticipants fron1 each nlajor stratun1 in Sample the TP (e.g. age groups, gender and ethnicity). Each stratun1 nlust reflect the TP - for example, if the TP has 65 per cent fe1nales then the san1ple should be 65 per cent female. v\lhen evaluating these techniques 1ve can split them into representative sa111pling and nonrepresentative san1pling. Rane.lorn and stratified san1pling are representative \Vhereas opportunity and self-selected or volunteer san1pling are nonrepresentative.

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• • The researcher can generalise to the TP with more confidence. This is because the sample is more likely to be representative of the TP.

Large numbers of participants can be obtained relatively quickly and easily. People are more likely to participate if they have already volunteered so the drop-out rate should be lower.

Obta1n1ng details of the TP to use to select the sample may be difficult (e.g. lists of people in the TP or proportions of each stratum). Researchers cannot guarantee a representative sample (as with random sampling) - for instance, alt those chosen could be of one gender - and w ith both techniques researchers may have a "perfect" sample b ut participants still might not take part.

Researchers are unlikely to gain a wide variety of participants to allow for generalisation (for opportunity sampling they wilt go for one type or person in the main whereas for volunteer sampling only a certain type of person \Viii volunteer for a particular study).

DESIGN OF STUDY (EXPERIMENTAL OR PARTICIPANT DESIGN) ff psychologists choose to use an experiment, then they have to decide on an e..xperimental (participant) design. This refers to ho\v you allocate your participants to the

varying conditions of your experiment. There are three different designs.

Design

This is \Vhen a participant only takes part in one level of the IV. lf the I V is naturally occurr ing (e.g. gender) then an experin1enter 11111st use this type of design. Other examples of naturally occurring IVs are gender and age. In a true independent groups design, participants are randornly allocated to one level of the IV (so they get an equal chance of being placed in any level of your IV).

As participants only take part in one condition they are less likely to guess the aim of the study therefore reducing the potential effects of demand characteristics.

As participants only take part in one condition there are no order effects that can reduce the validity of findings.

There may be a problem with participant variables affecting the DV rather than the IV - even by chance, all people of a certain personality might form one condition and all people with a different personality might form the other condition - it could be personality affecting the DV rather than the IV. More participants are required for this type of design compared to repeated measures.

t This is when a participant takes part in nil of the levels of the JV. This can 110/ be used if the IV is naturally occurring (e.g. you cannot be a male and a fe111ale at the same ti1ne!). Researchers musl use co1111terbala11cing, which is sometin1es called an ABBA design. For example, 50 per cent of participants do level A then level B of the IV and the other 50 per cent do level B then A.

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;

This design eliminates any effect of participant variables as all parllci pants take part in all conditions; therefore, they are controlled.

As all participants take part 1n all conditions, there 1s a chance of demand characteristics affecting the study - participants might work out the aim of the study and behave in a way to fulfil that rather then showing their true behaviour.

This type of design requires fewer participants than independent groups.

Other effects can affect the findings of lhe study and reduce its validity. Examples of these effects are: practice effect (participants getting better al a task when they complete a similar one for the second time), fatigue effect (the more tasks they do the more tired they might become) and boredom effect (repeating similar tasks can bore participants).

This is \Vhen participanls are matched on a variable researchers \Vish to control for in 1he study. Exrunples of variables they may match participanls on include gender, age and ethnicity. A good source of participants for this type of design is identical I wins (monozygotic hvins) as many variables are already matched genetically. Once participants are matched, each member of the pair takes part in one level of the IV.

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• Participant vanables are controlled for and eliminated as the pairs of participants have been matched on them; therefore the psychologist can be more confident it is the IV affecting the DV rather than participant variables.

It can be a study in itself to find participants who are matched on all of the variables the psychologist has chosen. This is very time consuming. There may be one or two participant variables that are overlooked with the initial matching and these could affect the DV rather than the IV - we cannot control for every participant variable .

ISSUES AND DEBATES WITHIN: PSYCHOLOGICAL RESEARCH This chapter will outline the different issues and debates that you need Lo kno\v for the exan1. The icons by each issue \vilJ turn up, when relevant, in the 20 core studies for the AS qualification. You can then apply the relevant issues and debates to the study as required in son1e exan1 questions.

THE APPLICATION OF PSYCHOLOGY TO EVERYDAY LIFE (ITS USEFULNESS)

ECOLOGICAL VALIDITY This refers to the extent that the setting a study has been conducted in can be relevant to everyday life. A study conducted in a laboratory using hurnan participants may be lo\v in ecological validity as it is not a setting that humans are used to. Sometimes the task given to participants might also not be son1ethi ng that happens in everyday life - the term "n1undane realism" describes this. If a task involves something that could happen in everyday life then \Ve say it has high mundane realism.

~~~~~~~~~~~

Some people argue that if studies and ideas from psychology cannot be used in everyday life then they are not useful. All psychologists have to consider this before they complete a study. Once a study has been published, other psychologists niay evaluate its usefulness. This can be positive or negative. A study may only have been conducted on one sex so it n1ay not be useful in explaining the behaviour of the opposite sex. 111e extent to which son1ethjng is useful Useful is debating how the findings can be used (or not used) in everyday life. • The main advantage 1s that 1t 1s can be used to improve human behaviour in some way. For example. 1f we find a better way to treat a mental Illness then it is useful to society as a whole.

ETHICS The British Psychological Society has strict guidelines on \vhat can and cannot be done to human participants in the nan1e of psychological Ethics research. So111e of the 111ain guidelines are listed belo\v:

1. informed consent. Tius is when participants are fully aware of \vhat the study is about and they then give their permission to be used in the study. Psychologists n1ay not give the full ain1s of a study

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Studies might be unethical to gain more valid results. Studies need to be high in ecological validity to be of more use to society but this can be quite difficult if they are conducted 111 a laboratory. for instance.

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in order to reduce demand characteristics. This is \vhen features of a study hint to participants \vhat the aims are so they behave or ans\ver relating to the hint rather than ho\v they \vould truly behave or ans\ver.

2. Deception. Participants should not be deceived about aspects of a study unless the study \\'OuJd other\vise be useless due to demand characteristics.

3. Debriefing. Psychologists must explain the ful l aim of the study (especially if they had to deceive participants) at the end of the study. They should answer any questions participants have and check that participants are still happy to have their data used. Son1e psychologists follow up participants at a later date to check again that everything is all right.

4. Right to withdraw. Participants should kno\v that they can leave the study at any tin1e and that their data \viJI not be used in the published study.

5. Confidentiality. Psychologists must tell participants that their responses \viii not be identifiable as their O\vn and that all data "'ill be pooled \vhen analysed (except \vhen it is a case study).

6. Protection. Psychologists must ensure that participants leave the study in the sa.n1e physical and psychological state in which they entered it. 7. Observations. These can only take place where any n1e1nber of the public can see the behaviour.

ETHNOCENTRIC BIAS This is \vhen psychologists vie'v the results, behaviours or responses of a study that used participants notfro111 their ow11 ethnic group through the eyes of Ethno their own ethnic experiences. As a result, the psychologists may feel that their own ethnic group is superior to the one(s) they are studying and nlay n1isinterpret behaviours and dra\v the v1rong conclusions about the behaviour being studied.

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RELIABILITY AND VALIDITY Reliability refers to \vhether researchers can test something again to see if they gain similar results. Laboratory experiments, \vi th all of their controls, are said to be reliable as they can Reliable be replicated quite easily to see if similar results are obtained. Validity refers to ho"' accurate lhe findings are from a study (e.g. see ecological validity above).

, EcoV '

INDIVIDUAL VERSUS SITUATIONAL EXPLANATIONS Individual explanations account for behaviours using factors from \Vithin the person (called dispositional factors, such as personality). Situational explanations account for behaviours using factors from the external environment (situations that Ind vs sit people find the1nselves in).

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The findings can be very useful to society as a whole. If we find out which behaviours are down to individuals and which are down to the situations we find ourselves 1n, then we can help explain human behaviour more clearly. If psychologists find lhal there is an interaction between both sides or the debate then this Is useful too .

It is not always easy to separate out individual and situational factors. Studies might be unethical to gain more valid resul ts. Studies need high ecological validity to be or more use to this debate but this can be difficult if they take place in a laboratory, for instance.

NATURE AND NURTURE Nature refers to behaviours that are thought to be hard-\vired into people pre-birth (innate or genetic). Nurture refers to behaviours that are thought to develop through the lifetime of the person. Therefore, nature tends to be based on biological fac tors 1vhereas nurture tends to be based on sociaJ and psychological factors. •

•• The findings can be very useful to society as a whole. If we find out which behaviours come from nature and which from nurture, we can help to explain behaviour more clearly. If there is an interaction between both sides of the debate this is useful too.

It 1s not always easy to separate out what is nature and what is nurture. If behaviour is seen to be purely down to nature (genetics) this can be very socially sensitive. Sections of society could use this to undertake a "eugenic'' movement to gel rid of people with "inferior genes". This is clearly unacceptable. Studies might be unethical in order to gain more valid results.

people. they can be seen as being more ob1ecttve and sc1enttf1c. Comparisons can be useful as people's results are compared on the same, standardised scale.

behaviour II is supposed to measure? (e.g. Some psychologists beheve that an IQ test does not measure intelligence. but instead measures someone's ablhty to complete an IQ test).

As they are standardised. they are reliable measures - we can use them again and again to see 1f we get similar results.

If tests measure specilic cultural knowledge rather than the behaviour they are supposed to measure. they will be seen as ethnocentric.

QUANTITATIVE AND QUALITATIVE DATA Anything in the form of a number is quantitative data. You can analyse this data statistically. Qualitative data take the form of descriptions in \\'Ords, sentences and paragraphs. They are rich in detail and allo1" Quant participants to explain their ans,vers to questions. •

PSYCHOMETRICS These are usually paper-and-pen tasks that literally nlean "measurement of the mind". Examples are an intelligence quotient {IQ) test, an aptitude test or a test to help with educational needs. They are standardised, so peoples results can be compared lo a "norm" to see Psychom ho\v intelligent they are or ho1v much of a certain personality they have.

As they are standardised on a large sample of

There may be issues with validity. Is the test actually measuring the

As the data are numerical, this allows easier comparison and statistical analysis (e.g. the average score of two different groups of participants can easily be compared). Numerical data are objective and scientific - there is only minimal chance of miscalculating the data and drawing invalid conclusions.

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As the data are numerical, they miss out on valuable 1nlormat1on If the answer 1s simply yes/no or on a rating scale we do not know why participants chose the answers they did. It can be seen as reductionist as complex ideas and behaviours are simply reduced to a number or percentage.

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The data collected are nch and In-depth responses, 1n Qual the words of participants, so they represent what participants believe. Therefore, it can be argued that they are not reductionist. As the data come directly from participants we can understand why participants think, feel and act in a certain way.

o

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Interpretation of the data could be subjective a psychologist could misinterpret what a participant 1neant to say or be biased against some of the person's views. There may be researcher bias. Psychologists might only select data that fits their hypothesis or aim of the study. This cannot be done with quantitative data.

GENERALISATIONS '[his term refers to hO\v much the findings from a study can be applied to/is representative of people \vho never directly took part in the study (those from the target population - TP - but not the san1ple studied). This is not ahvays directly linked to sample size (e.g. a srnall san1ple size does not automatically mean we cannot generalise). If behaviour is biological in nature (e.g. sleep and daily rhythn1s) and auhumans have the same biological mechanisms then finding something out using less than ten participants may be generalisable to a lot of other humans. When assessing studies in terms of generalisations, consider \vhat the findings of the study are and then decide \vhether \Ve can or • cannot generalise the findings to the TP.

SNAPSHOT AND LONGITUDINAL DATA Both of these terms refer to the tin1e frame in \vhich a study takes place: Snapshot: this is \Vhen data are collected at one point in time using a group of participants performing a task, being intervie\ved, etc.

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Longitudinal: this is when the same set of participants is follo\,red over a longer period of time to examine things such as developmental changes. Snap They may repeat sin1ilar tasks once per year, for exan1ple. I

These can be a time-efficient way of collecting a lot of data. A study might only take a few weeks to complete and for results to be analysed. These can be useful for conducting "pilot research" to see whether a study 1s feasible (before you run a largescale study and find it does not work).

These studies do not follow people over a period of time. so they are not useful 1n tracking how behaviour develops or the long-term effects of something. They only represent participants showing a behaviour or opinion at one point in time. Generalisation may therefore be limited.

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These studies allow analysis of how behaviour develops over time (e.g. throughout childhood) and longterm effects (e.g. of life events on development). lnd1v1dual differences between people 1n the study are controlled as the same people are tracked over a set amount of time. Therefore, findings are more I ikely to be valid.

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Not all participants will want to be followed for the length of the Long study and wi II drop out (called "participant attrition"). This can reduce the sample srze and then the generalisability and/ or validity of the study as time progresses. Psychologists could become attached to participants and be subjective Jn their analysis of the data.

THE USE OF CHILDREN IN PSYCHOLOGICAL RESEARCH We have already covered ethics above but there are extra rules about using children in psychological research: Children aged under 16 cannot give their 0\¥11 informed consent to take part in a study. Children aged under 16 must get parental permission to participate in studies or loco Child parentis permission (e.g. someone \vho looks after them in a nursery or school).

THE USE OF ANIMALS IN PSYCHOLOGICAL RESEARCH

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Animal

There are ethical guidelines and rules for using animals in psychological research. The 111ain ones are as follows:

The la\v - psychologists must \Vork \vithin the la\v about protecting animals. Nun1ber of anin1als - this should be a kept to the nlinin1un1 an1ount to make statistical analysis n1eaningfltl.

Social environment - social species should be kept together and non-social species kept apart. Caging - housing in cages should not lead to overcrowding and increased stress levels.

We can conduct research on animals that we cannot do on humans for ethical reasons.

Due to the differences in physiological and psychological 'make-ups' of animals and humans it can be difficult lo generalise from animal studies to human behaviour.

REDUCTIONISM This is when a psychologist believes that a con1plex behaviour can be explained by reducing it to one single cause or a series of component parts. For exan1ple, a researcher n1ight state that fteduct son1e aspect of personality is caused only by biological mechanism. This could easily overlook social and psychological factors that could also be affecting personality.

It allows research lo be conducted that can analyse a specific area or behaviour in depth, so how 11 affects humans

II averlooks other factors that c ould be affec ting the behaviour of people.

COGNITIVE PSYCHOLOGY CORE STUDY 3.1 Mann, Vrij & 8111/ (2002)

CONTEXT Early research into the field of lying behaviour bad shown mixed results in terms of what people actually do \Vben lying. Son1e people avert their gaze and become fidgety \vbile others become very still and hardly move at aU. Ho,vever, the designs of these studies meant that the findings \Vere not truly generalisable to real-life lying. They \\•ere experimental studies asking people to lie or teU the truth about various issues, perhaps causing unnatural behaviour. Very few participants '"ould feel guilty about deceiving someone as there "'ere no consequences. Therefore, they \Vere sirnply lying for the sake of the experirnent. Very little research had been conducted in field settings using people 'vho could and \vould Lie spontaneously if the stakes 1vere high. Mann, Vrij & Bull found the perfect set of participants for this: suspects in police custody. ASK YOURSELF

Can you spot a liar? Do you know how people behave when they are lying lo you? List some behaviours that you feel people show when they are lying.

AIM To investigate the lying behaviours of suspects in police custody - a high-stake situation that is real life so 'vould generate real lying.

METHOD Design Detectives fron1 Ken t Constabulary in the Uniled Kingdorn \Vere asked if they could recollect any videotaped interviews where the suspect had definitely lied but also told the truth. The relevant case files \Vere requested. A researcher looked through these to find forensic evidence or independent 1vitness statements that could easily corroborate the lie and truth in the intervie\v. For example, a videotape might sho'" the suspect lying about any involvement then being presented \Vith clear forensic evidence and confessing. Any case that did not have corroboration \Vas not used. The cases chosen for the study "'ere then rerecorded onto another videotape. Overall, this became a one-hour video \Vith clips from all 16 suspects. For a better comparison, the truths had to be comparable in nature to the lies for inclusion (e.g. a Control suspect's truthful response to confirn1 narne and age is not co111parable to a lie abou t 1vhether the suspect had cornrnitted a murder). A total of 65 clips were used (27 truths and 38 lies). Each participant had a nii nirnum of l\vo clips (one truth and one lie) and the maxJ1nu1n \Vas eight clips. The length of clips ranged from 41.4 seconds to 368.4 seconds. Previous studies had shown that length of time telling the truth or lying has little effect on the behaviour of those telling the truth or lying.

CHAPTER 3: COGNITIVE PSYCHOLOGY '

Eight behaviours \vere looked for in the clips: Behaviour

TEST YOURSELF Outline two of the behaviours that the observers were looking lor. How were they coded?

Coded by:

Gaze aversion the number of seconds that the suspect looked away from the interviewer Blinking

frequency of eye blinks

Participants

Head movement

frequency of head nods (upward and do\vnward \vere counted separately); head shakes (side to ~ide) \Vere also counted

Participants \Vere 16 police suspects {13 males and 3 females). Four of these \Vere juveniles (lhree 'vere aged 13 years and one 15 years). One \Vas Asian and 15 "·ere Caucasian. The crimes the participants \Vere being interviewed about were theft (n =9), arson (n = 2), attempted rape (n = I) and 1nurder (n = 4). At least 10 of the J 6 were already kno\vn to the police for previous offences.

Selffrequency of head scratching, rnanipulations scratching the \vrist Illustrators Reliable

frequency of arm and hand movements (that either rnodified or con1plemented what the suspect \vas talking about)

I-land/finger movements

any movements of the hands or fingers without moving the arms

Speech disturbances

frequency of saying things Like "ah" or "m1n1n" bet1veen \VOrds, frequency of 1vord and/or sentence repetition, sentence change, sentences not con1pleted, stutters, etc. - any deviation fron1 the official English language as \veil as the use of slang \Vas not counted

Pauses

the number of seconds where there \vas a noticeable pause in the suspects monologue, \vhen the suspect stopped talking for more than 0.5 seconds '"hen the conversation \Vas free flo,ving.

Each of the eight coded behaviours Control \vas changed into a format in which suspects' truths and lies could be directly con1parcd. For gaze aversion and pauses \Vhen telling the tru th or lying, the total length oftin1e recorded for these coded behaviours \vas divided by the total length oftirne of the truthful clips, Lhen n1u ltiplied by 60 to give a total length per rninute. ·n1is was repeated for \Vhen l he suspect was lying. The frequency of blinks, head, arn1 or hand movements while telling the truth or lying \Vas divided by the total length of time for each truthful or lying clip and 1nultiplied by 60 to give a frequency per minute score. The total Quant nun1ber of speech disturbances during the truthful and lying clips " 'as divided by the total number of words spoken during the truthful and lying clips then multiplied by 100 to give a "per 100 "'ords" frequency score.

Procedure T\vo observers independently coded the eight behaviours under investigation. 111ey did not know which clips sho\ved suspects telling the truth and \vhicli sho,ved Lies. They were not told the purpose of the study or any hypotheses so they never knew \vhen Reliable a suspect was telling the truth or lying. The first observer coded every clip. 'l he second observer coded a random sample of 36 clips covering all 16 suspects so inter-rater reliability could be measured. Partially due to the sensitive nature of the dips, the fe\ver people \vho sa1v them other than the police the better. The inter-rater agreement was high for au eight coded behaviours.

RESULTS Table 3.1 shows the scores for six of the coded behaviours split by truth and lying. Truthful

Behaviour

M

Deceptive

SD

M

SD

Gaze aversion

27.82

9.25

27.78

11.76

Blinks

23.56

10.28

18.50

8.44

Head movements

26.57

12.34

27.53

20.93

Hand/arm movements

15.31

14.35

10.80

9.99

Pauses

3.73

5.14

5.31

4.94

Speech

5.22

3.79

5.34

4.93

disturbances

A Table 3.1 Scores - truthful and deceptive

Quant

These 1vere the significant differences

SO per cent moved their head up1vards and SO per cent

bet\veen the truthful dips and lying in terms

moved it do1vn1vards when lying.

of behaviour:

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TEST YOURSELF Outline two main findings from this study How reliable are these findings? WIT-/?

Lying 1vas accompanied by a decrease in blinking (81 per cent of suspects).

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Lying 1vas accompanied by an increase in pauses (81 per cent of suspects).

CONCLUSION

There 1vere individual differences as there was not one behaviour that all liars sh01ved. 1l1e only other coded behaviour that came dose to significance was hand and

The most reliable indicators of lying in a high-stake

arn1 nioven1ents 1vhich decreased n1arkedly for 69 per cent

situation are a decrease in blinking and an increase in

of the suspects 1vhen they 1vere lying. Regardi11g head

pauses 1vhen talking.

movement, behaviour 1vas evenly split in that

EVALUATION Since Mann, Vrij & Bull used naturalistic observations as part of their design, 1ve can use the general evaluations from Chapter I, pages 3-4 and apply them directly to the study: Evaluation

General evaluation (observations)

Related to Mann, Vrij & Bull

Strength

If participants are unaware they are being observed they should behave ·naturally". This increases the ecological validity of the observation.

The suspects did not know that the recordings were to be used for lhe analysis of lying behaviours. Therefore. they were much more likely to be displaying real behaviours making the findings of the study more vahd

Strength

As behaviours are "counted" and so quantitative, the process is ob1ect1ve. The data can be analysed statistically with minimal bias.

All of the behaviours were coded quantitatively which made the whole recording process objective and more scientific (see the examples above on how the data was converted). The inter-rater rehab11ity exercise confirmed this.

Weakness

It may be difficult to replicate the study 1f ti 1s naturahstic as many variables cannot be controlled. This reduces its reliability.

This study may be difficult to replicate due to the observation techniques used: if the police know that tapes may be used for analysis they may change the way they interview suspects. This cou ld reduce the validity of these findings.

Other points to consider include the follo1ving:

validity of the study: we can argue that

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they \Vere also accurately coded and

Ethics: suspects did not give infonned consent for their footage to be used in a psychological study.

Ethics

I>

Reliable

analysed.

Some 1vould argue that this breaks ethical guidelines.

Reliability: as they conducted a successful interrater reliability task, the behaviours recorded 1vere those sho1vn by the suspects. This can also affect the

CHALLENGE YOURSELF Evaluate this study in terms of individual versus srtuattonal explanations and that quantitative data were collected. You may want to use a table like that used for the observation evaluatton.

CHAPTER 3: COGNITIVE PSYCHOLOGY

Exam centre Try the following exa1n-style questions.

Paper 1 1. ln the t.1ann, Vrij & Bull study, \Vho \Vere the participants?

(2 marks)

2. Outline two controls that Mann, Vrij & Bull used in their study.

(4 marks)

3. Identify two of llie behaviours that \Vere coded in the Mann, Vrij & Bull study.

(2 marks)

4. Evaluate the Mann, Vrij & Bull study in terms of ho1v useful the study is.

(I 0 marks)

Paper 2 1. Outline what quantitative data 1vere collected in the Mann, Vrij & Bull study.

(3 marks)

2. Redesign the t.lann, Vrij & Bull study using an experiment as the research method. (I 0 marks) 3. Discuss the strengths and weaknesses of conducting observational research using the t.-Iann, Vrij & Bull study as an example.

(10 marks)

CORE STUDY 3.2 Loftus & Pickrell ( 1995)

CONTEXT Psychologists have conducted many studies on ho\v our memories can be disrupted by things that \Ve did earlier (proactive interference) or things that \Ve experience after\vards (retroactive interference). Recent studies have begun to focus rnore and more on retroactive interference effects. New information that is processed after an initial memory is forn1ed can become incorporated into the recollection of the original event to forin a "ne,v" n1en1ory that is not correct, but that a person believes is real (kno,vn as false n1emories). ASK YOURSELF Do you think people can create false memories and then believe them as if they are real?

AIM To investigate whether it is possible to make people form a false me111ory of an event that never happened to them.

METHOD Design Participants \vere sent a five-page booklet along \vith a letter explaining how to con1plete the booklet. The booklet contained four stories - three that Quest were true about the participant and provided by a relative. ·1he fourth story was a false event about getting lost in a shopping rnall. The order of events (and the subsequent interviews below) were ahvays in the sa1ne order: true event l, true event 2, false event of getting lost, true event 3. Each event was a single paragraph at the top of the page. The rest of the page was blank so participants could write do\vn any men1ories of that event. lntervie\vS \Vith each relative took place to obtain the three true events that happened to the Interview participant \Vhen he or she 'vas around

5 years old. These could not be traumatic events or fan1ily events that could easily be recalled. Also, the relative had to provide inforn1ation about a shopping trip to a mall or departn1ent store that could have easily happened. Relatives \Vere asked: ~

where the family \vould have shopped when the participant \vas 5 years old

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\vhich family members used to go on shopping trips

~

what type(s) of store(s) rnight have been appealing to the participant \vhen he or she was a child

~

to verify that the participant had never been lost in a shopping mall or department store \vhen he or she v.•as 5 years old.

Control

The lost event involving getting lost always follo\ved the same format: participants \vcre lost for an extended period of ti1ne, they cried, they were lost in a shopping nlall or department store when they were 5 years old, they \Vere found and helped by an elderly \VOn1a11 and then they \Vere reuni ted \Vilh their fan1ily.

Participants The study \Vas completed by 24 participants (3 males and 21 females) aged 18- 53 years. They \vere recruited via students of the University of Sample \Vashington. Each student gave details of a pair of individuals (a participant and a relative of that participant). The pairs '"ere usually parent and child or sibling pairs. To be included in the study, the relative of the participant had to be knowledgeable about the participant's childhood. The sampling technique could be described as being opportunity sampling. TEST YOURSELF How were participants recruited for this study? Why was it a good way to recruit? What problems might be linked to recruiting participants in lhis way?

Procedure Participants \Vere told that they \vere taking part in a study about childhood memory \Vith a focus on looking at why people ren1en1ber some things and not others. initially they \vere asked to complete the booklet by reading the account from their relative and then \\•riting

CHAPTER 3: COGNITIVE PSYCHOLOGY

do\vn all they could remen1ber about that event. If they could not remember anyt hing they had to state this too. They mailed the completed booklet back to the researchers. T\vo intervie\vs \Vere then scheduled, the first usually one Lo t\vo \\leeks after completing lhe booklel then another one to L\\IO \veeks after the first. T\VO intervie\\lers, both female, conducted and recorded each intervie\\I.

111e first interview: Participants \Vere reminded of the four events they had \Vritten about in the booklet They \vere asked to recall as much infonnation Qual abou t each event as possible (even if it \Vas infor111ation they had not remembered while completing the initial booklet). They were told that the intervie\vers were interested in ho\v 111uch they could recall about childhood events and how this co111pared with the relative's recollection. The events \vere not read to then1 ve rbathn, onl y certain elen1ents were used as retrieval cues. Once participants said they had rem en1bered as much as possible they had to rate the clarity of that men1ory on a scale of Quant 1- 10 with I being not clear and 10 being extremely clear. Additionally, they had to rate on a scale of l - 5 ho\" confident they \Vould be that if given more time to think about the event they \,rould remember more details (I was not confident and 5 \Vas extren1ely confident). Once the intervie\v \Vas co111pleted, participants \vere thanked for their time and effort and asked to think about the events to recall more details at the second intervie\v. 111e second interview. This \\laS the same as the first intervie1v but at the end participants \Vere debriefed. They \vere lold that the study had atten1pted to create a memory for an event that had never actually happened. Participants \vere asked to pick 1vhicb event they thought \ Vas the false one. 111en they were given an apology for the deceptive nature of the study.

RESULTS

""O

Cl> .._ Cl> .c E Cl> E Cl> .._ Cl> C>

-"'c Cl>

u .._

~

100 90 80 70 - 49n2 49n2 49n2 60 50 40 30 20 10 0

-

-

0 Booklet

D Interview 1 D Interview 2 7124

True

6124

6124

False

Event type A Figure 3.1 True and raise events recalled per session

The figure shO\VS that the an1ount of true events recalled rema.ined constant across the three recall sessions. Also, the rate of recalling false events remained virtually constant with 7/24 re n1en1 bered at the booklet stage dropping to 6 in both of the interviews. In addition, participants used n1ore words \Vhen recalling the true events than lhe false event (on average). The mean \vord length for true events \vas 138.0 while for the false events it was 49.9. During tbe first intervie\\I, l 7 of the participants maintained that they had no recollection of the false event. One participant who had claimed some recollection in the booklet, denied any Quant recollection at the first interview. Therefore, 75 per cent "resisted" the suggestion of the false event and this continued at the second intervie\'i. Figure 3.2 shO\\IS the average clarity rati ngs for true and false evenls al both intervie\VS for those participants who clailn ed they could reme1nber details of the false event. The figure shO\VS that the clarity rati ngs for the true events remai ned the san1e across the two interviews. However, the clarity ratings for the false event did increase fron1 2.8 to 3.6 from intervic\v 1 Lo intervie1v 2. ln terms of confidence, the 1nean score for lrue events

Combined, the 24 participants \Vere asked to remember 72 true events per recall session (booklet, intervie\" l and intervie\11 2). They Quant remembered 49 of these (68 per cent). Figure 3.1 shO\VS the amount of true and faJse events remembered per recall session.

2.7 at first intervie\V then 2.2 at second intervie\v. For the false events these scores \Vere 1.8 al first interview then l.4 at second intervie\v. At debrief, \vhen Quant participants chose the event they thought \Vas the false one, 19/ 24 chose the correct event. \V3S

10 98

0 Interview 1 D Interview 2

-

C>

7-

~

65-

-

£

l';-

·c c:;

"'c: "' :E CD

4

6.3

6.3

3.6

2.8

321 0

True

False

Event type

However, some \Vere still dubious it was a false event despite choosing it at debrief!

CONCLUSION Some people can be misled into believing a false event happened to them in their childhood through the suggestion that it was a true event. Therefore, in some people, me1nories can be altered by suggestion. TEST YOURSELF

OuUine four main findings from this study. How useful are these findings?

.._ Figure 3.2 Clanty ratings

EVALUATION Since Loftus & Pickrell collected quantitative data, vie can use the general evaluations from Chapter 2, pages 9- 10 and apply them directly to the study: Evaluation

General evaluation (quantitative)

Related to Loftus & Pickrell

Strength

The data are ob1ective and can be analysed stallshcally to draw conclusions.

The data such as the confidence ratings, word length of recollections and clanty ratings were numencal and could be analysed by calculating the mean scores for true and false events. From these obiect1ve data, suitable conclusions could be drawn. -

Strength

As the data are numerical, comparison and statistical analysis are easier (e.g. the average score of two different groups of participants can easily be compared so there is very little bias or misinterpretation).

Loftus & Pickrell could calculate the number of true and false events people recalled as being "factual" so comparisons could be made - there could be very little mis1nterpretat1on as it was based on participants' initial recall in the booklet. Comparisons between the true and false events could give a factual conclusion.

Weakness

Numerical data miss out on valuable information. If the answer is simply yes/no or on a rating scale we do not know why participants chose the answer they did.

The confidence ratings were numerical. While they appeared low for true and raise events at both interviews, we do not know why participants fell unconfident. The same applies to the clarity ratings.

CHAPTER 3: COGNITIVE PSYCHOLOGY '

Other points that can be used lo evaluate this study include the following:

>-

Ethics: deception. Some psychologists could argue that this study breaks the ethical guideline of deception as participants \\lere dearly deceived in the attempt to make then1 believe that they bad been lost in a shopping mall or department store Ethics \\•hen they \\lere 5 years old. HO\\lever, Loftus & Pickrell could argue that the deception \\las crucial for their study to have any validity and that they did debrief participants at the end and explain the deception.

>-

Ethics: protection. Some psychologists could argue that this study breaks the ethical guideline of deception as participants did not leave the study in the same psychological state as \Vhen they started it. Remember that some participants did not pick out the false event and n1ay nO\\I believe that they \Vere indeed lost in a shopping maJJ department store \Vhen they \Vere 5 years old. CHALLENGE YOURSELF

Evaluate this study 1n terms of 1t being a smallscale long1tud1nal study and on tis usefulness. You may want to use a table similar to that used for the quantitative data evaluation.

Exam centre Try the following exam-style questions.

Paper 1 1. In the Loftus & PickrelJ study, outline ho\v the sample \\las recruited.

(2 marks)

2. Outline two aspects of the first interview in the Loftus & Pickrell study.

( 4 marks)

3. Outline how confidence or clarity \Vas measured in (2 nlarks) the Loftus & Pickrell study. 4. Evaluate the Loftus & Pickrell study in terms of two strengths. (10 marks)

Paper2 1. Outline \\/hat quantitative data were colJected in the Loftus & Pickrell study.

(3 marks)

2. Outline how the interview method \\la5 used in the Loftus & Pickrell study.

3. Discuss the strengths and \\'eaknesses of ethical guidelines in research using Loftus & Pickrell as an example.

(3 n1arks)

(10 marks)

CORE STUDY 3.3 Baron-Cohen et al (200 I)

CONTEXT Back in 1997, a "Reading the mind in the eyes" test\vas developed to assess a concept called theory of mind. This refers to the ability to attribute mental states to oneself and other people. The test appeared to discriminate bet,veen adults \Vilh Asperger syndrornc (AS) and high functioning autistic (HFA) adults from control adults. The AS and H FA groups scored significantly worse than others in the test, \vhich asked participants to look at a pair of eyes on a screen and choose \Vh ich en1otion the eyes best conveyed, fro1n a forced choice of en1otions. Ho\vever, the research tean1 were not happy \vith elements of the original version and \Vanted to "upgrade" their nieasure to 1nake it better (these problenis and solutions are outlined in the design section).

Forced choice between two response options meant 1ust a narrow range of 17-25 correct responses (out of 25) to be statistically above chance. The range of scores for parents of those with AS were lower than normal but again there was a narrow range of scores to detect any real differences.

Forced choice remained but there were four response options. There were 36 pairs of eyes used rather than 25 - this gives a range of 13-36 correct responses (out of 36) to be statistically above chance. These means individual differences can be examined better In terms of statistics.

There were basic and complex mental sta tes so some or the pairs of eyes were "too easy" (e.g. happy, sad) and others "loo hard" making comparisons difficult.

Only complex mental states were used.

There were some pairs of eyes that could be "solved" easily because of eye direction (e.g. not1c1ng or ignoring).

These were deleted.

There were more female pairs of eyes used in the original test.

An equal amount of male and female pairs of eyes was used

The choice of two responses were always "semantic opposites" (e.g. happy/sad) which made 11 too easy.

"Semantic opposites" were removed and the "foil choices· (those that were incorrect) were to be more similar to the correct answer.

There may have been comprehension problems with the choice of words used as the forced c hoice responses.

A glossary of all terms used as the c hoices on the eyes test was available to all participants at all times.

ASK YOURSELF

How do you read the emotion that is conveyed by another person's face? What do you look for?

AIM 1.

To test a group of adults \vith AS or HFA on the revised scale of the eyes test. This \\•as to check \Vhether the same deficits seen in the original study could be replicated.

2.

To test a san1ple of normal adults to see whether there \Vas a negative correlation between the scores on the eyes test and theirautisn1 spectrum quotient (AQ).

3. To test whether fe1nales scored better on the eyes test than 1nales.

METHOD Design

A Table 3.2 Problems and attempts to solve them

The researchers redesigned the questionnaire to overcome proble1ns \Vith the original test (see Core study table 3.2).

The "correct" word and the "foils" were chosen by two authors of the study and \vere piloted on eight

CHAPTER 3: COGNITIVE PSYCHOLOGY

judges (equal sex). For the correct \vord ' and its foils to be used in the ne\v eyes test, five judges had to agree 1vith the original choice. Also, if more than hvo judges picked a foil over the correct 1vord, the iten1 had a ne\v correct 1vord generated \Vith suitable foils and 1vas retested. The data fron1 groups 2 and 3 (see belo\\•) 1vere merged as they did not differ in perforrnance. This \Vas also a check that the "correct" \vords had some Reliable consensus - at least 50% of the group had to get the correct 1vord and no more than 25% had to select a foil for it to be included in the ne1v eyes lest. From the original 40 pairs of eyes, 36 passed these tests and 1vere used. Control

and 4 completed a questionnaire to measure their AQ. All participants 1vere asked to read through a glossary and indicate any 1vords 1vere unsure of and they could revisit the glossary at any time during the test.

• Figure 3.3 Example or male pair of eyes used 1n the test

TEST YOURSELF

Outline two problems with the original version of the eyes test and then describe how the research team attempted to overcome them.

Participants

RESULTS Core study table 3.3 shows the mean and standard deviation scores for the new eyes test and AQ by group.

Quant

There 1vere four groups of participants:

1. One group consisted of 15 males formally diagnosed 1vith either AS or HFA. 1 hey 1vere recruited via a UK National Autistic Society nlagazine or support group. Therefore, these participants 1vere volunteers.

2. ln this group there 1vere 122 normal adults recruited from adult community and education classes in Sample Exeter or a public library in Cambridge - a broad range of people. 3. This group consisted of I03 normal adults (53 male and 50 female) 1vho 1vere undergraduates at Cambridge University (7 1 in sciences and 32 in other subjects). All were assu1ncd to have a high IQ.

4. This group 1vas forn1ed fron1 14 randomly selected adults who were 1natched for IQ with group 1.

Procedure All participants, irrespective of group, completed the revised version of the eyes test. Eacll Control participant co1npleted it individually in a quiet room. Participants in group l 1vere asked to judge the gender of each image. Groups l, 3

Group

Eyes test

AQ

AS HFA adults

21 9 (6.6)

34.4 (6.0)

General population

26.2 (3.6)

NIA

Students

28.0 (3.5)

18.3 (6.6)

Matched

30.9 (3.0)

18.9 (2.9)

• Table 3.3 Mean and standard deV1at10n (in parentheses) scores for the new eyes test and AQ by group

The AS/HFA group performed significantly worse than the other three groups on the eyes test. In general, fen1ales scored belier on the eyes test than n1ales. Unsurprisingly, the AS/ HFA group scored significantly higher on AQ than the other groups. The correlation between the eyes test and AQ was negative. The distribution of scores for the eyes test (all groups n1erged) formed a normal bell curve. TEST YOURSELF

Outline two differences between the different sets of participants used in this study in terms or their performance on the eyes test.

CONCLUSION The revised version of the eyes test could still discriminate bet\veen AS/HFA adults and controls from different sections of society as it replicated previous findings. The ne\v eyes test appeared to overcon1e the

initial problems of the original version and the research terun stated"... this therefore validates it as a useful test \Vith \Vhich to identify subtle in1pairn1ents in social intelligence in otherwise normally intelligent adults" Baron-Cohen et al (200 I: 246).

EVALUATION As Baron-Cohen et al used a psychon1etric nleasure, \ve can use the general evaluations from Chapter 2, page I 0 and apply them directly to the study: Evaluation

General evaluation (psychometrics)

Related lo Baron-Cohen et al

Strength

Comparisons can be useful as people's results are being compared on the same, standardised scale.

The revised eyes test was used In all participants this means that all comparisons between the groups have some validity as we are companng on the same set scale using the same questions, etc.

Strength

P<s they are standardised, they are

The revised eyes test can be used by other research teams to see if they can replicate findings and test for reliability. This study did find reliable results in terms of performance or ASIHFA (low scores in both studies).

reliable measures - we can use them again and again to see 1f we get similar results.

Weakness

There may be issues with validity. Is the test actually measuring the behaviour 1t 1s supposed to be measuring?

There could be sorne evaluations based around usefu I ness: ~

~

The main advantage is that it is can be used to i1nprove human behaviour in some way. As it is showing that AS/l-1PA adults appear to lack theory of mind, psychologists could 110\V create therapies (or training) to help these people i111prove their social communication and social emotional skills to help them integrate better into society. Ho,vever, tile eyes test does not take into account the "full picture" of understanding emotions - in reality there are subtle cues such as body Useful language alongside other facial cues

Some psychologists could query whether the revised eyes test 1s still actually measunng theory of mind traits or just the ability to complete the eyes test that can help people to understand the emotions of others. A study that assessed the sa111e as the eyes test but using a full face or a nioving in1age \vith verbalisation n1ight be even n1ore useful to assess theory of n1ind.

CHALLENGE YOURSELF Evaluate this study In terms of il being a snapshot study and also in terms of reductionism . You may want to use a table hke that used for the psychometrics evaluations.

CHAPTER 3: COGNITIVE PSYCHOLOGY

Exam centre Try the follO\ving exa1n-style questions.

Paper 1 1. In the Baron-Cohen et al study, identify two of the groups of participants used.

(2 marks)

2. Outline ho1v the eyes test 1vas used in the BaronCohen et al study.

(4 n1arks)

3. Outline two reasons 1vhy the Baron-Cohen et al study was conducted. (4 marks) 4. Evaluate the Baron-Cohen et al study in terms of one strength and one weakness. (LO marks)

Paper 2 1. Outline ho1v quantitative data 1vere collected in the Baron-Cohen et al study. (3 marks) 2. Outline one finding from the Baron-Cohen et al study. (3 marks) 3. Discuss the strengths and \\•eaknesses of using psychometric tests using Baron-Cohen et al study as an exan1ple. (10 n1ack.s)

CORE STUDY 3.4 Held & Hein (1963)

1valk freely (\vith its neck in a holding device) 1vhereas kitten P got moved by the rnotion of kitten A. Kitten P could rnove its legs 1vithin the device but 1vas never in control of its O\Vn rnovements.

•

CONTEXT Psychologists have debated for a very long time over nature and nurture. Previous studies had examined the role of exposure to stimuli and movenlent around stimuli as a \vay of developing part of our perceptual systen1. Both may be necessary to enable an organism to perceive its \vorld correctly and cornfortably. Riesen proposed an idea of sensory-sensory associations as vital for the optin1al devclopnlcnt of an organis1n's perceptual system. That is, one sense alone is not enough to develop perceptual skil ls, so in th.is case visual and kinaesthetic associations rnight be necessary. What happens 1vhen an organisrn is deprived of these associations was the crux of this study. ASK YOURSELF How do you perc eive the world around you? How much have you been taught and how much was natural lo you?

AIM To investigate \vhether kittens have to see and move to be able to develop skills such as depth perception.

METHOD Design Held & Hein created a "kitten carousel" for their study as shown in figure 3.4. Each kitten had a distinct role. The one labelled A (active) was aJ101ved to \Valk Control around the carousel to explore. The one labelled I? (passive) \vas placed i.n a device 1vhere its paws could not touch the ground, preventing kitten P fron1 \valking. HO\vever, the device that connected the two kittens nleant that kitten P rnoved in a]] of the sarne directions as kitten A but 1vithout engaging in any \valking. The distance betv1een the kittens 1vas 36 inches. 111erefore, kitten A could move

A Figure 3.4 The killen ca rousel Control

The kittens undertook three niain tasks:

1. VisuaJJy-guided paw placernent. Each kitten 1vas held in a researcher's hands by the body so that the head and forelegs \vere free. The kitten \va5 slo1vly moved for1vards and down\vard tO\vards the edge of a table (horizontal surface). If its perceptual system has developed in the usual \vay, then the kitten should reach \Vith its pa\VS to touch the surface.

2. Avoidance of a visual cliff. 'Ihe apparatus has a "deep side" which is a patterned surface about 30 inches beJo,v a large plate of glass and a "shaJJo,v side" \vhere the patterned surface is attached to the underside of the glass. It was lit from beJo,v to make the glass almost invisible. The kittens' behaviours \Vere noted.

3. Blinking to an approaching object. Each kitten \vas placed in a device si1nilar to that used by the A kitten. A large sheet of Plexiglass was placed in front of the kitten. A hand would be moved quickly tO\Vards the kitten, stopping just before the Ple:dglass. Tilere were other tests perforrned on the kittens: pupillary reflex to 1ight being shone in Lo it, ho\v they reacted lo having their pa\vS placed on the top of a table and vis ual pursui t of a nloving object. TEST YOURSELF Outline two of the tasks that the killens had to perform in this s tudy.

CHAPTER 3: COGNITIVE PSYCHOLOGY

Participants

RESULTS

The participants \Vere kittens. There \Vere 10 pairs of kittens used (so a total of20) and each pair came from a different litter. They \Vere all aged bet\veen 8 and 12 \veeks.

Table 3.4. shO\\IS findings fron1 the visual cliff task.

Quant

Pair number

Age in weeks•

Ratio of descents shallow/deep

Procedure The ten pairs of kittens were split into groups X and Y: ~

The X group (eight oflh c pairs) \Vere reared in darkness from birth until the kitten Illeliable assigned as A '"as at the minin1um size to be used in the kitten carousel (age varied from 8 to 12 weeks). lbe)' were then exposed to the apparatus for three hours per day.

~

TI1e Y group (two of the pairs) had three hours of exposure to the patterned interior of the carousel from about two \veeks old until ten \veeks old. After this they began a three hour per day exposure to the kitten carousel. When not on the apparatus they 1vere kept in "lightless" cages with their mother and litter mates.

>-

There \Vere six pa\v-placement assessments each day after the exposures noted above.

~

As soon as one of the pairs of kittens sho'"ed tile ability to "pa\\1-place" botll of tile pair \Vere tested on the visual cliff (placed in the central part and observed). They " 'ere then both retested on the follo,\ling day. Then, the P kitten of each pair \\fas placed in a continuously lit room for 48 hours. They were then retested. This applied to tile X group.

>-

The Y group did sornething slightly different. On the first day tha t the A kitten sho\V'ed pawplace1nent skills, it was tested on the visual cliff and then retested the day after. Ho1vever, the P kitten si1nply kept getting exposed to the carousel for 3 hours per day until it reached 126 hours. Only then \Vas it tested for paw-placement and on the visual cliff.

A

p

1X

8

12/0

616

2X

8

12/0

418

3X

8

12/0

715

4X

9

12/0

6/6

5X

10

12/0

6X

10

12/0

7X

12

12/0

7/5 715 517

ax

12

12/0

8/4

1Y

10

12/0

6/6

2Y

10

12/0

8/4

•At the beginning of exposure In the experimental apparatus •

Table 3.4 Results or the visual cliff task

All the A kittens went to the shallow side but it '"as almost "random" for the P kittens '"hich side tlley preferred. This indicates that the P kittens had not developed deptll perception even in the Y group. As soon as tile A kitten could sho1v pa\v-placement, tile

paired P kitten's ability '"as noted. None of them passed this test. The A kittens could also pass the remaining tests but the P kittens all failed. Follo,ving the 48 hours of continually lit living arrangements for the P kittens, \vhen retested on the visual cliff tlley all went to the shallo\v side and they could all pass the paw-placement test.

CONCLUSION To develop "typical" perceptual development, kittens need to be able to move around by thcn1selves witll simultaneous visual feedback. TEST YOURSELF Outline two key results From this study. How ethical was this study?

EVALUATION Since Held & Hein used a laboratory experiment, \Ve can use the general evaluations from Chapter I, pages 1- 2 and apply them directly to the study:

Strength

Laboratory expenments have high levels of control and so can be replicated to test for reliabillty.

The amount or time the kittens got exposed to the apparatus. the tasks the kittens had to do and the kitten carousel were all solid controls 1n this study. Therefore, a different set or researchers could replicate this study to test for reliability (however. whether this should be done Is arguable - see animal ethics below).

Strength

As laboratory experiments have high levels of control, researchers can be more confident it is the IV directly affecting the DV.

With the controls 1n place (e.g. the kitten pairings, the conditions In which they were raised and the kitten carousel) Held & Hein could conclude with confidence that the use or vision and movement affects the perceptual development or kittens.

Weakness

As laboratory experiments take place 1n an artificial setting, some say they lack ecological validity.

Group X kittens were brought up in darkness and all kittens spent time in a kitten carousel which are not usual environments tor kittens. Therefore, it could be said that the study lacked ecological validity

Weakness

Many laboratory experiments can make participants take part in tasks that are nothing like real-life ones so they lack mundane reahsm.

The tasks that the kittens had lo perform (e.g. the visual cliff and the paw-placement) are not tasks that kittens in the natural environment would have to perform. Therefore. it could be said that the study lacked mundane realism.

This is the only AS-Level study that used animals as participants; therefore we can assess the study on animal ethics: General evaluation (animal ethics)

Related to Held & Hein

Number of animals this should be a kept to the minimum amount to make statistical analysis meaningful.

Only 20 kittens were used for the entire study which allows for statistical analyses but 1s also a small number or kittens overall.

Caging - housing in cages should not lead to overcrowding and increased stress levels.

Eight pairs of kittens were reared In darkness and two In lighlless cages which are not usual conditions. This could have Increased the stress levels of the entire litter (not just the kittens used in the study) and the mother.

There should be general protection from psychological and physical harm.

The findings did show impaired perceptual development in the P kittens which can be seen as being harmful Also. being raised in darkness could be seen as not protecting the kittens. The kitten carousel could have been stressful tor the P kittens as they had no control; the neckbrace ror the A kittens could have been stressful too However. some psychologists might argue that the stress was transient (short-lived) as the P kittens began to overcome their perceptual deficiencies once placed 1n lit conditions.

CHAPTER 3: COGNITIVE PSYCHOLOGY

CHALLENGE YOURSELF Evaluate this study in terms of collecting quantitative data and on the nature-nurture debate. You may want to use a table similar to those used for the laboratory expenment and ethics evaluations.

Exam centre Try the follo1ving exam-style questions.

Paper 1 1. In the Held & I lein study, name two ofLhe Lests the kittens had to perform after being in the kitten carousel. (2 marks)

2. Outline two controls that Held & Hein used in their study.

(4 marks)

3. Outline how group X kittens were raised in the Held & Hein study.

(2 marks)

4. Evaluate tl1e 1--leld & 1-!ein study in tern1s of one strength and one 1veakness. ( 10 marks)

Paper 2 1. Outline one finding fron1 the Held & Hein study.

(3 n1arks)

2. Outline how qualitative data could have been collected in the Held & Hein study.

(3 marks)

3. Discuss the strengths and weaknesses of using animals in psychological research using the Held & Hein study as an exa1nple. (10 n1arks)

SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY

Milgran1(1963)

individuals involved, is called the situational hypothesis. In his early work Nlilgran1 1vorked \vith another social psychologist, Solomon Asch. Together they studied people's tendency to conform to group pressure. ASK YOURSELF Why do you think the Holocaust hap pened? Can you think or any modern-day examples or such atrocities?

CONTEXT ~lost

of the time '"e are told that obedience is a good thing. But '"hat if you '"ere ordered to do something that caused harn1 or distress to another person? 1his type of obedience is called destructive obedience. Social psychologists such as Stanley Milgran1 have been particularly interested in
AIM To investigate how obedient people wou Id be lo orders fron1 a person in aut hority that \vould result in pain and harm to someone. Specifically, the aim 1vas to see ho1v large an electric shock participants \l'Ould give lo a helpless man \vhen ordered to by a scientist in a laboratory.

METHOD • Milgram described his original study as a .. laboratory experiment. Technically it might more accurately be called a pre-experiment, .,.. because it had only one condition. The results frorn this condition then served as a baseline for a nun1ber of varialions in foU01v-up studies. Obedience 1vas operationalised as the n1axin1um voltage given in response to the orders.

•

A ne\vspaper advertisement \Vas used to recruit 40 men aged 20- 50. The advertisement \Vas asking for people to take part in a study on memory. The S•mple sample was therefore mostly a volunteer or self-selecting san1ple. Respondents \\/ere from a range of backgrounds and jobs: 37.5 per cent \vere n1anual labourers, 40 per cent \vere \vhite-collar \vorkers, 22.5 per cent were professionals. All \vere fron1 Ne\v Haven, Connecticut, USA. Participants \vere recruited using a ne\vspaper advertisement, so \vere a volunteer or self-selecting sample. They \vere promised $4.50 for turning up to the study; payment \vas not conditional on completing it

words \Vent together. Each time the confederate-learner n1ade a mistake, the experimenter ordered the teacherparticipant to give a shock. The shock got larger by 15V for each mistake. The confederate-learner did not really receive shocks, but there \Vas no \vay for the teacherparticipan t to kno1v this. Up to 300V the confederate-learner did not signal any response Lo the shocks. Ho\vever, at 300V and 315V, he pounded on the \vall. He \\•as then silent and did not respond to further questions. This suggested that he \vas hurt, perhaps unconscious, or even dead. When teachers turned to the experimenter for guidance, they \Vere told to treat this as an incorrect response and to continue to give the shocks. When they protested, they \Vere given a series of verbal prods to encourage them to continue: Prod I - say 'Please continue' or 'Please go on'. Prod 2 - say 'The experimenter requires you to continue'.

When each participant arrived at Yale University he was introduced to a man he believed to be another participant. The l\vo men were then llloli•ble briefed on the supposed purpose of the experiment, \Vhich \Vas described to them as to investigate the effect of punishment on learning. In fact Lhe other man \Vas working for Nlilgram. He was a 47-year-old Irish-American accountant, selected for the role because he was 1nild-n1annered and likeable. People who help with experi n1ents in this way are knO\VO as confederates or stooges. The na"ive participant and the confederate were told that one of them \vould play the role of teacher and the other the learner. They dre\v slips of paper fron1 a hat to allocate the roles, but this \vas fiddled so that the naive participant \vas aJ\,•ays the teacher and the confederate \Vas always the learner. They were then immediately taken to another room where the learner was strapped into a chair and electrodes \\'ere attached to him. Tuey were shown the electric shock generator. lhis had S\vitches labeUed \vith a voltage, rising in 15-volt intervals from 15 V up to 450V. Teachers \vere told that the shocks could be extremely painful but not dangerous; they were each given a 45V shock to de1nonstrate.

•

There \Vas a \Vall beh\'een the teacher and learner, so that the teacher could hear but not see the learner. The procedure \vas administered by an Control experimenter, played by a 31-year-old male biology teacher. The participant (in the role of teacher) read out \\'Ord pairs to Lest the confederate (in the role of learner) on his recognition of which

Prod 3 - say 'll is absolutely essential that you continue'. Prod 4 - 'You have no other choice, you must go on'. Teachers were considered to have con1pleted the procedure \vhen they refused to give any more shocks, or '"hen they reached the maximum of 4SOV. They \Vere then interviewed and asked to rate on a scale of 0-14 ho1v painful the last few shocks \Vere. Then they were told that the shocks were not real, the learner \Vas unhanned, and the real purpose of the study was to investigate obedience. ~

V

TEST YOURSELF

Try to get the procedure down to eight "vital parts" that are essential for you to understand what the participants had to do.

RESULTS Quantitative and qualitative data \vere gathered. ·1 he "headline figures" were quantitative, in the form of the average voltage that participants \vent up to, and the nun1ber of participants giving each Qu•nt voltage. 111e average voltage given by participants \Vas 368V; 100 per cent of participants gave 300V or more; 65 per cent gave the full 450V. Psychology students had estilnated that only 3 per cent of participants 1vould do this. In their post-experiment intervie1vs, participants' average rating of ho1v painful the shocks were was 13.42 out of a rnaximun1of14.

Qualitative data \Vere gathered in the form of the comments and protests participants made during the procedure, and in the form of observations oflheir body language. Most participants sho\ved signs of tension, including groaning, s\vealing, biting Lips and stuttering. Fourteen giggled nervously. One had a seizure and the procedure \Vas stopped. One observer noled:

TEST YOURSELF

How generahsabte are the results? How easy would it be to replicate this study? Why?

CONCLUSION Milgram dre\v nvo main conclusions from this study:

"I observed a mature and initially poised business man enter lhe laboratory smiling and confident Within 20 minutes he \vas reduced to a twitching, stuttering \vreck, who 'vas rapidJy Qua I approaching the point of nervous collapse" (Milgram, 1963: 377).

1. People are much more obedient to destructive orders than we might expect. In fact, the n1ajority of people are quite \Yilling to obey destructive orders.

2. People find receiving and obeying des tructive orders highly stressful. They obey in spite of their en1otional responses. The situation triggers a conflict between hvo deeply ingrained tendencies: to obey those in authority, and not to harn1 people.

Most participants protested against the procedure, although the verbal prods \Vere in most cases sufl1cient to get lhen1 to continue giving the shocks.

Results supported the situational hypothesis rather than the dispositional hypothesis.

EVALUATION Since Milgram used a laboratory experiment, \Ye can use the general evaluations frorn Chapter l, pages 1-2 and apply them directly to the study:

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Strength

Laboratory experiments have high levels of control and so can be replicated to test ror rehab1lity.

The drawing or tots, the timing of when the scripted responses were heard and the 15V increments were all examples of controls. Thererore, lh1s study could be replicated to test it for reliability (assuming ethical guidelines did not prevent this).

Strength

As laboratory experiments have high levels or control, researchers can be more confident it is th e IV d irecUy artecting the DV

As there were so many controls (e.g. having a "test" shock, receiving prods at a certain time and the shock generator being the same for everyone), Milgram could be confident that it was the situation that participants were placed in that caused the obedience levels.

Weakness

As laboratory experiments take place In an artificial setting. it is said that they can lack ecological valid ity.

Sitting in a laboratory in front of a shock generator is not an everyday setting th at people rind themselves in. Therefore, the study lacks ecological validity.

Weakness

Many laboratory experiments make participants take part in tasks that are nothing like real-life ones, so they lack mundane realism.

Having to shock somebody who gets a word-pair wrong is not a task that people come across In everyday lire. Therefore, the study is low in mundane realism.

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CHAPTER 4: PSVC~OLOGY . - s6CIAL . .

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Milgram can also be evaluated in terms of ethics:

Deception

The teachers thought that they were giving learners a real electnc shock. Also, they were told that it was a study about memory and not obedience.

Debriefing

At the end of the study all was revealed to teachers so they left knowing that they had not harmed learners. Milgram followed them up six months later to check if they were having any psychological issues.

Right to withdraw

The prods given by the experimenter did mean it was d1ff1cult for teachers to withdraw from the study - some kept being convinced to continue even though they wanted to leave.

This is another point that can be used to evaluate the study:

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Usefulness: the study did highlight that the situation n1ay make people behave in the way they do rather than it being individual (dispositional}. This Useful is useful as Milgra1n was atte1npting to see if "Germans were different" and he did not find this. All of this could begin to help explain

things such as genocide so \Ve can then find \\lays to stop then1 happening. CHALLENGE YOURSELF

Evaluate lhis study In terms or 11 being a snapshot study, ethnocentric and using quantilalive or qualitative data collection. You may want to use a table similar to that used for the laboratory experiment evaluation.

Try the follo\ving exam-style questions.

Paper 1 1. Identify h vo fea tures of the sample used in the Milgrarn stud y.

(2 marks)

2. Outline hO\\I the teacher and learner \vere assigned conditions in the Milgrarn study.

3 . ldentify four controls in the Milgram study.

(2 marks)

1. Outline \vhat qualitative data \Vere collected in the Milgram study.

(3 marks)

2. Outline ho\v participants \Vere recruited in the Milgram study.

(3 nlarks)

3. Discuss the strengths and weaknesses (2 marks)

4. Evaluate the Milgran1 study in tenns of ethical issues in psychological research. (10 marks)

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Paper 2

of ethical guidelines using Milgran1 as an example. (10 nlarks)

grounds" housed the recording equipn1ent and several observers. Haney, Banks & Zi111bardo ( 1973)

CONTEXT A lot of people have a stereotypical vie"' of prison Hfe and prisoners. This may include thinking that prisoners are simply "bad" people and this is \Vhat makes prisons "bad''. An alternative vie\v is that the situation of being in prison turns these prisoners "bad" and not some characteristic \vithin the1n. ·1his is all focused around the individual (dispositional) versus situational debate. Ho\v niuch of our behaviour is \Vi thin us and hov,r niuch comes from the situations we find ourselves in? The US Navy sponsored th is study. ASK YOURSELF

Do you reel that pnsoners are always bad people? Do prisons make them even worse once they are serving their sentence?

AIM To investigate \vhether the behaviour of non-prisoners in a simulated prison environment is more affected by their disposition (individual factors) than the situation they are in.

The design centred on participant~ in the role of prisoners being in the simulated prison 24 hours per day for the duration of the study. They \Vere placed tJ1ree in a cell. Participants in the role of guards \vorked in threeperson shifts for eight hours per shift. During a shift they had to remain in the prison but at other times tJiey \Vere allo\ved to go about their usual lives. 111e unifor111s: The research tean1 \Vanted to promote a

feeling of anony1nity in both groups and the uniform helped to do this. For the guards it was a Control plain khaki shirt and trousers, a \Vhistle, a wooden baton and reOecting sunglasses (so it made it inipossible to niake known eye contact \Vith a prisoner). The idea for the guards' uniforn1 \vas lo convey a 1nilitary altitude \vhile being deindividuated Oosing tJ1eir sense of identity). The prisoners' uniform was a loose fitting 111uslin s1nock with their ID number on the front and back, no underclothes, a light chain and lock on one ankle, sandals made fron1 rubber and a cap made from a stocking. They \Vere allowed no personal belongings. The idea for the prisoners' lmiform was to deindividuate, humiliate and make them feel subservient. The ankle chain was lo remind them ho\v oppressive the environment \Vas and the ill-fitting smocks \\•ere to make tJiem feel a\vk""\vard at all times. The smocks \Vere worn \vith no underpants, \Yhich made the prisoners assume more female postures \Yhen sitting; tJi is \Vas an atten1pt to emasculate them. TEST YOURSELF

METHOD

Wtry were participants in the roles or prisoners and prison guards all given the same uniforms?

A sin1ulated prison was built in a base1nenl corridor at Stanford University. Three s1nall cells (6 x 9 feet) were 1nade fron1 converted laboratory rooms. Control There \vas one entrance door to the \vhole prison. A cot with a 1nattress, sheet and pillo\v \Vas the only furniture in each cell (one per prisoner - three prisoners to a cell). The solitary confinement facility was an unlit room of only 2 x 2 x 7 feet. Several roon1s in an adjacent 'ving \Vere used to accommodate participants in the role of guards, plus there was a bedroom each for those in the roles of \Varden and superintendent. There \Vas also an intervie\\•-testing room. Another room in the "prison

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There were 22 participants \vho took pa rt in tJ1e prison sin1ulation. They were chosen fron1 an initial pool of 75 people 1¥ho had answered a newspaper advertisement asking for rnale volunteers Sample to take part in a study about "prison life': for \Vhich they would be paid $15 per day. Every potential participant completed an extensive questionnaire about family background, physical and mental health history, prior experiences and attitudes tO\vards psychopathology (including involvement in crime). lnitially, 24 \Vere selected. They \Vere judged to

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CHAPTER 4: SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY

be the most stable physically and mentaUy, 1nost mature and least involved in any anti-social behaviour. They \Vere randomly given the role of either guard or prisoner. All of the final 24 \\'ere healthy male college students from Stanford, and strangers to each other. 1\venty-three \\'ere Caucasian and one \VM Asian. Prior to the simulation, all participants \vere given a battery of psychological tests but none \Vere scored until after the simulation. T\vO participants \vere used as "stand-by" prisoners. One of the guards decided not to participate just before the simulation so in total there \Vere 10 prisoners and 11 guards.

They all signed a contract guaranteeing them a minin1ally adequate diet, enough clothing, appropriate housing and medical care plus the payment of$15 per day. Those who were prisoners were told to expect little privacy and th;1t they 1nay have so1ne basic rights suspended but no physical abuse \vouJd occur.

Guards: Those \vho had been assigned as guards n1et one day prior to the induction procedure for prisoners (see belo\v). They were introduced to the research teain, \Vho were called superintendent (auilior Reliable of ilie study) and \Varden (a research assistant). lhey \Vere told that ilie team \vanted to recreate a prison environment, ethicaUy. The guards' main task \vas to "maintain a reasonable degree of order \Vithin the prison necessary for its effective functioning" (1 laney, Banks & Zin1bardo, 1973: 7). The \Varden ran through the administrative duties of completing things such as shift logs, reporting any criminal incidents and the administration of meals to prisoners. They were then all involved in placing the cots in the cells. They \Vere only given minimal guidelines on how to "act" in order to capture genuine reactions to the si111ulation. The only thing they were prohibited to do was use ph)'Sical punishment or aggressive behaviours towards the prisoners. Prisoners: Those \vho had been assigned as prisoners followed a differen t procedure before they entered the prison. The Palo Alto City Police Department helped out \vith the initial stage. Each prisoner \Vas "arrested" from his home (\vithout prior \Varning). A real Reliable police officer cllarged these participants on suspicion of either burglary or anned

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robbery, told then1 their legal rights, handcuffed them, searclled then1 and took them to the police station. Once there, participants were fingerprinted and had a file prepared about them then \vere placed in a detention cell. The police officers acted as they usually \VOuld with a real criminal throughout. They did not ans\ver any questions about ilie study. Once they had been transferred to the simulated prison, ilie prisoners \Vere stripped, sprayed \Vith a delousing deodorant spray and made to stand alone (naked). They \Vere then given their uniform and had an ID picture taken. Finally, they were put into a cell and ordered to remain silent.

Prison routine: Once all of the prisoners had completed their induction and were in their cells, the guards read out the rules of the prison (devised by the guards \vi th tile warden). They were told to memorise then1. They \Vere also told that tlley would be referred to only by the nun1ber on their unifonn. Initially, each day, prisoners \Vere given tllree basic 1neals, allowed three supervised toilet visits and given t\vo hours for privileges such as reading or \Vriting a letter. Work assignn1ents \Vere given to prisoners so they could earn their S15 per day. There \Vere two visiting periods per week (scheduled). Three times per day the prisoners \\'ere lined up for a count, \vhich consisted of checking all prisoners \Vere present and that they bad learned their ID numbers and the prison rules. ~ TEST

V

OURSEL Outline the pnson routine that was the participants i n the study

expected from

RESULTS Below are the results.based on Haney, Banks & Zimbardo (1973).

Overview: Overall, both sets of participants beca1ne n1ore and niore negative about the situation and their own en1otional state. Prisoners reported they wanted to harn1 others 1norc and niore as the Qual simulation progres.5ed. Self-evaluations indicated that all participants \Vere beginning to internalise the situation. Interactions ben,•een the l\vo groups tended to be negative and hostile. Prisoners becan1e passive very quickly while !,'llards became more and more active. Commands \Vere the n1ost frequent verbal communications from the prison guards and iliey were

also impersonal (e.g. ID nun1ber). A total of five "prisoners" had to be released because of"extre.me emotional depression" \vhich included crying. rage and high anxiety. Some of these symptoms \Vere seen on day 2 ofthesinlulation in four of the prisoners. The fifth prisoner had to be released after being treated for a psycl1osomatic rash that had developed Of the remainder, only t\vo \VOuld not give up their $15 per day to be "paroled~ The sinlulat ion had to be terminated on day 6 and the remaining prisoners \Vere "delighted by their unexpected good fortune" (Haney, Banks & Zimbardo, 1973: IO). The guards ho\vever were the complete opposite. They were enjoying the extreme control and power and did not \vant to give it up so soon. One of them did state that he felt upset about ho\v the prisoners were being treated and \vas going to ask to swap roles. I-le never did. All guards can1e to work on ti nie and on nu nierous occasions they worked extra hours after their assigned shift had ended. There 1vere some individual differences reported in the behaviours of people in each group. Half of the prisoners did endure the situation and not all guards were hostile. Some of the guards stuck within the rules they had created \Vh ile others \Vent beyond them.

Reality of the sin1ulation: So ho1v "real" \vas the simulation? There 1vere aspects that had to be absent from this for ethical and legal reasons such as involuntary homosexuality, racism, physical beatings and threats to life. Also, the prisoners had been given a nvo-\\1eek sentence (which 1vould not happen in reality). The 1narked psychological effects the simulation had on participants was clear, especially as some of these developed after just two days (see above). The research team were clear in 1vanting to report behaviours and incidences that occurred 1vhen participants believed they were not being observed (to decrease the potential effects of den1and characteristics). One example was the private conversations bet1veen prisoners. Quant Of these conversations 90 per cent centred on prison life (e.g. food, punishments and harassn1ents). This, of course, meant participants '"ere truly "caught up" in the situation as they rarely did not talk about it. The same happened \\lith the guards during relaxation breaks - they spent the majority of their time talking about prison life. From data analysed post-sin1ulation, when the guards 1vere out of view of recording equipment the harassment of prisoners 1vas greater than in the yard, 1vhich \vas monitored. The

amount of aggression from guards continued to increase even 1vhen prisoners had stopped resisting the demands placed on then1 - this was seen as a consequence of sinlply being put in a uniform of po,ver. One guard placed a prisoner in solitary confinement and kept him in there overnight (against the rules) as he felt the researchers 1vere being too soft! \Vhen questioned about their behaviours after the study 1vas stopped, guards stated that they became increasingly aggressive because they 1vere sinlply playing their role. A Catholic priest visited the simulation and even then tJ1e prisoners referred to themselves by nun1ber rather than name. When some were interviewed by a public defender, many of the remaining prisoners demanded to be bailed out. Some prisoners would have given up the$ IS per day to be released. When they \\•ere told that this \vould have to be discussed they sin1ply allo,ved the111selves to be escorted back to their cells with no atten1pt at arguing. The prison consultant, priest and public defender all stated that the simulation 1vas pretty "real".

Pathology ofpower: Those assigned to the guard role held high social status in the prison, had a group identity of the uniform and had the freedom to control prisoners. The aggression appeared to get stronger '"hen prisoners becan1e a perceived threat (initially). Those who \Vere the most hostile tended to become the leaders of the guards. E\'en though guards spent 16 hours a1vay from the prison every day, the level of aggression intensified and the different ways of sho\ving aggression increased. It 11•as seen as a sign of a guard's \\•eakness not to show hostility to prisoners. After day I guards had changed prisoners' rights into privileges that had to be earned for being obedient. 111e pathological prisoner sy11dro1ne: Initially, prisoners could not believe what was happening, ho1v they had lost their privacy, ho1v they \vere being constantly watched and the oppressiveness oft he \Vhole simulation. This soon passed and their next response was rebellion. This direct force cllanged to subtle inethods including setting up a grievance co1nmittee. vVhen all of this failed to change anything, prisoners turned to self-interests at the expense of any group behaviour. It did not take long for any prisoner cohesion to dissolve. Prisoners see1ned to choose one of nvo \vays to cope: beco1ne sick or beco1ne obedient. For example, the obedient ones sided with the guards \Vhen one prisoner 1vent on hunger strike and labelled him a

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CHAPTER 4: SOC.IAL PSVC~OLO(:;Y

"trouble-maker''. Three elen1ents to Lhis syndron1e that \\lere seen in the prisoners:

1. Loss of personal identity. Prisoners '"ore the same uniforms, rarely spoke about life outside the simulation and all referred to each other by their ID number not name. They had become deindividuated.

2 . Arbitrary control. Prisoners found it increasingly difficult to cope '\lith the increasing stronger control by guards, especially via the often "1nixed message" approach (e.g., smiling at a joke could initiate as n1uch punishment as ignoring a joke). As the prison became more and 1nore unpredictable, prisoners just \Vent along \Vith everything (sin1ilar to a behaviour called learned helplessness. See section 8.4, page 130 and section l 1.3, page 218).

3. Dependency and en1asculation. Prisoners had to depend on guards for virtually everything from toilet breaks (they were handcuffed and blindfolded), to

lighting a cigarette and cleaning their teeth. All of these \\lere "privileges" and required pennission. In terms of emasculation, the smocks rese1nbled dresses and guards \vould often call prisoners "sissies" or "girls". Without under\vear, prisoners had to sit like females \Vhich increased their en1asculation. ~ TEST YOU SELF

V

Outline four key findings from this study.

CONCLUSION The situation that people find themselves in has a stronger eft:ect on behaviour than individual (dispositional) factors. In a novel situation, people adapt to ' "hat they think they should do in that situation rather than acting on internal factors.

EVALUATION As Haney, Banks & Zimbardo used observations as the research method, \Ve can use the general evaluations from Chapter 1, pages 3-4 and apply them directly to the i.tudy:

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Strength

If participants are unaware that they are being observed they should behave "naturally". This increases the ecological validity of the observation.

Although all part1c1pants knew they were 1n a simulation, many appeared, rather quickly, to produce "natural" behaviour depending on their role. Remember that the prison consultant noted how "real" the situation was as well as the behaviour of pnsoners and guards. Therefore, the study could be argued to have some ecological validity.

Strength

As behaviours are "counted" and are hence quantitative, the process is objective and the data can be analysed statistically with minimal bias.

The observers could easily count the number of limes certain behaviours occurred and double-check with the recorded footage of the simulation. The data are objective and can be analysed statistically so there is minimal chance of misinterpretation.

Weakness

If participants are aware that they are being observed then they may not act "naturally" but instead show socially desirable behaviours. This reduces the validity or findings.

Even though the prison consultant said the situation felt "real'', all participants were aware they were being observed by cameras and a research team. Some participants were acting in a way so as not to be judged by the research team. Therefore, they were not displaying true behaviour.

Belo'v are other points that could be used for evaluation: Ethics: protection of participants. Even though the study 1vas stopped early, participants assigned as prisoners were subjected to harassment, Ethics mental abuse and having to earn basic rights (e.g. food and a bed) for five days. It \vas very clear fro1n all of the qualitative data collected that participants did not leave in the same psychological and physical state as they started. The sin1ulated arrest alone at the begilming of the study 1vould have also stressed participants assigned to the prisoner role.

Individual versus situational explanations: the idea was to see whether "bad" people make prisons "badn (e.g. it is dispositional). lbis study supports the idea that the situation we find ourseh·es in can dramatically affect our behaviour Ind vs sit as all participants had been found to be psychologically stable. CHALLENGE YOURSELF

Evaluate this study 1n terms of 1nd1v1dual versus situational explanaltons and 11 being useful. You may want to use a table similar to the one used for the observation evaluation

1ry the follow ing exa1n-style questions.

Paper 1

Paper 2

1. Outline the induction procedure for either the (4 marks) prisoners or the prison guards.

1. Outline hO\V observations 1vere used in the Haney. Banks & Zimbardo study. (3 marks)

2. Outline one advantage of using observations in the (2 nlarks) Haney, Banks & Zimbardo study.

2. Outline one finding from the Haney, Banks & Zimbardo study. (3 marks)

3. Outline one qualitative result from the Haney, Banks & Zimbardo study. (2 n1arks)

3. Discuss the strengths and weaknesses of individual and situational explanations of behaviour using Haney, Banks & Zimbardo as an exanlple. (I 0 marks)

4. Evaluate the Haney, Banks & Zimbardo study ill terms of two \veaknesses.

(I 0 marks)

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CHAPTER 4: SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY

Pilinvin, Rodin & Piliavin ( J969)

CONTEXT This study is concerned \vith bystander behaviour. Bystanders are people \vho \Vi tness events and have to choose \vhether to intervene or not. Recently there has been a lot of debate over "have-a-go heroesM \\•ho put themselves at risk to intervene and attempt to

Thirty-Eight Who Saw Murder Didn't Call the Police by Martin Gansberg

For more than half an hour 38 respectable, law-abiding citizens in Queens watched a killer stalk and stab a woman 1n three separate attacks in Kew Gardens. Twice their chatter and the sudden glow or their bedroom lights interrupted him and fnghtened him off Each time he returned, sought her out, and stabbed her again. Nol one person telephoned the police during the assault; one witness called after the woman was dead. That was two weeks ago today Still shocked 1s Assistant Chief Inspector Frederick M. Lussen. in charge of the borough's detectives and a veteran or 25 years or hom1c1de inwstigations. He can grve a matter-of.fact recitation on many murders. But the Kew Gardens slaying baffles him - not because 1t 1s a murder. but because the ·good people' failed to call the police. This is what the police say happened at 3:20 AM. in the staid. middle-class, tree-lined Ausbn Street area: Twentyeight-year-old Catherine Genowse, who was called Kitty by almost everyone 1n the neighborhood, was returning home from her JOb as manager of a bar in Hollis. She parked her red Flat 1n a lot ad1acent to the Kew Gardens Long Island Railroad Station, facing Mowbray Place. Miss Genovese noticed a man at the far end of the lot, near a seven-story apartment house al 82-40 Austin Street. She hailed. Then, nervously. she headed up Austin Street toward Lcfferts Boulevard. where there Is a call box to the 102nd Police Precinct in nearby Richmond Hill. She got as far as a street light in front of a bookstore before the man grabbed her. She screamed. Lights went on in the 10-story apartment house at 82-67 Austin Street, which races the bookstore. Windows slid open and voices punctuated the early-morning stillness. Miss Genovese screamed. 'Oh, my God, he stabbed me! Please help met Please help me!' From one of the

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stop crimes taking place. Most of the tin1e, bystanders can help '"ithout putting the1nselves at risk. Ho\vever, surprising!)' often \Ve do not choose to act to help people in need.

ACTIVITY $ The Kitty Genovese murder

Psychological research into bystander behaviour was triggered by a murder that took place in Ne\v York in 1964. Read the excerpts from the New York Times article describing the incident.

upper windows in the apartment house. a man called down: 'Let that girl aloneI' The assailant looked up at him, shrugged, and walked down Austin Street toward a white sedan parked a short distance away. Miss Genovese struggled to her feet. Lights went out. The killer returned to Miss Genovese. now trying to make her way around the side or the budding by the parking lot to get to her apartment. The assailant stabbed her again. 'I'm dying!' she shrieked. 'I'm dying!' Windows were opened again, and hghts went on in many apartments. The assailant got Into his car and drove away. Miss Genovese staggered to her feet. A city bus, ~10, the Lefferts Boulevard line to Kennedy International Airport. passed. It was 3:35 A.M. The assailant returned. By then, Miss Genovese had crawled to the back of the bu1k:l1ng, where the freshly painted brown doors to the apartment house held out hope for safety. The killer tried the first door; she wasn't there At the second door. 82-62 Auslln Street, he saw her slumped on the floor at the foot of the stairs. He stabbed her a third t1m~atally. Some of the details of the story as it was reported at the time have since been challenged. Given the layout of the block, it would not have been possible for anyone to have seen the whole incident, so each person would have seen just fragments of the event. Also, the area was not actually as quiet as the article implies - one neighbour said that rows between couples leaving a local bar were common late at night. Given these facts, we cannot be sure that 38 people really saw, correctly interpreted. and chose lo ignore the murder. However, the Genovese murder captured the public imagination and stimulated psychological research Into bystander behaviour. Source: New York Times. March 27, 1964 1. How could you explain these events according to the individual and dlsposittonat hypotheses? 2. Wiat do you think you wouk:l have done?

onsibilit} Latane & Darley ( 1968) proposed that the key issue in deciding \vhether we help or not is whether \Ve see it as our personal responsibility to do so. One reason \vhy groups of people do not help individuals in need is that responsibility is shared equally arnong the group so that each person has only a sn1all portion of responsibility. Latane & Darley called this idea diffusion of responsibility. 1n a series of laboratory experiments they demonstrated that the more people \Vho are present in an emergency, the less likely people are to help. ASK YOURSELF

What factors would make you more or less likely to help someone who Is obviously rn trouble and asking for help?

experimenter faked collapse on a train bet\vcen stops. in order to see \vhcther he \va5 helped by other passengers. One particular stretch of track was targeted where there was a 7.5-n1inute gap bet\veen two stations. Experin1enters 1vorked in teams of four, t>vo fen1ales to record tbe results and two n1ales who \vould play Lhe roles of victim and model helper. There Control were four teams, one containing a Black n1ale. There were t\VO conditions for the victim: drunk and ill. Each male taking the role of victim took part in both drunk and ill conditions. The victim \vould stagger and fall 70 seconds after the train left a station. He then lay still on his back \Vith eyes open, not moving until helped. Bet\\Teen six and eight trials \Vere run each day, behveen 11 a.111. and 3 p.m. Four IVs \>,1ere n1anipulated in the procedure: the victiJ11's responsibility: operationalised as carrying a cane (ill - low responsibility) or sn1elling of alcohol and carrying a bottle 1vrapped in a paper bag (drunk - high responsibility}

AIM To extend early studies of bystander behaviour in several key \vays. First, the researchers \vanted to study bystander behaviour outside the laboratory, in a realistic setting where participants \VOuld have a dear vie\v of the victim. Second, they \vanted to sec vJhether helping behaviour was affected by four variables: the victin1's responsibility for being in a situation '"here the person needed help, the race of the victin1, the effect of modelli ng helping behaviour and the size of the group.

METHOD

the victim's race: operationalised as Black or \.Vhite the presence of a model: operationalised as 1vhether a 1naJe confederate; either dose to or distant fron1 the victim; helped after 70 or 150 seconds the number of bystanders: operationalised as ho\vever many people 1vere present in the vicinity. Four n1ales, aged 24-29, and identically dressed in casual clothes, took the role of models of helping behaviour. Four model conditions Reliable were applied to both apparently drunk and ill victims. The n1odel stood: in the critical area and helped after 70 seconds

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in the critical area and helped after 150 seconds An estimated total of around 4,550 passengers travelled in the trains targeted by the researchers. These '"ere all regarded by the researdlers as "unsolicited Sa1nple participants''. An average of 43 1vere present in each carriage in which the procedure was conducted and an average of eight 1vere in the immediate or "critical" area. The racial mix of passengers 1vas estimated as 45 per cent Black and 55 per cent \>Vhitc.

D Field

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in the adjacent area and helped after 70 seconds in the adjacent area and helped after 150 seconds. The DY - helping - \Vas measured in the foUO\v ing ways: time taken for first passenger to help

Quant

total number of passengers who helped. In addition, the gender, race and position of each helper \vas noted. Qualitative data \Vas also gathered in the form of comments from passengers.

Qua I

The study \YaS a field experi n1ent carried out on trains on the New York subway. A n1ale

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CHAPTER 4: SOC.IAL PSVC~OLO(:;Y

TEST YOURSELF

Outline four controls used 1n this study. How were the participants recruited? What ethical issues are problems for this study?

Number of bystanders - there " 'as no evidence for diffusion of responsibility. There 1vas a mild effect in

RESULTS Overall, a higher proportion of people hdped than \Vas the case in previous laboratory experiments: 78 per cent of victims received spontaneous help from quant passengers, and in 60 per cent of cases \Vhere the victim \vas helped it was by more than one person. Most helpers '"ere male. Table 4.1 sho\vs the rnain result of helping behaviour by group.

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o/o helped

one intervening after l 50 seconds (three cases). Ho\vever, the researchers noted that because passengers helped spontaneously in the vast n1ajority of trials, there 1vere too few cases of helping after modelling to analyse in detail.

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the opposite direction - \vhen n1ore passengers \vere present, people '"ere slightly more likely to receive help. Other observations - in a significant minority of trials (21 of 103), son1e passengers rnoved a\vay from the critical area. More comrnents \vcre niade in drunk trials, and rnore when no passenger spontaneously helped. The researchers interpreted this as n1eaning the conirnents \vere in response to passengers feeling uncon1fortable about the situation.

CONCLUSIONS

spontaneously

% helped in under

83

17

70 seconds

Table 4.1 Main result of helptng behaviour by group Ill versus drunk conditions - in the cane condition, the victin1 received help 95 per cent of the time \vithout intervention from a model; in the drunk condition, this \YaS reduced to 50 per cent. People took longer to help the drunk victim than the ill victim: over 70 seconds in 83 per cent of the drunk trials, but in only 17 per cent of the cane trials. Ho\vever, the proportion of cases in \vhich more than one person helped was the same. Race of victin1 - in the cane condition, Black and White victims were equally likely to be helped; however, in the drunk condition, Black victims \Vere less likely to receive help. Also, in the drunk condition, there \Vas a slight same-race effect- people \Vere a little n1ore likely to help a drunk of the srune race as themsdves. The proportion of cases in \vhich help can1e frorn more than one person did not vary by race. The effect of modelling - the model intervening after 70 seconds \Vas more likely to lead to help from other passengers (in nine cases) than the

•

Piliavin and his colleagues adn1illed that the situation they set up '"as unusual in thal their participants were trapped in a carriage with a collapsed person and therefore could not sin1ply \Valk a\vay as they could normally. The follO\\ling can be observed in this situation: An ill person is more likely to receive help than a

drunk person. Men are more likely to help another man than \vomen are. People are slightly rnore likely to help someone of their O\VO ethnic group, especially when the person appears drunk. There is no strong relationship behveen size of group and likelihood of helping. The small correlation between group size and helping behaviour is positive rather t·han negative. Therefore there is no support for dilfusion of responsibility. The longer an incident goes on, tl1e less likely people are to help (even if help is rnodelled), the rnore likely people are to leave the area, and the more likely they are to discuss the incident.

EVALUATION Since Piliavin, Rodin & Piliavin used a field experiment, \Ve can use the general evaluations from Chapter I, page 2 and apply them directly to the study: a •

I I

•

a

Strength

As held experiments take place in a reahst1c setting, 11 1s said that they have ecological validity.

The setting was a subway train which is a real situation that many urban dwellers find themselves 1n dally. Even the event is something that could easily happen so the study does have ecological validity.

Strength

As participants will not know they are taking part in a study, there will be few or no demand characteristics so behaviour is more likely to be natural and valid.

As the setting is natural and no one was aware that the whole situation was staged, there was very little chance that anyone would have shown behaviour to fit the aim of the study. The behaviour shown by participants was natural and therefore valid.

Weakness

Situational variables can be difficult to control so sometimes it is difficult to know if it is the IV affecting the D\/. It could be an uncontrolled variable causing the DV to change.

The positioning or people in the carriages could not be controlled for (this is just one example). Therefore, they may not have noticed the incident or Ignored it (e.g. because they were reading) so it may not have been the type of victim that affected helping levels.

Weakness

As participants did not know they are taking part in a study, there are issues with breaking ethical guidelines relating to informed consent and deception.

Participants in the train did not know it was a study so were deceived and obviously inf()(med consent was not taken. This goes against ethical guidelines (although formal guidelines were not around at the time or the study).

These are other points that can be used to evaluate the study:

'

Usefulness: the study told us that type of victim can affect ho\v long people take to help or whether they help at all. This could be used to educate Useful people that in an ernergency we should help others quickly no matter \vho they are: the longer it takes to help. the more the victim may suffer more in long tern1 (especially if medical attention is needed). Generalisation: it \VOuld be difficult to generalise past the sample itself as participants were all urban

d\vellers \vho \Vere (presumably) used to • travelling on a sub\vay train. People in urban areas are more used to deindividuating (losing their sense of identity) and feeling "anonymous" whereas people 1vho live in rural areas or even a different city might act differently. CHALLENGE YOURSELF Evaluate the Pillavin, Rodin & Pillavin study 1n terms of ethical guidelines and individual versus silualional explanations. You may want to use a table similar lo that used for the field experiment evaluation.

•

Try the follo\ving exam-style questions.

Paper1

Paper2

1. Outline two controls used in the Piliavin, Rodin &

1. Outline what quantitative data \Vere collected in

Pili~nsru~

(4mar~

(3 n1arks)

2. Outline one of the "victin1s" used in the Piliavin, Rodin & Piliavin study. (2 marks)

2. Outline hO\V the Piliavio, Rodin & Piliavin stu dy was high in ecological validity. (3 marks)

3. Identify t\vo features of the sample used in the

3. Discuss the strengths and weaknesses of field

Piliavio, Rodin & Piliavin study.

(2 marks)

4. Evaluate the Piliavin, Rodin & Piliavin study in terms of one strength and one \veakness .

•

the Piliavin, Rodin & Piliavin study.

(10 marks)

experiments using Piliavin, Rodin & Piliavin as an example. (I 0 n1arks)

•

STUDY 4.4 Taj/el (1970)

CONTEXT Psychologists have long been interested in why and ho\v people develop prejudiced thoughts and then discriminate against people. One idea is that \Ve develop a n1entallty of"us and them" (called in-group and out-group nientality) and \VCgroup people into an in group and an out group. Those in the out group have different "features" from us and \Ve then develop prejudicial thoughts and then may act negatively towards them (discrimination). ln addition, if resources are lin1ited and both groups want the san1e resource, this heightens the prejudice and discrin1ina1lon shown. Based on lhis, ho'" easy is it to get people lo discrilninate against members of an out group? AS

'OURSELF

What makes people prejudiced aga1ns1 others? Are the causes the same for everyone?

AIM To investigate whether in-group favou ritisn1 and out-group discrimination can happen in a group of people who already kno1v ead1 other.

METHOD •

I

I

•

Participants in this study 1vere 64 boys aged 14-15 years. They \Vere all fron1 a comprehensive school in Bristol, UK. They \Vere all from the same Sample "house" in the same form at this school.

I

I

ld

This was the procedure for both parts of the study: Boys \vorked in groups of eight. lhey entered a lecture room and 1vere told that the study \vas about visual judgments. They had to look at 40 clusters of dots and estimate ho1v many dots \vere in each cluster. In one of the conditions, boys 1vere then told that people consistently overesti1nate or underestilnate the nurnber of dots in a cluster. In another condition, boys \Vere told that some people are consistently more accurate at judging than others. All boys \Vere then told that the researchers \Vere also inte rested in decision making too and that, as the boys \Vere Lhere, they \vould like the1n to take part in this phase too. Boys \vere told that they 1vould be split into groups based on their performance on the dot cluster visual judgn1ent task. Some were in the "overcstirnators" group and some in the "underestimators" group (in the second condition they "'ere "better" or ",vorse" accuracy groups). Boys 1vere actually randomly assigned lo a group: it '"as 1101 based on their visual judgments. This created the in group and out group.

I

There 1vere hvo parts to the study. lhe first part \Vanted to establish two groups. The second part 1vanted to test whether the members of these groups "'ould then discrirninate against the out group. First pnrl: The research team silnply created 40 clusters of dots that could be projected onto a screen for participants to see and n1ake a judgment on.

Second part: A booklet of"matrices" was created to allocate points to members of participants' in group or out group in a variety of different \Vays.

Boys 1vere then told they would fill in a book of"n1atrices" to give rewards and punishn1ents. These \VOuld be converted into real nioney at the end of the study. Boys did not k.i101v tl1e identity of the individual they l\'ere giving rewards and punishn1ents to, just the group they were in. Boys 'vorked in their o\\rn cubicles to con1plete the booklet. They \Vere told that they \vould never be giving themselves a re1vard or punishment. An example of a matrix is sho,vn in table 4.2. The top row repre~ents the re1vard participants could give and the bottom row is the "default" punishment they would be giving as a result of their award choice.

•

r - 1:

-16 5

-13 4

-10 3

-7 2

-4 1

1 2 3 4 5 0 - 7 Gjo' 13 - 16 -1 -4 Table 4.2 Reward and punishment matrix

Quant

-1 0 6 - 19

Six n1atrices \Vere used. Each each appeared three times in the booklet, representing three different assessn1ents:

1. In-group choices: the top and bottom rO\VS \vere to be a\varded to members of the in group only.

There \Vere hvo parts to the study. The first part \vanted to establish l\vo groups. TI1e second part \vanted to test \Vhether the n1embers of these groups \vould then discrin1jnate against the out group. First part: The research team simply showed 12 pieces of art, six reported to be by Paul Klee and the other six by Wassily Kandinsky (none had a signature). Boys 1verc asked which ones they liked. Second part: A booklet of"matrices" \Vas created to allocate points to members of the in group or out group in a variety of different \vays.

2. Out-group choices: the top and bo1101n rows were to be awarded to n1en1bers of the out group only. 3. lnterE,rroup choices: the top rO\'/ represented the reward to a fello\v in-group n1en1ber whi le the bottom row represented the punish1nent given to an out group member. Once all boys had completed their booklets, they were brought back together and given the nionetary value of the re\vards that had been allocated to them in the 1natrices. TEST YOURSELF

Who were the participants in lhis study? How were they recruited? How generalisable is lhls sample? Why?

RESULTS (STUDY 1) The result from each matrix choice \vas scored on a scale of I to 14. A score of l represented giving a fello\v in-group member the minimun1 an1ount of points possible; 14 represented giving Quant the ma..ximum amount to a fello\v in-group niember. For the intergroup matrices, the large niajo rity of choices gave the fello'v in-group 111en1ber more poi nts than the out-group nlember. For the in-group choices and out-group choices matrices, the vast 1najority gave out points that represented fairness across the t\VO members being given points.

•

-

,_...._

,. Study 2 had the same characteristics as study 1 but different boys, and only 48 boys in total, participated. I

This \Vas the same as for study l but the boys \Vere randomly split into a Klee and a Kandinsky group. lhe matrices used \Vere different (four in total) to test: Maxin1un1 joint profit - this represented lhe largest a1nount they could give both people. Maximu1n in group profit - this represented the largest amount that could be given to a 1nen1ber of the in group. Maximum difference - this represented the largest difference that could be given behveen a member of the in group and the out group. An example of a matrix is sho,vn in Table 4.3.

l

23 22 5] 7 16

15

19

21

l

21 9

20 11

19 13

18 15

14

131

12

11

23

25

27

l

17 17

Member of Klee 29 Memberof Kandinsky

Table 4.3 Example of a matrix to be completed by a member of the Klee group.

RESULTS (STUDY 2)

TEST YOURSELF Outline two key results from this study. How reliable are these findings? Why?

-------

When the data for the maximum in-group profit and maximum difference \vere combined and compared to the maximum joint profit. the results Quant \vere highly s tatistically significant That is. '\vhen the subjects had a choice ben,•een maxintlzing the profit for all and maximizing the profit for members of their O\\ID group, they acted on behalf of their own group" (Taijel, 1970: I0 I).

CONCLUSION

-

Even \vhen based on non-existent differences (in this case dot cluster estimation and art preference), people '\Yill create in-group favouritism and out-group discrimination when resources are limited and sought after by both groups (in this case points that could be converted into n1oney). People will favour 1nen1bers of their in group con1pared to n1cmbers of an out group.

Also, the matrices \vith maxi1num difference sho\ved the strongest results in terms of discrimination - boys chose a score that maxim ised their O\VD in-group 1ne1nber and m i ni1nised the out-group n1ember.

EVALUATION As Tajfel collected quantitative data, we can use the general evaluations from Chapter 2, pages 9- 10 and apply them directly to the study:

• Strength

•

•

As the data are numerical, comparison and statistical analysis are easier (e.g. the average sc0<e of two different groups can easily be compared so there is very little bias or misinterpretation).

Strength

Weakness

The data are objective and can be analysed statistically to draw conclusions.

Numerical data miss out on valuable information . If the answer is simply yes/ no or on a rating scale we do not know why participants chose the answer they did.

•

The matrices were quanlltabve in nature (there was simply a choice of two numbers - a reward and a punishment). Points given to the in group were easily compared to points given to the out group (as they were p re-set matrices). No 1nterpreta1Jon was needed.

As the matrices were based on number pairs, the amount of points awarded to each boy (as part of an in group) could be analysed statistically - add up the points or find the average - so it was easy to conclude that boys were supporting In-group members much more than members of the out group). The boys were never asked why they were allocating points in the way they did (for both studies). This is missing out on the reasoning behind their choices we cannot be certain that they were allocating points based in the idea of in groups and out groups.

•

CHAPTER 4: SOC.IAL PSVC~OLO(:;Y -

These are other points that could be used for e\'aluation: Generalisations: it may be difficult to generalise these findings beyond the sample. The reason for . . this is that the boys \Vere from the same house . . . . . in the san1e form from the same school in Bristol, UK. There n1ay be son1ething unique about these boys and ho\v they allocated points on the matrices \vhich other people may not do. Snapshot study: it \Vas a study at one point in time so \Ve do not kno'v \vhether the allocation of points

-----

---

was due to the boys being al that age or Snap some other factor. We do not knO\V if the boys continued to favour in groups throughout the rest of their adolescent years. CHALLENGE YOURSELF

Evaluate this study 1n terms of ethnocentnsm and that it used a non-representative sampling technique. You may want lo use a table Similar to that used in the quanbtalive evalual10n above.

Try the follo,vlng exan1-style questions.

Paper 1 1. How \Vere the participants in study 1 recruited in the Tajfel study?

(2 marks)

2 . Outline ho'" Tajfel split the boys into different groups for either of his studies.

(3 1narks)

2. Outline one finding fron1 the Tajfel study. (3 1narks) 3. Outline how the Tajfel study was looking into the (3 n1arks) social approach to psychology.

(2 n1arks)

4. Discuss the strengths and 1veaknesses of the social

4. Evaluate the Tajfel study in terms of one strength

•

Tajfe1 study.

(2 marks)

3 . Outline l\VO results from the Tajfel study.

and one \\•eakness.

Paper 2 1. Outline how questionnaires 1vere used in the

(10 marks)

approach using the Tajfel srudy as an example. (10 marks)

DEVELOPMENTAL PSYCHOLOGY AIM Bandura, Ross & Ross (1961 )

CONTEXT This study is concerned \vith the tendency of chjldren to imitate adult social behaviour, specifically aggression. Leaming behaviour by imitating others is called observalional learning. Several earlier studies had den1onstrated that children are influenced by witnessing adult behaviour, but had tended to sho\v children repeating adult behaviour in the sanie situation and in the presence of the adult \vbo 1nodelled the behaviow-. One purpose of the study, therefore, was to te~t \Vhether children \Viii reproduce observed behaviour in a new situation and in the absence of the model. This study is also concerned \vith the learning of gender-specific behaviour. Previous sturues had shown that children are sensitive to gender-specific behaviour. For example, they see their parents as preferring gender-stereotyped behaviour. Aggression is a good exa1nple of a gendered social behaviour, being associated \vith masculinity. The study also investigated \vhelher boys \vere niore likely to in1itate aggression than girls, and \Vhether the y 1vere more likely to inlltate male than female models. ASK YOURSELF Do you think that watching aggressive media

makes someone aggressive? Are there other factors that might make someone aggressive?

Overall, to investigate observational learning of aggression. Specifically, the study aimed to see whether children \vould reproduce aggressive behaviour 1vhen the model was no longer present, and to look for gender differences in learning of aggression.

METHOD I

nts

TI1ere were 72 participants: 36 male and 36 fe1nale. All 1vere selected fro111 the nursery school ofStanford Uruversily. Ages ranged from 37 n1onths Oust over 3 years) to 69 months (5 years and 9 months). The mean age 'vas 52 months (4 years and 4 months).

This \vas a laboratory experiment, using a matched pairs design. The effect of three IVs \Vas tested: ~

Design

lhe behaviour of the rnodel - aggressive or non-aggressive the sex of the model the sex of the children.

There 1vere eight conditions in all. Children in each condition 1vere 1nalched for their aggression levels, so that this did not becon1e a confounding variable. Reliable This was achieved by lhe experimenter and a nursery leacher independently rating 51 of the children on a scale ofO to 5. Very good agreement

attractive toys. Children played \Vilh these for around two minutes, then told they were not allo1ved to play with them any more as they were "the very best" toys and had been reserved for other children.

bet,veen the two raters was achieved (0.89). The conditions 'vere as follo,vs: An aggressive model \Vas sho1vn to 12 boys and

12 girls. Six boys and sLx girls saw aggression

n1odelled by a same-sex model, while the rest saw it modelled by an opposite-se.x 1nodel.

3. Testing for delayed imitation. Children \\'ere observed playing for the next 20 minutes. The experimenter was in the room occupied 1vith paper1vork. T\\'O more observers \\'lltched through a t\\IO·l"3Y nlirror. The roon1 contained a range of toys indudi ng a smaller doll To help eliminate bias, the observers 1vere una\vare, 1vhile observing, \Yhich condition the child \vaS in.

A non-aggressive model 1vas sho\vn to 12 boys and 12 girls. Six boys and six girls sa1v non-aggression n1odelled by a same-sex model, \vhile the rest sa\v it modelled by an opposite-sex model. A control group of 12 boys and 12 girls did not see a 1nodel display any behaviour, aggressive or otherwise.

p

Three types of aggression 1vere recorded by observers: imitative aggression - physical and verbal aggression identical to that 1nodelled in stage I

ure

~

partially imitative aggression - similar behaviour to that carried out by the model

•

non-i1nitative aggression - new aggressive acts not de1nonstrated by the nlodel.

The procedure consisted of Lh ree sl'ages.

1. tvfodelllng the behaviour. Children were brought individ ually into a play roon1 to play a gan1e. This lasted for ten n1inutes. In the first two Control conditions there was an additional adult in the room. In the aggressive condition, this adult \Vas aggressive tO\vards a five-foot tall inflatable doll, kicking and hitting it, including 1vith a han1mer. The adult also said aggressive things, such as "kick hin1 ... po\v ... sock hin1 on the nose': In the non-aggressive condition, the adult assembled toys and did not interact 1vith the doll. In the control condition, no additional adult was in the room.

2. Aggression arousal. To annoy the children and increase the chances of aggressive behaviour, they 1\'ere taken to a different play roon1 1vith some very

•

• •

RESULTS Quantitative data were recorded. 'They sho,ved significant differences in levels of imitative physical and Quant verbal aggression bet1veen the group that witnessed aggression and the other l\vo groups. To a lesser extent this \\'llS also true of partial imitation and non-imitative aggression. Significantly more non-aggressive play 1m recorded in the non-aggressive 1nodel condition. Table 5.1 gives results sho1ving the different aggressive and non-aggressive behaviours.

•• !

Male imitative physical aggression Female Imitative p hysical aggression Male Imitative verbal aggression Female imitative verbal aggression Male non-imitative aggression Female non-imitative aggression

25.4

12.8

7.2

5.5

12.7

4.3

2.0

13.7

36.7

17.2

8.4

21.3

Table 5.1 Mean aggression scores recorded by observers

•

1.5

I l

0.2

2.0

2.5

1.2

1. 1

1. 7

0.0

0 .3

0.7

22.3

26.1

24.6

7.2

6.1

0.0 0.0

1.4

I l

CONCLUSION

The overall results were as fo llows: Children \vho had \vitnessed an aggressive niodel were significantly more aggressive themselves.

Witnessing aggression in a model can be enough to produce aggression by an observer. Children selectively imitate gender-specific behaviour. Thus boys are more likely to imitate physical aggression, \vhile girls are more likely to imitate verbal aggression. As the boys but not girls \vere 1nore likely to imitate aggression in a same-sex model, it could be concluded only cautiously that children selectively imitate same-sex models.

There \vas very little difference between aggression in the control group and in the non-aggressive modelling condition. Boys \vere significantly more likely to imitate aggressive male 1nodels. The difference for girls \vas much smaller. Boys \Vere ~ignificantly more physically aggressive. Girls \vere slightly 111ore verbally aggressive.

TEST YOURSELF

Outline the sample used in the study and get someone lo ask you for specific results.

EVALUATION Since Bandura, Ross & Ross use d a laborator y experiment as part of their design, we can use the general evaluations from Chapter l , pages 1- 2 and apply them directly to the study:

•

·

•

•

ili'E!lffil. [Ri}:.~. ~·n

• @.!:

Strength

Laboratory expenments have high levels or control and so can be replicated to test for reliabi hty.

A lot of controls were 1n place 1n this study (e.g. the time children watched a model for. the layout or the room and which toys were available) Therefore, other researchers could easily replicate this study to test 1t ror reliability

Strength

As laboratory experiments have high levels of control, researchers can be more confident it 1s the IV directly affecting the DV.

As the controls were high for both parts of the study (time watching the model, priming before entering the observation room, etc.), the researchers could be confident that it was the actions of the model that caused the children's aggressive and non-aggressive behaviour.

Weakness

As laboratory experiments take place in an artificial setting. it Is said that they can lack ecological validity.

The set-up was artificial because the children (especially the first stage) were in a setting not really familiar to them. As a resu lt, the findings could be argued to be low in ecological validity.

Weakness

Many laboratory experiments make participants take part in tasks that are nothing like rea I-life ones so they lack mundane realism.

Some of the tasks expected or the child were not usual (e.g. simply sitting there and watching an adult p lay with some toys and not get involved in lhe play). Therefore, aspects of the study could be low in mundane realism.

•

c·HAPTER 5: oE:Vi:LOPtJIENTAL PSYCHOLOGY - -- - - -

-

---

Other points that can be used to evaluate the study include: Quantitative data: this enabled clear comparisons to happen bel\\leen all groups to see the effect the niodel " 'as having on behaviour. Therefore. Quant conclusions could easily be dra\\IO. HO\\lever, '"e do not kno'" why the children \\'ere acting in the '"ays they did as no qualitative data '"ere collected to explore Lh is.

Ethics: protection. 111e children Children displayed aggressive behaviour and this may have continued after the study had ended. The children did not leave the study in the san1e physical or psychological state in which they entered. CHALLENGE YOURSELF Evaluate this study 1n terms of ii being a snapshot study and 11 using matched pairs. You may want to use a table Stmilar to that used for the laboratory experiment.

1'ry the follo\\ling exam-style questions.

Paper 1 1. In the Bandura, lloss & Ross study, ho'" \Vere the children matched for aggression?

(2 marks)

2. Outline two controls that Bandura, Ross & Ross used in their study.

(4 nlarks)

3 . Ho'" did Bandura, Ross & Ross get the children to (2 marks) be aggressively aroused? 4. Evaluate the Bandura, Ross & Ross study in terms of using children in psychological research. ( 10 marks)

•

Paper2 1. Outline how independent groups were used in the Bandura, Ross & Ross study.

(3 marks)

2. Outline how the Bandura, Ross & Ross study is looking into the behaviourist perspective in (3 marks) psychology.

3. Redesign the Bandura, Ross & Ross study as a case study. (I 0 marks) 4. Discuss the strengths and \Veaknesses of laboratory experiments using Bandura. Ross & Ross as an example. (I 0 marks)

ASK YOURSELF

STUDY 5.2

Why do you think people develop things such as phobias? Could 1t be because of childhood experiences or are there other fac tors 1n110lved?

Freud ( 1909)

CONTEXT Sigmund Freud remains the most famous psychologist, even more than 70 years after his death. Freud \\rrote fron1 the 1890s until the 1930s. His approach to psychological theory and therapy - called psychoanalysis - forms the basis of the psychodynamic perspective to psychology. Freud had a number of important ideas, so1ne 1nore controversial than others. Most controversially of all he proposed that childhood can be seen as a series of psyd1osexual stages. Each stage is characterised by a fixa tion on an area of the body and a distinct pattern of relationships to parents. The oral stage takes place in the first year of life. The mouth is the n1:1in focus of pleasure at this stage, as children are suckling and \\/Caning. At this stage, they are totally dependent on their main carer, and they acquire the ability to accept nurture and have dose relationships. From around I to 3 years of age, a child goes through the anal stage. Here the focus of pleasure is the anus, as the child learns to retain and expel faeces at \\•ill. This is also the time at \11hich the parents start to exert control over the child's behaviour through pottytraining, and this is \11hen the child acquires a pattern of relating to authority. The third and most crucial Freudian stage of development is the phallic stage (from the word phallus, nleaning penis), \11hich lasts from around age 3 to 6 years. In the phallic stage, children go through the Oedipus complex. This involves the development of a strong attachment to the opposite-sex parent, and a sense of the san1e-sex parent as a rival for their affection. Freud came to this conclusion after a period of self-analysis. I le revealed his O\vn Oedipus cotnplex in a letter to a friend: "! have found in nly own case loo being in love \vitb n1y

mother and Jealous of n1y father, and now 1 consider it a universal event in early childhood." One of Freud's most famous cases is that of Little Hans, a young boy Freud believed to be going through the Oedipus complex.

AIM To give an account of a boy \11ho \11as suffering from a phobia of horses and a range of other symptoms, and to use this case to illustrate the existence of the Oedipus complex.

METHOD Desi The study \\las a clinical case study. This n1eans that the participant is a patient undergoing therapy. In this case, Freud's direct input in the therapy was very limited. Accounts of ho'" often Freud sa'" Little Hans vary a little, but it almost certainly \11as not more than hvice. Hans' father conducted regular discussions \vith Hans and passed these on to Freud, \Vho analysed them in line \vith his theory. The results consist of Freud's analysis.

The participant '"as a je\11ish boy from Vienna, Austria. He \Vas 5 years old at the start of the study, although so1ue events \Vere recorded fron1 a couple of years earlier. He was called Lillie Hans in the study; ho,vever, his real name, Herbert Graf, \11as " 'ell kno\
y From around 3 years of age, Hans developed a great interest in his penis - his '\viddler" as he called it and it was reported that he played with it regularly. Eventually, his mother became so cross that she threatened to cut it off if he didn't stop. Hans was very disturbed by this and developed a fear of castration. At

around the same time. Hans Sa\v a horse collapse and die in the street, and he \Vas very upset as a result When Hans was 3 and a half years old, his baby sister \Vas born and he \vas separated from her for a \vhile \vhen she \vas hospitalised.

lhe anxiety Hans fe lt was really Qual castration anxiety triggered by his mother's threat to cut off his "widdler" and fear of his father caused by his banishing Hans from the parental bed.

Shortly after this, \vhen Hans \Vas 4 years old, he developed a phobia of horses. Specifically, be \Vas afraid that a \vhite horse would bite him. \>Vhen Qua I reporting this to Freud, Hans' father noted that the fear of horses seemed to relate to their large penises. At around the same time as the phobia of horses developed, a conOict developed benveen Hans and his father. Hans had been in the habit for some time of getting into his parents' bed in the niorni11g and cuddling his mother. Ho\vever, his father began to object to this. Hans' phobia worsened to the extent that he 1votrld not leave the fan1ily house. At this point, he also suffered attacks of generalised anxiety.

The giraffes in Hans' dream represent his parents. The large giraffe that cried out represented Hans' father objecting to Hans. The crumpled giraffe represented Hans' mother, the crumpling representing her genitals. The large giraffe, \Vith its erect neck, could have been a penis sy1nbol.

In addition, he reported the following dream: "In the night there 1v:1s a big giraffe in tJ1e room and a crun1pled one: and the big one called out because I took the crumpled one away from it. Then it stopped calling out: and I sat do1vn on top of the crun1pled one." By the time Hans \Vas 5 years old his phobia of horses lessened, initially becon1ing limited to fear of \vhite horses \vith black nosebands, then disappearing altogether. The end of the phobia '"as marked by t \\'O fantasies: Hans fantasised that he had several children. When his father asked \\•ho tlieir mother \Vas Hans replied "Why Nlummy, and you're the Granddaddy'' (Freud, 1909: 238). The next day, Hans fantasised that a plumber had con1e and removed his bottom and penis, replacing thern with ne\v and larger ones.

RESULTS Freud interpreted the case as an exan1ple of the Oedipus Complex. More specifically, he noted these points: Horses represented Hans' father. White horses \Vith black nosebands were the most feared because they resembled the moustached father. Horses also make good father symbols because they have large peruses.

•

The children fantasy represents a relatively friendly resolution of tJie Oedipus complex in \vhich Hai1s replaces bis father as his n1other's rnain love object, but the father still has a role as grandfather. The plumber fantasy represents identification with the fath er. By this \Ve mean that Hans could see himself growing a large penis like his father's and becoming like him. TEST YOURSELF

Outline a few resulls that appear lo confirm that Lillie Hans was going through the Oedipus complex How reliable are lhe results?

CONCLUSION Hans suffered a phobia of horses because he \Vas suffering from castration anxiety and going through the Oedjpus complex. Dreams and fantasies helped express this conflict and eventually he resolved his Oedipus complex by fantasising hin1self taking on his father's role and placing his father in the role of grandfather.

EVALUATION Since Freud used a case study, \ve can use the general evaluations from Chapter I, page 3 and apply them directly to the study:

Strength

The focus of the study was on Little Hans. Data were one individual (or unit or individuals) collected though letters from Hans' rather which were he or she can collect nch. in-depth detailed and contained a lot of 1nformat1on from Little Hans himself. Therefore. the findings could be valid as data that have details. This makes they are based on looking at the whole situation In depth. the findings more valid.

Strength

Participants are usually studied as part or their everyday life which means that the whole process tends lo have some ecological validity.

Little Hans continued to be a little boy throughout the study and lived his life "as normal". His father would ask him questions about things such as his dreams and feelings and many parents would do that 1n everyday life so the findings have some ecological validity. (Little Hans was never take on out or his own home lo be "studied".)

Weakness

As the psychologist is focusing

The way that Little Hans developed his phobia of horses may be unique lo him, maki ng generalisations d1ff1cult as it may not help to explain horse phobias in other boys o f a similar age.

As the psychologist is focusing on

on one Individual (or unit of individuals), the case may be unique. This makes generalisations quite difficult. Weakness

As participants are studied In depth, an attachment could form between them and the psychologist which could reduce the objectivity of the data collection and analysis of data. This could reduce the validity of findings.

There was no such bond between Freud and Lillie Hans, but Hans' father was a "fan" of Freud's work. This could have made Hans' father only report aspects of the case study to Freud that fitted 1n with Freud's own ideas about child development.

Other points that can be used to evaluate the study

and can be used to ex-plain \vhy Little Hans \\1as

include these:

suffering from his phobia. Remember that this cannot be done with quantitative data. Ho\vever, there niay have been interpretation bias by Hans' father (who wrote the leuers) and Freud (\vho

Alternative explanation - son1e psychologists argue that Little Hans' phobia \Vas 1101 due to the Oedipus complex. They argue that when young, Little Hans \vitnessed a horse collapse and die in the street in front of hin1. He therefore associated the horse with death and this then 111ade him fearful of horses. Qualitative data - all of the information from Hans' father was qualitative (in the fonn of letters of correspondence). ·1herefore, the data are in depth

interpreted the letters) to fit in \vi th Freud's ideas. CHALLENGE YOURSELF

Evaluate the Freud study in terms of ll being a longitudinal study and how useful the case study Is. You may want to use a table similar lo that used ror the case study evaluations.

•

Try the following exa111-style questions.

Paper 1 1. Outline t wo examples that Freud believed sho\ved Little Hans \Vas experiencing ilie (4 marks) Oedipus complex.

2. Ho\v did Freud obtain the information about Little I lans?

3. Outline the dream that Little Hans reported.

(2 marks) (2 n1arks)

4 . Evaluate the Freud study in terms of using case (IO marks) studies in psychological research.

•

Paper 2 1. Outline \vhat qualitative data \Vere collected in ilie Freud study.

2. Outline hO\V generalisable Freud's study \vas.

(3 marks) (3 rnarks)

3. Discuss ilie strengths and weaknesses of case studies using Freud as an example. (IO marks)

Langlois et al ( 1991)

CONTEXT Here is one question that a lot of people want the answer to: is attractiveness relative or absolute? That is, is attractiveness individually specific in hu1nans or do \Ve all find the same faces more attractive? When do \Ve begin to sho'v any preference to attractive faces? Earlier studies had sho\\•n that young infants appear to be dra'vn to faces that adults have rated as being attractive over those rated not so attractive. This had surprised psychologists as they had not expected any forn1 of discrin1ination based on attractiveness at such a young age. One aspect of this Lhat had not been tested was whether this phenon1enon extended across faces of difference races and ages too. AS

YOURSELF

What makes someone auractive? Is 11 the person's face or is there more lo it than simply physical features?

AIM To investigate whether infant preferences for attractive faces extended beyond those for adult fen1ale faces on to other types of faces (e.g. male and female adult White faces, adult Black female faces and other young infants). The aims of each study appear in its Design section. Three studies \Vere conducted.

METHOD I

1)

This first study investigated whether infants sho\v preference to attractive 1nale and female adult Control faces compared to those rated unattractive.

This study used I6 slides of \vOmen's faces and 16 slides of nien's faces. The researchers had used them before; half \Vere rated attractive and Quant half unattractive. The final slides had been selected from 275 womens and 165 men's faces that had been rated for attractiveness by 40 undergraduates. AUof the slides that were rated attractive and unattractive were then looked at further. The final slides that 1vere chosen had to show facial expressions, hair length and hair colour roughly evenly distributed across the attractive and unattractive groups. All the males \\'ere clean shaven. Any clothing was masked and the person pictured had to have a neutral pose. The mean ratings for attractiveness (out of5) were 3.46 (female attractive), 3.35 (male attractive), 1.44 (female unattractive), 1.40 (male unattractive).

n

(s

)

A total of 110 infants, '"ho "'ere 6 months old, \vere recruited via the Children's Research Laboratory at the University of Texas. A total of 50 of these Sample \Vere eliminated from the final sample for the follo\ving reasons: fussing too much (n = 41 ), con1puter failure (n = 3), experimenter error (n = 3) parent looked at the slides (n = 2) and child \Vas premature (n = l ). This left 60 children (35 boys and 25 girls) \vi th an average age of 6 months and 6 days. Fifty three of the children \Vere Wb ite, five were Hispanic, one \Vas Black and one \vas Asian. All were tested \Vithin three \veeks of their sixth birthday.

y T\vo fuces, one attractive and one unattractive, \Vere projected onto a screen next to each other. Each child sat on his or her parent's lap around 35cm fron1 the screen. lhe parent wore occluded glasses so he or she could not see the faces. This prevented any of the parents preferences being seen by the child. A light and buzzer sounded to grab the child's attention every time a ne\v pair of faces \Vas presented. Once the child had focused on the centre of the screen the pair of faces \VOuld appear. The trial \\"JS labelled "began" \vhen the child first looked at one of the slides. Each trial lasted for ten seconds.

Two sets of 16 slides \Vere used per child. Reliable Each set \Vas divided into eight trial blocks of t\vO slide~ each. In an attempt to control for "side bias" in the child (e.g. prefers to look to the right naturally), slide pairs \\'ere alternated throughout the procedure. All slide pairs \vere both niale or both female. Slides \Vere presented in one of t\vo \vays: alternating (pairs of males then females then males, etc.) or grouped (all male then all female). After every eight trial block I.here \WS a five- to ten-n1inute break to stop the dlild getti11g tired or bored. The order in whid1 slides appeared \Vas randomised for ead1 child. Trial length, slide movement and recording of data \Vere controlled by a computer. The experimenter observed the visual fixations of each child in each trial on a video tnonitor connected to a video can1era n1ounted just under the screen the slides \Vere projected onto. 1l1e direction of looks and their duration \Vere recorded. Using this televised in1age of the child, the experi1nenler did not have to look at the projection screen and the refore did no t kno\v which of the t\VOslides \vas the attractive or unattractive one. Reliability was checked via a randon1ly selected sample of recordings. As some of the infants' data \Vere excluded as a result of them "fussing", the research team had to agree that the child had been engaged in this behaviour before \Vithdra\\ring the data for that trial. Finally, to examine \vhcther the child's preference might be influenced by the attractiveness of the mother, photographs of each mother \Vere rated by 72 undergraduates. TEST YOURSELF How were the faces on lhe slides chosen? How easy would it be to replicate this study? INhy?

e I Control

t The design was similar to that for study l but \Vith the follo\ving changes:

The slides were of 16 Black \vomen from a pool of 197 faces rated for attractiveness by 98 White and 41 Black undergraduates. Amount of hair and skin colour \\•ere evenly distributed across conditions.

•

,. Mean attractiveness for attractive group Quant was 3.41 (White raters) and 3.42 (Black raters) and for the unattractive group it was l.44 (\.Vhite raters) and 1.54 (Black raters).

..

I

A total of 43 infants, \vho \¥ere 6 months old, \Vere recruited via the Children's Research Laboratory at the University of Texas. Three of these \\'ere eliminated from the final sample for the follo\\ling reasons: fussing too much (n = 2) and equip1nent failure (n = l). Thjs left 40 children ( 15 boys and 25 girls) \vith an average age of 6 months and 5 days. Thirty six of the chlldren \vere White, nvo \Vere Hispanic and t\VO 1vcre Black.

(

11

y,,

The procedure was similar to that for study I but \vith the foUo\ving changes: Presentation \Vas not alternatjng versus grouped as children onJy looked at Black \VOtnen's faces. Each trial block consisted of four pairs of slides. The faces of the infants' mothers were rated for attractiveness by 49 undergraduates. I

The design was sin1ilar to that for study I but \Vith the follo1ving changes:

Control

The slides \\•ere of 16 infants \Vho \vere 3 months old selected from a pool of 60 boys and 62 girls rated for attractiveness by 40 undergraduates. Slides showing four tnales and four fen1ales \vho had been rated attractive were used, as \vere slides of fo ur tnales and four females rated unat.lractive. On tl1e slides all clothing \vas n1asked and the faces had neutral expressions. Amount of hair \vas equally distributed across the allractiveness conditions. The mean attractiveness ratings \Vere 3.02 for the attractive group and 1.69 for the unattractive group.

Quant

I

t

ct

l

A total of52 infants, \Vho were 61nonths old, were recruited via the Children's Research Laboratory at the University of Texas. A total of 11 of these \\'ere eliminated from the final sample for fussing too much (n = 1l}. T\vo more were excluded as they \vere not tested \\lithin three \veeks of their sixth birthday. This left 39 children ( 19 boys and 20 girls) \vith an average age of6 months and 15 days. Thirty seven of the children were White and t\vo \\'ere Hispanic.

p This \vas the san1e as for study 2 except attractiveness ratings for the infants' mothers taken.

RESULTS (COMBINED) For all studies, the tin1e looking at each slide for each child was calculated. This \vas done by adding together the looking time for the right-side presentation and the left-side presentation of each face. 1able 5.2 sho\vs the results. Quant

They tended to look at same-sex faces for longer (only significant for males) - see Table 5.3. No significant relationship \vas found bet\veen mother's attractiveness and the child's preference.

M

SD

M

SD

Male

7.95

1.45

7.36

1.31

Female

7.69

1.35

7.81

1.33

Sex of infant

Table 5.3 Mean fixation times for sex of child participant x sex of face interaction

Study 2: Children looked longer at the attractive Black woman's faces than the u naltractive ones. Children looked for longer al any face on their first two trials con1pared lo auof the Ol her trials. TI1ere \Vas no significant effect of n1aternal attractiveness. Study 3: Children looked longer at the attractive baby faces than the unattractive ones. As \vith study 2, children looked for longer at any face on their first l\vo trials compared to all of the other trials. TEST YOURSELF OuUine three main findings from these studies. How valid are the r1nd1ngs? Why?

M

SD

M

SD

Study 1: Male and female faces

7.82

1.35

7.57

1.27

Study 2· Black female faces

7.05

1.83

6.52

1.92

Study3: Children's faces

7. 16

1.97

6.62

1.83

Type of face

Table 5.2 Mean fixation hmes for high- and lowallracliveness slides

Study I: Children looked significantly longer at attractive faces unattractive ones. Sex of face had no effect - children looked longer at any attractive face.

CONCLUSION All three studies sho\v that infants prefer attractive faces compared to unattractive faces irrespective of gender, colour of skin and age. Therefore, it \vould appear that children can discrilninate fro1n an early age bel\veen attractive and unattractive faces. As the children had not been exposed to 1nuch 111edia depicting what is attractive, it could be argued that these preferences are inbuilt into humans.

EVALUATION Since Langlois et al used a laboratory experiment, \Ve can use the general evaluations from Chapter L, page J onwards and apply them directly to the study:

•

••

•

•

• There were many controls 1n this study (e.g. lhe standardised procedure followed. the time the slides were projected for and the masking of other cues in lhe slides). Another research team could easily replicate this study to test for reliability using a different sample.

Strength

Laboratory expenments have high levels of control and so can be replicated to test for reliability.

Strength

As laboratory experiments have high levels of control. researchers can be more confident It is the IV directly affecting the DV.

Weakness

Looking at a projector and having computer and video As laboratory experiments take place in an artificial setting, it is said equip ment nearby is not a usual setting for young children that they can lack ecological validity. so it is difficult to know if they would prefer attractive faces in a more natural setting. Therefore, the study has low ecological validity.

Weakness

Many laboratory experiments make parllcipants take part in tasks that are nothing like real-life ones so they lack mundane realism.

I

As there were controls (e.g. the time the slides were projected for and how the slides were chosen) Langlois et al could be confident it was attractiveness of the face 1 that was causing the child to look at them for longer.

In this study the child sat on the parent's lap, the parent wore occluded glasses and then pairs of faces were shown to the child who was monitored on what he or she was looking at. These things do not happen to children in everyday life so the study lacks mundane realism.

Other points that can be used to evaluate the study include these: Quantitative data: 111ean fixation tin1es \Vere taken (and assessed via reliability tests) so the find ings are objective. 111e n1ean fixation tin1es across Quant alJ three studies could be reliably compared lo draw objective conclusions (e.g. young children do fixate n1ore often on faces that have been rated attractive th:1n those rated unattractive). However, \Ve do nol know the reasons why this happened as the data \Vere quantitative and the young children could not tell us any\vay.

•

Ethics: use of children in research. Children Even though the parents gave permission for their children to be used in the study (they \Vere fro111 a bank of children who could be used in research) \VC do not know hO\V distressed, etc. it n1adc the children looking at lots of pictures - remen1ber quite a fe\Vyounger children (especially in study I) were clin1inated as they \vere "fussing too 1nuch''. CHALLENGE YOURSELF

Evaluate this study 1n terms of the nature-nurture debate and usefulness. You may want to use a table like those used for the laboratory experiment and evaluation above.

Try the following exa111-style questions.

Paper 1 1. In the Langlois el al study, ho\v \Vere the faces chosen for the final slides?

(2 marks)

2. Outline two controls that Langlois et al used in their study.

(4 marks)

3. Identify two features of the any san1ple used in the Langlois el al study. (2 marks)

4. Evaluate the Langlois et nl study in terms of one strength and one \veakness.

(10 marks)

Paper 2 1. Outline \vhat quantitative data \Vere collected in the Langlois el nl study.

(3 marks}

2. Redesign the Langlois el nl study using self-report (e.g. questionnaires} or intervie\vS as the research method. ( 10 n1arks)

3. Discuss the strengths and weaknesses of the nature-nurture debate using Langlois el nl as an example. ( 10 n1arks)

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TUDY 5.4

Nelson (1980)

CONTEXT Psychologists interested in the development of moral behaviour have created theo ries that attempt to explain how children develop a sense of right and 1vrong. Piaget noted that in children under 10 years of age there appeared to be no solid role of the n1otive behind the behaviour in judging ho1v "1norally correct" a behaviour is. After Lhe age of 10 years, children seen1ingly develop a sldll in morally judging behaviour based on its motive. }lowever, research after Piaget developed these initial ideas sho1ved that children as young as 6 years old 1voulc.l often look al the 1notive behind a behaviour before 1norally judging it. Studies had already tried to see 1vhether children as young as 3 years old use motives to judge behaviours but they had been methodologically Oa1ved, according to Nelson. They had not allo1ved children to sho1" whether they understood the motive behind behaviour before judging. Children this young might believe that motives are in1portant but fail to interpret them correctly or remember them 1vhen questioned - they may misinterpret the intentions of the motive as set out by an adult.

1)

Desi r

Four versions of a story 1vere used. Each Control involved a boy throwing a ball (chosen as pilot research had seen this as a neutral act). Ho11•ever, the motive and outcome differed:

Good rriotive

The boy was playirg wi1t> a ball. His

frierd did not have anything :o play v1ilh. I le wan.ed to throw the ball to his frierd so 'l'ey could play. Bad motive

The boy was playing with a ball. I le was angry with his friend . He wanted lo throw the ball at his friend to hit him on purpose.

Good outcome

The boy lhrew Iha ball, his friend caughl it and they played happily.

Bad outcome

The boy lhrew the ball but his friend did not catch ii. The ball hit his friend on the head and made him cry.

In addition to the story, there were nvo sets of dra1vings to accompany each story. The)' 1vere 25cn1 by 23cm illustrating the motive, behaviour and outcome. An example is shown in Figure 5.1.

AS YOURSELF I low do peop le d evelop a sense of what is right and wrong? Are we born with morals or do we learn them through experiences?

,, ·'

AIM Figure 5.1 Drawings to

To investigate '"hether children as young as 3 years old use motives and outcon1es when morally judging behaviours that are explicit and relevant to them (and are available 1vhen judging).

METHOD T1vo studies "'ere conducted.

accompany the story

Each set conveyed the motive in different 1vays. One set conveyed emotion via facial expressions only (implicit 1notive) while the other set conveyed it explicitly by connecting cartoon-like representations of the goal to the head of the boy thro1ving the ball (explicit motive). Children who judged the boy thro1ving the ball as being "good" had to point at one of three ' Control SJniling faces (5.5 to 75cm in size) 1vhich represented "a little bit good" to "very good".

This technique 1v-.is also used, but 11~th frow11ing faces, if a child judged the boy thro~ng the ball as being "bad''. A seventh face, 4.Scrn in siu, represented "just okay" (a term used as n1any children in a pilot used it to convey a neutral judgn1ent). All of these 11-ere con1bined to create a numerical score per judgment from I (very bad) through to 7 (1-ery good).

a

-

After children had made their judgn1ents, the pictures were removed (in the picture condition groups) and children were asked to re-tell the story aloud to the intervie\\•er. If the motive or outcome \\'llS n1 issing fro1n their account, specific questions 1vere asked such as "Why did the boy lhro\v his ball?" TEST YOURSELF

I

There 1vere 60 pre-school children used for study 1, 1vith a roughly equal split bet1veen males and females. They 1vere all 3-4 years old (average 3.4 years). In addition, 30 "second grade" children Sample were used aged bet1veen 6 and 8 years (average 7.4 yea rs). There 1vas a roughly even split between males and females. They were mostly 1vh ite, 1n id die-class and living in urban areas. Parents gave consent for their children to take part.

Who were the part1c1pants 1n study 1 and how were they recruited? Are there any ethical rssues raised by study 1? Why?

RESULTS (STUDY 1) Table 5.4 shows the mean ratings per com bi nation by age.

Each child 1vas tested individually by the intervie1ver. Before the stories 1vere told, children familiarised then1selves 1vith the 7-point faces scale via t1vo stories (one about being very good and one about being very bad). Children in the picture groups 1vere also fan1i liarised 1vith how the pictures 1vorked. In the actual study, children were told to l.isten very carefully to each story as they would be expected to tell it again later. After each story had been told, Reliable children 1vere asked whether the boy had been a good boy, a bad boy or just okay. Then they 1vere asked to indicate via the faces ho1-v good or bad the boy had been. lf children were in one of the picture conditions, the pictures were introduced at the appropriate tin1e in the story. They remained in front of children until they made their judgment.

Quant

Good motive

Bad motive

Good motive

Bad motive

Good outcome

6.55

2.27

6.20

3.46

Bad outcome

4.17

1.60

4.47

1.56

1 Children of each age group 1vere randon1ly assigned to one of the th ree presentations (verbal, motive in1pUcit and motive explicit). There 1vere 20 Sample children per group in the young group and 10 per group in the older group. Each child heard all four stories. They 1vere randomised per child.

'

Table 5.4 Mean ratings per combtnatJon by age Overall, the main character in the good n1otive conditions combined had an average score of 5.35 1vhereas for the main character in the bad motive conditions it 1vas 2.27. This 1vas statistically significant. There was a similar pattern for outcomes: good outcomes scored 4.70 on average and bad outcomes only 2.92. When the moti ve or outcon1e was bad (especially so for the n1otive) it had a larger effect on judgn1ents than if anything was seen as being good. Also, 1vhen the n1otive information was explicit (good or bad) it had a greater effect on judgments than when it was implicit or verbal only. Children appeared to use the outcome inforn1ation in the good n1otive stories under all three conditions, but for the bad motive stories th is 1vas only for those who sa1v pictures. Children in the younger group made more errors in recall for motives and

•

outcomes than those in the older group. There \Vas no effect of presentation (verbal or picture) on outcome recall errors, but for motive recall errors there \Vere fewer errors \\ hen pictures \Vere presented. Additionally, there \Vere significantly n1ore errors of recall in the younger group \Vhen the motive and the outcome \Vere incongruent (e.g. good motive but bad outcome). Finally, 40 per cent of the younger group rated the boy thro\ving the ball negatjvely whenever there \Vas just one negative cue, irrespective of its source (motive or outcome). A furtller 28.33 per cent of tlle younger group ignored the outcome inforn1ation and based tlleir judgment on tlle valence of the n1otive only.

•

Good motive Verbal only

These findings 1nay well suggest tllat younger children understand the concept of bad before they understand the concept of good.

Desi--

t

This study \Vas based on the idea that in study l children in the younger group in the verbal-only story condition \Vere basing their entire judgment on the motive but not the outcome, perhaps because the motive \Vas ahvays presented before the outcome. So, if younger children are more interested in valence (e.g. good, bad, positive, negative) rather than its source (motive or outcome) then reversing the order (so outcome comes before motive), should mean younger children should disregard the motive \vhenever there is a bad outcome. Th is is \Vhat study 2 tested. The design \Vas exactly me same as study I but the outcome came before the 1notive in the stories.

i

"'

u

2)

1\venty-seven pre-school children with a 1nean age of 3.8 years participated in study 2. Each child \Vas randomly assigned to one of the three presentation types (verbal only, inotive-implicit picture and 1notive-explicit picture). EverytlUng was identical to study I but the description of the outcon1e can1e before that of the n1otive.

RESULTS (STUDY 2) Table 5.5 highlights the mean ratings per combination of presentation, outcon1e and motive.

•

Bad

moti ve

Good motive

motive

6.11

3.56

2.67

1.78

Picture - motive 1mphcit

7.00

2.11

2.33

1.11

Picture - motive explicit

7.00

3.56

4.22

1.11

1

Quant

Bad

•

Table 5.5 Mean rating per comb1natron of presentallon, outcome and motive The n1ain finding was that children in the verba lon.ly condjuon were less innuenced by 111otive than those in both picture conditions (see Quant the scores above). Also, even with the outcome preceding the motive, the effect of motive on judgn1ents was not less than that of outcome (remember in study I the 1notive ca111e first and children could just have been basing judgments on the first thing the)' heard). Children also made more errors of recall when tlle motive and outcome \Vere incongruent (e.g. bad motive, good outcome). TEST YOURSELF

Outline one main finding from both studies. What do the studies tell us about moral de-.elopment (e.g. are they useful)?

CONCLUSION Motive is a po,verfuJ tool used by younger children to n1ake a 1noral judgment. Also, the n1ode of presentation affects the judgments of yo unger children with verbal-only presentation of 1nal'erial; as soon as a child hears something "bad" any further inforn1ation has limited impact on judgments. Ho\vevcr, if the presentation involves pictures the judg1nents are based on a con1bination of both outco111e (good and bad) and motive (good and bad). Younger children are more likely to recall information on moral judgn1ents n1ore accurately if congruence is experienced (e.g. good motive and good outcome) rather than incongruence.

EVALUATION As Nelson collected quantitative data, \Ve can use the general evaluations from Chapter 2, pages 9-10 and apply them directly to the study: • •

Strength

Numerical data allow easier comparison and statistical analysis (e.g. the average score of two different groups can easily be compared so there 1s very little bias or misinterpretation.

Nelson could analyse. statistically, the different combinations of motive and outcome (e.g. good motive, bad outcome) to see which of the stories had the highest and lowest mean scores. All four combinations for both age groups could easily be compared to see the effects of age. motive and outcome on moral judgments.

Strength

The data are objective and can be analysed statistically to draw conclusions.

As children simply pointed at a face and this was converted to a numerical score, there was no subjectivity. The measurement was objective for the child (no reasoning was needed) so Nelson could analyse the scores statistically and draw sensible conclusions about the effect of motive and outcome on moral judgments.

I Weakness

Numerical data miss out on valuable 1nformat1on. If the answer 1s simply yes/no or on a rating scale we do not know why participants chose the answer they did.

As children simply pointed at a face. Nelson did not know why each child chose the face . Children were not asked for their reasoning which 1s important when it comes to moral judgments.

Weakness

Social desirability and/or demand characteristics can affect quantitative data as it is simply a number that 1s recorded.

Children may well have gone along with what they could remember from the two pilot stories rather than what they truly believed as they thought that was the desirable way to answer. This would affect the validity of the findings.

This is another point that could be used for evaluation:

In study l, the children \Vere told all four swries verbally. The children 1nay have got bored, muddled all the stories together or got tired, all of\vhich could have affected the moral judgn1ents Design they made, especially for the third or fourth story.

CHALLENGE YOURSELF

Evaluate this study in terms of using children in research and thal 11 was an interview-based study. You may want to use a table like that used for the quantitative data evaluation.

•

Try the following exa111-style questions.

Paper 1 1. In the Nelson study, who \Vere the nvo groups of participants in study I?

(2 marks)

2. Outline ho\V Nelson measured the moral

(2 nlarks)

4. Evaluate the Nelson study in terms of using (IO marks) children in psychological research.

•

Nelson study.

(3 marks)

2. Outline one finding from the Nelson

judgments of the children in the study and outline ho"' it \VllS scored. (4 marks)

3. Outline one result fronl the Nelson study.

Paper 2 1. Outline ho\V intervie\\IS \1o1ere used in the

study.

3. Redesign the Nelson study as a case study.

(3 marks) (I 0 1narks)

4. Discuss the strengths and weaknesses of collecting quantitative data using Nelson (I 0 nlarks) study as an example.

PHYSIOLOGICAL PSYCHOLOGY

CORE STUDY 6.1 Schachter & Singer ( 1962)

CONTEXT Early ideas that looked into emotions focused on purely physiological factors and assumed that ever}' emotion has a distinct physiological state. When research was conducted in the late 1800s and early 1900s, there \Vas no real evidence for this as many emotions appeared to have similar physiological bases. This allo\ved psychologists to begin to assess the role of psychological factors such as thoughts (cognitions) in emotions and ho\v we experience them. Could it be that some en1otions have a sin1ilar physiological basis but the \vay \VC are thinking at t11e time (e.g. \vhat \Ye are doing) makes us experience them as different emotions? Therefore, are en1otions an interaction bet\veen physiological and psychological fac tors? ASK YOURSELF

Do you sometimes "feel" an emotion without knowing why? What do you do If this happens (e.g. how do you describe the emotion you are feeling at that lime)? Do we have to always have a label for our emotions?

AIM To investigate whether \vhen \\le are in a state of physiological arousal that has no immediate explanation and \vbat role cognitive factors play in the experience of

that en1otion (e.g. ho\v \ve label it). Also, the researchers ain1ed to see whether \vhen \\IC do have an appropriate explanation for feeling a certain en1otion we always label it as the n1ost appropriate en1otion.

METHOD Design As soon as participants had agreed to an injection of Suproxin (the name given to the "drug"), they \Vere placed into one of the four groups:

1. Epinephrine informed (Epi Inf):

Design

Participants in this group were injected with epinephrine and \Vere told that some people feel side effects of the drug and that these \Vould last no more than 20 minutes. The side effects that they \Vere told abou t \Vere hand shaking, heart pounding and feeling \varm.

2. Epinephrine ignorant (Epi lgn): The experin1enter simply injected the participant and said nothing about any side effects and then left the roon1. As the injection was happeni ng the experin1cnte.r did n1ention that the injection would be mild and harn1less \Vith no side effects.

3. Epinephrine niisinformed (Epi Mis): Participants were injected with epinephrine and told that some people feel side effects of the drug and that these would last no more than 20 minutes. Ho\vever, the side effects outlined \Vere incorrect. Participants were told that feet feeling numb, becoming itchy and developing a headache were common side effects.

CHAPTER 6: PHYSIOLOGICAL PSYCHOLOGY

etc. As the questionnaire progressed, the questions became more and more personal and concerning to anS\ver. For exan1ple, they \Vere asked to list childhood diseases so the stooge \vould complain that be or she could never remember the1n and at 1vbat age the stooge had had them. Another question, about father's income, irritated the stooge. Subsequent questions took the form of statements such as "does not bathe or \\lash regularly" and the stooge and participant 1vere asked to name son1eone from their immediate family 1vho most closely fitted the statement. The stooge angrily crossed out the statements. Further questions included frequency of sexual intercourse and at this point the stooge shouted "To hell 1vith it! 1 don't have to tell the111 all this!" then ripped up the questionnaire, thre1\I it on the Aoor, got his or her books and left the room.

4. Saline: Participants in this group \Vere injected \Vith a saline solution (salt) and followed the same procedure as the Epi Ign group. The study \Vas about hO\V psychological effects could help us to understand and label emotions caused by physiological n1echanisms. 1\vo conditions \Vere used: euphoria and anger. ~

I

If participants \Vere in the euphoria group, as soon as they had been injected the e>."Perimenter left and then returned \Vil h a stooge (a person 'vho poses as a true participant but is an actor and part of the study). This person \vas introduced to the participant. They \Vere both told that they had to 1vait 20 minutes before beginning the "tests of vision" to allo1v the Suproxin to be fully absorbed by the body. The room they 1vere in was not tidy and the experirnenler apologised for this. The experin1enter left, saying the stooge and participant could use the paper, rubber bands and pencils that were lying around the room. The stooge Control then con1pleted a set procedure that 1vas designed (it 1vas hoped) to bring about a feeling of euphoria. He or she dre1v fish on a piece of scrap paper and then complained that the paper \\135 no good so screwed it up and tried to thro1v it into the bin, ahvays missing, then trying to make it into a basketball game to get the true participant involved. The stooge "'ould then make things such as paper airplanes and a slingshot from a rubber band to fire paper across the room, and tried to hula-hoop (all \vit h ite1ns deliberately left in the room for th is purpose). If the true participant ever can1e up 1vith gan1es that the stooge could take part in, he or she would always do so.

~

Those in the anger group met the stooge in the sru11e way as the euphoria group. The stooge wd participant were told that they needed to use the 20 minutes to complete a questionnaire that 1vas handed to them. Just before beginning, the stooge 1vould tell the participant that it was unfair that tJ1e experin1enter had not revealed the injection beforehand and that it is difficult to refuse once you say yes to a study. At regular points \vhen the stooge \Vas completing the questionnaire the individual 1vould raise issues \Vith it. The first fe\V questions \Vere standard ones Control about personal information, what you eat,

TEST YOURSELF

Outline the four conditions used In this study. What role did the stooge play in euphoria condition? All four of the injection conditions experienced the euphoria procedure. Three conditions experienced the anger procedure (not the Epi Mis). There 1vere hvo n1easures of emotion collected: ~

Observation - unbekno1vn to participants they \\!ere being \Vatcbed through a one-1vay 1nirror. The stooge 1vould engage in 14 standard Quant behaviours during the euphoria condition. For each of these standard behaviours, the behaviour of the participant \Vas classified into one or more of four categories: I. joins in \Vith the activity; 2. Initiates a Reliable ne1v activity that the stooge had not sho1vn; 3. Ignores 1J1e stooge; 4. Watches the stooge. There 1vas more than one observer to test for reliability (and they agreed on 88 per cent of the observations).

~

For the anger condition, behaviour was coded under six categories: I. Agrees 1vith the stooge; 2. Disagrees 1vith the stooge; 3. Shows neutral behaviour; 4. Initiates agreement or disagreement (e.g. says "1 hate this kind of thing" but not as a response to the stooge); 5. Watches the stooge; 6. Ignores the stooge.

~

Self-reports - when the session with the stooge had ended, participants were asked to con1plete a questionnaire asking then1 about a range of things. They '"ere asked to rate ho'" angry they felt. ho"' good or happy they felt and if they felt any of the "side effects" that they had been led to believe they might. All of these questions used rating scales.

Participants A total of 184 1nale students fron1 the University of Minnesota (introductory psychology class) took part in the study. Around 90 per cent of students in Sample these classes volunteered to be in a subject pool. They received nvo extra points in their final exan1 for every hour they took part in an experin1ent. All participants '"ere cleared by the st·udent health service to checl< that they 1vould not be banned by the injection.

explained to them that the drug was Suproxin, they \Vere testing 1vhat effect it could have and that the procedure was mild and harn1less. Participants \Vere then asked if they would agree to the injection. Just one participant refused. After this, a physician entered the room to give the injection. Depending on Reliable the condition that the participant had been placed in, the procedure follo,ved the Design section above (e.g. if in the Epi lgn/euphoria group the procedures reported in the Design section were follo1ved ). After participants had co1npleted the questionnaires. the researchers told them the experiment had no1v been completed. They explained the deception element of the study and that it 1vas necessary. lhen they asked if participants had been suspicious of the stooge and learned that I J had been very suspicious. These participants' data were eliminated fron1 the analyses.

Procedure

RESULTS

Participants \Vere told that the study 1vas about the effects of a vitamin supplen1ent on vision. When they arrived they were taken to a private room and it 'vas

Table 6.1 shows the average pulse rating and self-rating of the different Mside effects" per group.

Pre

Post

Palpitation

Tremor

Numbness

Itching

Headache

Euphoria Ep1 Inf Epi lgn Ep1 Mis Placebo

27 26 26 26

85.7 84.6 82.9 80.4

88.6 85.6 86.0 77.1

1.20 1.83 1.27 0.29

1.43 1.76 2.00 0.24

0 0 15 0.06 0.09

0.16 0 0.08 0

0.32 0.55 0.23 0.27

Anger Ep1 Inf Epi lgn Placebo

23 23 23

85.9 85.0 84.5

92.4 96.8 79.6

1.26 1.44 0.59

1.41 1.78 0.24

0.17

0 0.06 0.06

0.11 0.21 0.06

0 0.14

A Table 6.1 The effects of the injections on bodily state

In all of the epinephrine conditions, pulse rate increased as expected. Also, those in the epinephrine groups experienced 1nore palpitations and tremors. Quant ln five participants it was clear that the epinephrine 1vas having no effect whatsoever, and 1vhile their data is presented above, the statistical walyses belo'v did not include them.

In tenns of coin paring groups in tern1s of the selfreported emotions, the follo\ving main findings en1erged: ~

Participants in the Epi Inf group '"ere signifi cantly less euphoric lhw the Epi Mis group.

~

Participants in the Epi Inf group 1vere significantly less euphoric than the Epi lgn group.

CHAPTER 6: PHYSIOLOGICAL PSYCHOLOGY '

~

There was no difference benveen the placebo and Epi .Nlis group on levels of euphoria.

ln terms of behavioural indications of euphoria,

Table 6.2 highlights the average score on an activity index (how much participants engaged in euphoric behaviours) and the number of acts they initiated.

None of the groups differed significantly fron1 each other on these scores but the Epi Inf group sho\ved the highest levels of self-reported anger. It should also be noted that behaviourally (through the observation), the Epi fgn group sho\ved the most overt anger of any group (on average). Overall, the follo\ving main findings can be reported: ~

25

0.98

Epi lgn

25

1.78

Epi Mis

28

1.90

Placebo

26

1.61

A Table 6.2 Self-report or emotional state in the euphoria

conditions As Table 6.2 sho\vS, the Epi Mis group engaged in the n1ost activities and initiated n1ore behaviours. The only significant difference was between the Epi Mis and Epi lnf groups. This could be taken as these participants choosing to use psychological or behavioural cues to regulate their behaviours. For the anger analyses, the research tean1 analysed both the self-report and behavioural aspects. Ho\\•ever, more \\•eight \Vas placed on the self-report data. The situation \vith the stooge generated anger to\vards the researcher n1ore than anyone else because that person had made participants complete the questionnaire. Ho\vever, even the angriest student might refrain from venting this anger as the researcher would be the person marking the end of tenn exam. Table 6.3 sho1vs the Quant average anger score from the self-report per condition.

22

1.91

Epi lgn

23

1.39

Placebo

23

1.63

A Table 6.3 Self-report of emohonal state in the anger

conditions

When participants had a satisfactory explanation for their physiological state of arousal they did not label this state 1vith alternative information that was available (in this case euphoria or anger). Those \vho 1vere injected with epinephrine and were told exactly 1vhat they would feel and \vhy, did not show heightened levels of that en1otion (e.g. did not becon1e niore angry). Those who did not have adequate explanation used the current situation they were in to ex.plain their heightened physiological stale. TEST YOURSELF

Outline three key results from this study. How useful are they? Could this study be replicated easily? Why?

CONCLUSION There are hvo factors involved in our experiences of en1otions: our physiological arousal or state and the information or cognitions that help us to understand the behaviour \Ve feel. These interact and make us feel different emotions.

EVALUATION Since Schachter & Singer used a laboratory experiment, \Ve can use the general evaluations from Chapter 1, page 1 and apply them directly to the study:

Strength

Laboratory experiments have high levels of control and so can be replicated to test for reliability.

Schachter & Singer had many controls (e.g the set order of the stooge activities, what the person injecting said and did, what was injected and how the observations were set out and categonsed). This means another researcher could easily replicate this study to test for reliability.

Strength

As laboratory experiments have high levels of control, researchers can be more confident it Is the IV directly affecting the DV.

Again, as there were many controls (e.g. the instructions given to the four groups and how the stooge behaved), Schachter & Singer cou ld be confident that it was the information provided to participants that directly affected the moods and emotions they reported.

Weakness

Many laboratory experiments make participants take part in tasks that are nothing like real-hfe ones so they lack mundane realism

Being injected with an "unknown" drug then sitting with a stooge as you attempt to complete a questionnaire 1s not a usual task in everyday life. Therefore, the study can be said to be low 1n mundane realism.

AJso, Schachter & Singer can be assessed on ethical issues:

Deception

Participants thought that they were receiving a v1tam1n supplement called Suprox1n (when 1t was actually eph1nephrine). They also thought that the stooge was another real participant who had been injected and was completing the quest1onna1res

Protection

Participants were injected, which could have caused physical pain Also, as they were in situations that could bring about euphona or anger, they were not leaving the study 1n the same psychological state as they entered.

Other points that can be used to evaluate the study include these: ~

Use of independent groups: the results may have been affected by participant variables as they only took part on one of the conditions. Design Therefore, participants \Vho were "naturally" more euphoric or angry could have been in those particular groups and therefore it was not ahvays the labelling that \Vas affecting behaviour participant \'ariables could not be controlled for.

~

Volunteers: the sample \vas n1ade up of volunteer students " 'hich may not be representative of a

wider population when it conies to Sample the effects of cognitive factors on emotional behaviour. Older adults may act differentl y as 1nay people fron1 other cultural backgrounds. CHALLENGE YOURSELF Evaluate lhe Schachter & Singer study in terms of it being a snapshot study and individual versus s1tualional explanations. You may want to use a table s1m1iar to that used for the laboratory experiment evalualion.

CHAPTER 6: PHYSIOLOGICAL PSYCHOLOGY

Exam centre Try the follo\ving exam-style questions.

Paper 2 1. Outline ho\v quantitative data \vere collected

Paper 1 1. Name the four conditions in the Schachter & Singer study.

(4 marks)

2. Outline two controls that Schachter & Singer used in their study.

(4 marks)

3. Identify two behaviours the stooge sho,ved in the anger condition in the Schachter & Singer study. (2 marks)

4. Evaluate the Schachter & Singer study in terms (10 marks) of one strength and one \veakness.

in Schachter & Singer study.

(3 marks)

2. Outline ho\v the Schachter & Singer study \vas from the ph)1siological approach.

(3 marks)

3. To what extent are the findings of the Schachter & Singer study useful to society?

(10 111arks)

CORE STUDY 6.2 Dement & Kleitnzan ( l 957)

CONTEXT The topics of sleep and drean1ing are clearly hard to investigate because the participant is necessarily asleep and so cannot comn1unicate with the researcher. Even \\•hen participants are a\vake, only self-report data can be obtained about dream content and these alone might not be valid, as they are subjective. The study of sleep and dreaming becan1e more scientifically rigorous \Vith the invention of physiological techniques to measure brain activity that indicated dreaming (the electro-encephalograph, or EEG) and allo\ved the electrical recording of eye niove1nents (the electro-ocuJogrrun, or EOG) rather than Lheir direct observation. These techniques \Vere used by Den1ent & KJeilman to trace the cyclical changes that occur in brain activity and eye moven1ents during a night's sleep. The cycle alternates behveen a stage in "'hich there are eye movements, and several stages during 1vh ich Lhere are none. In the dream or rapid eye n1oven1ent (REM) sleep stage, our eyes n1ove under the lids (hence "rapid eye n1ove1nent"). In Aserinsk'Y & Kleitman's (1955) study, participants 1voken fron1 this stage 1\lere n1ore likely to report a vivid, visual drean1, than participants 1\loken fro1n non-rapid eye movement (nREM) sleep. NonREM sleep can be broken do1vn into four stages (I to 4), of \Vhich I is the lightest ruid 4 the deepest. REN! sleep resembles 1vakefulness in so1ne 1vays: our eyes move, 1ve often experience vivid (if bizarre) thoughts in the form of dreams, and our brains are active. Ho1vever, in other ways it is very different fro1n \Vakefulness: we are quite difficult to wake up, 1ve are fairly insensitive to external stin1uli, and 1ve are paralysed. As REM sleep presents these contradictions, it is also kno1vn as paradoxical sleep. An electro-encephaJograph (EEG) detects ru1d records tiny electrical changes associated \Vith nerve and n1uscle activity. The EEG machine produces a chart (an

encephalogram) that shows brain "raves (see Figure 6.1 ). These change 1vith the frequency and amplitude (i.e. the "height': \vhich indicates the voltage) of electrical output from the brain over time. in REM sleep, the EEG is relatively lo1v voltage, high amplitude. Non-REM sleep has either high voltage and slow (low an1plit ude) waves, or frequent "sleep spindles': which are short-lived highvoltage, high-frequency 1vaves.

.A Figure 6.1 Measures such as frequency and amplitude of brain waves measured with an EEG are ratio scales.

Modern EEG machines are entirely computerised, whereas Dement and Kleitman's EEG bad continuously running paper. The faster the paper moved, the 1nore detail could be recorded. The paper \Vas usually 1noving at 3m1n or 6mm per second, although a faster speed of 3cm per second 1vas used for de tailed analysis. To ren1en1ber the n1eaning of EEG it can help to break the word down: ;, electro (electric) ;, en cephalo (in bead) ;, graph (1vriting). The same EEG electrodes and machine can also be used to record eye n1ovements. The output - called an electro-oculogra111 (EOG) - indicates the presence or absence of eye 111oven1ents, their size and their direction (horizontal or vertical). ASK YOURSELF

Do you remember your dreams? Do you always remember certain types of dream?

CHAPTER 6: PHYSIOLOGICAL PSYCHOLOGY

AIM To investigate dreaming in an objective \vay by looking for relationships benveeo eye movements in sleep and the dreamer's recaU. These included whether dream recall differs between REM and nRENI sleep, \vhether there is a positive correlation bet\veen subjective cstin1ates of dream duration and the length of the REM period and whether eye-moven1ent patterns are related to drcarn content.

METHOD This study included several laboratory investigations \Vith different designs. Three specific approaches were used to test the three aims:

/!> 1·0 tesl whether dream recall differs bet \Veen REM and nREM sleep: participants were woken either in REM or nREM, but were not lold which stage of sleep they had been in prior to \vaking. They continued \vhether they had been having a dream and, if so, described the content into a recorder.

/!> To test \Vhether subjective estimates of dream duration are related to the length of the REM period: participants were woken following either 5 or LS minutes in REtvt sleep. 111ey \vere asked to choose whether they though t they had been drean1ing for 5 or 15 niinutes. Longer REM periods \Vere also tested. Again, they gave a report of dream content and the number of \vords in the dream narrative was counted.

/!> To test \vhether eye-n1ovement panerns represent the visual experience of the dream content or \vhether they are simply random movements arising from the activation of the central nervous system during dream sleep: the direction of e)•e niovements \ V3S detected using electrodes around the eyes (EOG). Participants \Vere woken after exhibiting a single eye-movement pattern for longer than one minute. Again, they were asked to report their dream.

Design Den1ent & Kleitman described this series of studies as experiments. Approach I \Vas a natural experiment in a . . . . . laboratory setting and approach 2 \vas a true experin1ent, with each participant being tested

-.i

in both conditions, i.e. they used a repeated measures design. Approach 2 also included a correlation:

Design

/!> Approadl l: the levels of the IV \Vere REM sleep/ non-REM sleep and the DV was \vhether a dream was reported and, if so, the detail.

/!> Approach 2: the data were used in both experi rnentaJ and correlational designs. Experimental analysis: the levels of the IV "'ere \vaking after 5 or 15 n1inutes, and the DV \vas the participants choice of 5 or 15 minutes. Correlational analysis: the t\vo variables \"ere the participant's tin1e estinlate and the number of words in the dre-,un narrative.

/!> Approach 3: the IV of eye-moven1ent pattern type could not be manipulated by the researchers, so this was also a natural experin1ent (conducted in a laboratory). 111e DV \ Vas the report of drearn content.

Participants Nine adult participants \Vere used in this study (seven male and t\VO female). Four of these \Vere niainly used to confirm the data from five \vho were studied in detail 111ose studied i11 detail spent between 6 and 17 nights in the laboratory and were tested \vith 50- 77 a'"akenings. Those used to confirm the findings stayed only one or t\vo nights and were awoken bel\veen four and ten times in total. Each participant \vas identified by a pair of initials. TEST YOURSELF Outline how the three approaches 1n this study were d esigned.

Procedure During the daytime prior to arrival at the laboratory, participants ate normally (excluding drinks containing alcohol or caffeine). They arrived at the EcoV laboratory just before their normal bedtime and \Vere fined \Vith electrical recording apparatus. This included electrodes anached near the eyes (to record eye movements) and on the scalp (to record brain waves). Once the participant was in bed in

a quiet, dark room, wires fron1 the electrodes (which fed to the EEG in the experimenter's room) were gathered into a "pony tail" from the person's head, to Control allo\v freedom of movement. The EEG ran continuously through the night to monitor the participant's sleep stages and to inforn1 the experimenters \vhen the participant should be \voken up. Participants \vere \voken by a doorbell that \\'llS loud enough to rouse then1 fron1 any sleep stage. This meant that the experin1enter did not have to enter the rooms to \vake participants, and thus they \Vere alJ treated in exactly the sanie \vay. The doorbell \vas rung at various times during the night and participants indicated \vhether they had been dreaming prior to being \voken and, if so, described their dream into a voice recorder. They then returned to sleep (typically \vithin live minutes). Occasionally, the experin1enter entered the roon1 after the participant had fi nished speaking, in order to ask questions. When the narrative was analysed, it was considered to be a drean1 only if it \Vas a coherent, fairly detailed description of the content (i.e. vague, fragmentary in1pressions were not scored as dreams). The patterns of REM and nREM \vakings differed bel\,•een different participants, \vhose initials are used here. For PM and KC, \vakings \vere determined randomly to elinlinate any possibility of an unintentional pattern. \VD \Vas treated in the same \vay, although he was told that he would be \voken only from drean1 sleep. ON \Vas \\•oken in a repeating pattern of three REM follo\ved by three nREM a\\•akenings. The \vaking of JR from REM or nREM \vas chosen by the experin1enter.

RESULTS Quantitative and qualitative data we re gathered in response to approaches l and 2. Only qualitative data were gathered for approach 3.

Results for approach 1 Does dream recall differ bet\veen REM and nREM sleep?

Participants described drearns often \vhen \voken in REM but rarely from nREM sleep (although there \vere some individual differences). This pattern \vas consistent over the night. When a\vakened from nRfilil, participants tended to describe feelings (e.g. pleasantness, anxiety, detachment) but this did not relate to specific drea1n content. Table 6.4 sbo\vs dream recall following wakings from REtvl and non-REM sleep. Sleep stag,e (level of IV)

Number of limes participants reported the presence or absence of a dream (DV)

REM-sleep awakenings

Quant

Non-REM-sleep awakenings

Dream No Dream recall recall recall

recall

39

149

152

No

11

A Table 6.4 Instances of dream recall following waking from REM and non-REM sleep

Waking patten1 did not affect recall. Specifically, WO was no less accurate despite being 1nisled, and DN was no more accurate even though he niight have guessed the pattern of \vakings. Recall of dreams during nREM sleep \vas much more likely \Vhen the participant \vas \voken soon after the end of a REM stage. So, Rfil..l and nRE~l sleep differ as the vivid, visual dreams are reported only from \vaking during, or a short tin1e after, REM sleep.

Results for approach 2 Are subjective estimates of dream duration related to the length of the REM period? lnitiaUy, the researchers had atte1npted to \vake participants after various REM durations to ask them to estimate these. Although participants' responses weren't \vUdly \vrong, the task was Quant too difficult. When asked instead whether they had been in REM sleep for 5 or IS n1inu tes, participants responded more accurately. TI1ey were 88 per cent and 78 per cent accurate respectively for 5- or 15-minute REN! durations (see Figure 6.2).

CHAPTER 6: PHYSIOLOGICAL PSYCHOLOGY

I•

Right •

Wrong

I

~

Cl)

.c ~ 40+-- c

2,.E 30 - i - - -

GI -

-r

E ~

Ch

c

g

20-1-----

.s;;;

10+--

... «I

0

GI

Q-1--

after 5 minutes after 15 minutes Total (for 5 participants)

& Figure 6.2 Accuracy of dream-length estimations after 5 or 15 minutes of REM sleep

Although niost of the participants \Vere highly accurate (with only 0- 3 incorrect responses), one 1vas not. Participant DN frequently found he could recall only the end of his dream, so it seen1ed shorter than it actually \vas. Therefore, he consistently underestimated drean1 duration, often choosing S rninutes instead of JS. This meant he was accurate on short REM estimates (making only t\vo errors over ten 'vakings), but inaccurate after IS minutes' ofREtv! (making five errors over ten "·akings). Using REM periods over a range of durations, narratives fron1 IS2 dreams 1vere collected. However, 26 of these could not be used as they 1vere too poorly Quant recorded for accurate transcription. For the ren1aining dreains (15- 35 per participant) the nun1ber of words in the drean1 narrative was counted. Even though this 1vas affected by ho1v expressive the participllllt was, a significant positive correlation 1vas found bet"'een REM duration and number of 1vords in the narrative. The values varied bet1veen 0.4 and 0.71 for different participants. Dream narratives for very long durations (e.g. 30 or SO minutes) were not much longer than those for 15 niinutes. Participants did report, however, that they felt as though they had been drean1ing for a long tin1e, suggesting that they could not recall the early pai·t of the dreain.

Results for approach 3 Do eye nioven1ent patterns in REtv! sleep represent the visual experience of the dream?

The researchers found that participants' narratives 1\fere not sufficiently accurate to be matched exactly to the changes in eye-movement patterns over the length of a REM sleep period. Instead, participants 1vere woken after periods of specific eye-rnovement patterns (vertical, horizontal, both of these or little 1noven1ent). Three of the nine participants sho\\fed periods of predon1inantly vertical eye movements, and each 1vas allied to a narrative about vertical movement. In one, the participant dreamed about standing Qual at the foot of a tall cliff, using a hoist (a kind of winch or pulley). The person reported looking up at climbers at various levels on the cliff, and down at the hoist machinery. A single dream follo\ved predon1inantly horizontal niovements. Here, the participant reported dreaining about two people thro1\ling ton1atoes at each other. On ten occasions participants 1vere 1voken after little or no eye niovement. Here, they reported either watching something in the distance or staring 1••ith their eyes fixed on a single object. In tlvo cases, participants had been dreaming about driving. Their eyes had been very still, then made several sudden movements to the left just before being 1voken up. One participant reported a pedestrian standing on the left who hailed hin1 as he drove by, and the other had been startled by a speed ing car appearin g to his left as he arrived at a junction. There were 2 l wakings follo\\liog n1ixed eye n1ove1nents. In these instances, participants reported looking at people or objects nearby (rather than far a1vay) - e.g. in fighting or talking to a group of people. Dement & Kleitn1an also recorded the eye movements of people 1vhen they \Vere a1vake (including the five original participants and some other, na'ive ones). These findings confirmed that, when a\vake, our eyes are relatively stable 1vhen 1ve are focused on objects in the distance, and sho1\I n1ovements of similar amplitude to when we are drea1ning of vie1ving nearby objects (i.e. many small but frequent and predon1inantly horizontal movements). Fe1\I vertical movements 1vere recorded except 1vhen the experimenter thre1v a ball in the air for participants to \\'atch (and 1vhen they blinked).

Time of waking after REM stage Within 8 minutes After 8 minutes Number of wakings conducted

17

132

Number of dreams recalled

5

6

Percentage of occasions on which dreams recalled

29

is more likely at this time. Earlier research found that drean1s did not occur every night.111is study suggests three possible explanations for this difference: (a) If previous recordings 1vere not continuous, they may have failed to "catch" instances of dream sleep in every participant (if short REM periods occurred bet1veen sampling intervals). (b) Equipment might not have detected small eye

5

A Table 6.5 Number of dreams recalled following wakings from nREM sleep after an REM stage

Table 6.5 sho1vs that 1vhen woken fron1 nREM sleep, participants returned ton REM and the next REN[ stage was not delayed. When woken fron1 RENI quant sleep, participants generally did not dream again un til the next REM phase. TEST YOURSELF

Oulline rour different results from this study.

movements. (c) Participants in 1vho1n no dreaming "'as identified rnight have had dreams that led to fe1v eye n1oven1ents, such as those about distant or static objects.

2. lt is often believed that drean1s happen in an instant. If the length of REM periods is proportional to subjective estin1ates, this 1vou ld help to confirn1 that the hvo are related and would provide son1e inforn1ation about the rate at 1vhid1 drean1ing progresses. "lhe findi11g that the length of an REM period and its esti1nation by the participant are very similar shows that dreams are not instantaneous events but rather they are experienced in "real time~

3. Eye movements during REM sleep correspond to

CONCLUSIONS Dement & Kleitman drew three main conclusions from this study, one in relation to each approach:

1. Dreams probably (although not certainly) occur only during REM sleep, 1vhich occurs regularly throughout each night's sleep. Dreams reported when 1voken from nREM sleep are ones from previous REM episodes. A.s the REM phases are longer later in the night, dreaming

where, and at 1vhat, the dreamer is looking in the dream. This suggests that eye moven1ents are not simply random events caused by the activation of the central nervous system during drean1 sleep, but are directly related to dream imagery. Furthem1ore, they correspond in amplitude and pattern to those \Ve experience \Vhen a\vake.

. ...... CHAPTER 6:;'1=?1-t)'SIOLOGICAL PSYCHOLOGY ,. .... ... .. ·,····"'''"'•~~.

,

~

EVALUATION Since Dement & Kleitman used a laboratory experiment, we can use the general evaluations from Chapter I, page I and apply them directly to the study:

Strength

Laboratory experiments have high levels of control and so can be replicated to test for reliability

Dement & Kle1tman controlled many variables (e.g. pre-study levels of caffeine and alcohol, the doorbell sound, the EEG monitoring). This means that another researcher could easily rephcate this study to test 1t for rehab1hly

Strength

As laboratory experiments have high levels of control, researchers can be more confident It is the IV directly affecting the DV.

The high level of control of variables (see above) meant that for each part of the experiment. Dement & Kle1tman could confidently conclude cause and effect (e.g. that dream recall is affected by stage or sleep).

Weakness

As laboratory experiments take place in an artificial setting, it is said that they can lack ecological validity.

Participants had lo sleep In an artlficlal setting (in a laboratory. with electrodes on their head) Therefore, the study has low ecological validity.

Weakness

Many laboratory experiments make participants take part in tasks that are nothing like real-life ones so they lack mundane realism.

Being woken up and then asking to recall dream content or estimate dream length is not a normal activity for people. Therefore. the study lacks mundane realism.

Other points that can be used to evaluate the study include these:

I> Generalisability: only five people were studied "in detail" and four more used to confirm the findings. This could make it difficult to generalise . . . . beyond the sample of people because of the sample si.ze. These five + four people may not represent a \vide cross-section of society in terms of ho\v we dream and what we drean1 about.

l!M

I> Reductionisn1: the findings are all based around biological mechanisn1s affecting our dreaming state. Some psychologists 1nay see this as being

reductionist as there are psychological mechanisms that could be affecting dream content.

Reduct

CHALLENGE YOURSELF Evaluate the Dement & Kle1tman study in terms of it being a snapshot study and that it collected quantitative and q ualitative data. You may want lo use a table similar to that used for the laboratory experiment.

Exam centre Try the follO\\ling exam-style questions.

Paper 1 1. Outline two aims of the Den1ent & Kleitman study. 2. Outline one quantitative finding of the Dement & Kleitman study.

(4 marks) (2 marks)

3. Evaluate the Dement & Kleitman study in terms of one strength and one weakness. (10 marks)

Paper 2 1. Outline h0\\1 qualitative data \\/ere collected in the Dement & Kleitman study.

(3 marks)

2. Outline h0\\1 the Dement & Kleitman study is testing the physiological approach to psychology. (3 marks)

3. Redesign the Den1ent & Kleitrnan study using selfreport as the research niethod. (I 0 rnarks) 4. Discuss the strengths and weaknesses of laboratory experiments using the Dement & Kleitman study as an example. (10 marks)

CHAPTER 6: PHYSIOLOGICAL PSYCHOLOGY

CORE STUDY 6.3 1'\lfaguire, Fracko1t1iak & Frith (I 997)

CONTEXT Psychologists conducting research about memory are finding that different types of memory system arc located in different parts of the brain. One of these men1ory system has only recently begun to be studied: topographical 1ncn1ory, which consists of n1ernories that alJO\V us lo navigate and find our way around familiar environn1cnts. Thinking of a rou te you take qui te ofte n \Vi th all of the landmarks that you pass activales topographical 1ne rnories. If lhe route has son1e rneaning to you it is called a topograph ical semantic 1nen1ory. As you are visualising your roule, you a.re using what psychologists call a cognitive map - a "mental rnap" that helps you visualise yo ur route before you embark on your journey. It also allows yo u to recollect your route after your journey and you rnay add to it if a ne\v landmark becomes part of the route. All of this takes place in you r brain and until this study little 'vas kno"'O about \vhich specific arca(s) of the brain allo"' you to use cognitive maps. remember routes or visualise a route from A to B even though you never have travelled that route before - the latter is 1\lhat taxi drivers do on a regular basis.

METHOD Design Participants had to complete six tasks. Each task 1vas performed hvice. Five 1vere relevant to the current study. It was a repeated n1easures design Design \Vith all participants cornpleting all tasks (counterbalanced too). The 1vhole design was a 2 x 2 design \vith topographical/non-topographical being factor 1 and sequencing/non-sequencing being factor 2. Table 6.6 sho1vs the set-up.

T-

T-

routes

fi lm plots

famous landmarks

film frames

s+

S-

A Table 6.6 T+ mears it is testing topographical: S - means ASK YOURSELF

How do you lind your way home or to some other place? Do you use landmarks or visualise the route?

AIM

it is testing non-seqverc1ng These were t11e five tasks:

1. Describe the shorlest route bet1veen a starting point and a destination in the City of London. (Topographical and sequencing.)

2 . Describe a landtnark known to the ta.xi drivers (all To investigate: 1vhelher the re arc specific brain regions that are responsible for se111an tic topographical n1emory (in this Sludy, routes that had been or could be used by laxi drivers in London); 1vhether there 'vere brain functioning differences betlveen tasks that involved topographical or non-topographical n1en1ories; and if these t1vo types of memories 1vere affected by 1vhether the memory 1vas a sequence of logical events or not.

world-famous ones) in terms of features, appearance, etc. (Topographical and non-sequencing.)

3. Describe the plot of a film (fan1iliar to the participant) bet,veen two given points in the film. (Non-topographical and sequencing.) 4. Describe individual frarnes of sorne famous films (familiar to the participant) - not the plot but the imagery, characters, etc. (Non-topographical and non-sequencing.)

5. Repeat t\\'O sets of four-digit nun1bers (this was a baseline task so this sin1ple level of activity could be con1pared to that seen in the other four tasks.) All of the tasks 1vere completed verbally, 1vith the participant blindfolded and 1vhile the participant 1vas undergoing a positron emission to1nography ' Control (PET) brain scan. These types ofscan allo1v psychologists to see in real time 1vbich section(s) of the brain are active during specific tasks. Each participant, through a forearm cannula, received a H/ 50 intravenous bolus over a 20-second period Control follo1ved by a 20-second saline flush. This happened 12 times per participant.

drivers had shO\\•n the research tea1n exactly when to present each sti1nulus iten1 per task (so the maxin1um information could be extracted from the Reliable PET scan in1ages). Each participant performed the tasks in a different order and so co1npleted a total of 12 tasks. Every task lasted 90 seconds and there \\las an 8-minute gap bet1veen each task. Once all tasks 1vere completed, each participant 1\las debriefed. An MRI scan of the brain was also taken for each taxj driver.

I

Prior to the experin1ental tasks, participants had to co1nplete a questionnaire that asked about:

1. the areas of London that they 1vere familiar 1vith

2 . films that they thought they were "very fa1niliar 1vith" fro1n a list of 150 filn1s from J939 to the present day

3. 1vhich of201vorld-famous landmarks they could

RESULTS There \Vas no difference in the a1nounl of speech recorded for the four n1ain tasks so no task den1anded more of participants than the other tasks. When recalling a route in London, there were very few differences in routes chosen by participants. Below are the regions of the brain activated during each task compared to baseline:

visualise in their n1ind's eye and had visited. From this inforn1ation, the research tean1chose1vhich taxi routes they 1vanted them to describe and which film plots and famous landmarks were used

Extrastriate regions, medial parietal lobe, posterior c1ngulate cortex. parahippocamal gyrus and nght h1ppocampus

~ TEST YOURSELF

V

Outline two controls that were used in the study How easy would 1t be to replicate this study? Why?

Landmarks

Posterior c1ngulated cortex, medial parietal lobe, occ1pito-lemporal region and parahippocampal gyrus

Films

Left frontal regions. middle temporal gyrus, left angular gyrus

Participants A total of 11 right-handed qualified and licensed male taxi drivers took part in the study. Their average age was 45 years and none of then1 had any history of neurological illness. The average time they had spent being a London taxi driver 1vas 14.55 years Sample (+I- 12 years). The shortest tune any participant had been a taxi driver was three years. All participants gave infonned consent prior to taking part. All volunteered to take part.

Procedure After the questionnaires had been completed about familiar routes, landmarks and films, each participant under1vent a PET scan. A pilot study using non-taxi

The cerebellu1n was activated in all tasks compared to baseline. 1he major difference bet1veen the topograph ical tasks was that the right hippocan1pus clearly played a role in the sequencing aspect of topographical me1nories as this 1vas only ever activated during the route in London task. TEST YOURSELF

What were the main findings of this study? How valid are these findings?

CHAPTER 6: PHYSIOLOGICAL PSYCHOLOGY

CONCLUSION

hippocampus had a strong role sequential route planning. 1his see1ns to store information about routes in a sequence, especially those that have developed over a longer period of time.

The regions of Lhe brain used in semantic topographical memories are similar to those used in previous studies. In particular, the right

EVALUATION Since Maguire, Fracko\\•iak & Frith used a laboratory experin1enl, we can use the general evaluations from Chapter l, pages 1-2 and apply them directly to the study:

Strength

Laboratory experiments have high levels of control and so can be replicated to test for reliability.

There were many controls (e.g. lhe pilot questionnaire, the routes chosen to describe, the landmarks). The study could easily be replicated to test for rellabll1ty.

Strength

As laboratory experiments have high levels of control, researchers can be more confident it is the IV directly affecting the DV.

As there were many controls, the researchers can be confident that it is the type of task that directly affects participants' brain function.

Weakness

As laboratory expenments take place 1n an art1f1c1al setting, it 1s said that they can lack ecological validity.

Undergoing a PET scan in an artif1c1al environment is not something taxi dnvers usually do. Therefore, the study lacks ecological validity.

Weakness

Many laboratory experiments make participants take part in tasks that are nothing like real-life ones so they lack mundane realism.

Being blindfolded while descnb1ng a route verbally during a PET scan is not a task taxi drivers usually perform. Therefore, the study lacks mundane realism.

There could be son1e evaluation based around generalisations: ;. A strenb>th could be that as the study \Vas testing out physiological 1nechanisms, the results could be generalisable to a \vider population as we all have the same brain regions explored in this study (e.g. right hippoca1npus). ;. Ho,vever, as the sample \Vas restrictive in terms of den1ographics (only London taxi-drivers), it could be argued that the role of the right hippocampus in

sequential topographical men1ories might only be crucial in taxi drivers. 111e same might not be true for other route tinders (e.g. pilots or people trekking). CHALLENGE YOURSELF

Evaluate this study in terms of 11 using repeated measures and then again In terms of reductionism. You may want to use a table similar to that used for the laboratory experiment evaluation.

Exam centre Try the follo\ving exam-style questions.

Paper 1 1. In the .Nlaguire, Fracko\\liak & Frith study, identify two of the tasks that taxi drh•ers had to co1nplete. (2 marks)

2. Outline two controls that Maguire, Fracko\\liak & Frith used in their study. (4 marks)

3. ldentify two features of tJ1e sample used in tile Maguire, FrackO\\liak & Frith study. (2 marks)

4. Evaluate the Nlaguire, FrackO\\liak & Frith study in terms of one strength and one \veakness. (10 marks)

Paper 2 1. Outline ho\v quantitative data \vere collected in the Maguire, FrackO\\•iak & Frith study. (3 marks)

2. Discuss the strengths and weaknesses of using a repeated measures design using Maguire, Frackovviak & Frith as an example. ( l 0 marks)

3. To \vhat extent are the findings of the Maguire, Fracko,viak & Frith useful in ( I 0 1narks) everyday life?

CHAPTER 6: PHYSIOLOGICAL PSYCHOLOGY

CORE STUDY 6.4 Demntte, 6sterba11er & Spence (2007)

CONTEXT Psychologists have been studying attraction for years, focusing on facial attracti veness and social reasons as to why people becon1e attracted to each other. Findings from a range of studies have indicated that there are individual differences in '"hat people see and find "attractive" but also some common features such as facial symmetry. However, \vhen looking at courtship in other species, olfactory cues (smells) have been sho,vn to be very important in "attraction:· So, is it the same in humans? Con1pared to n1any other species, our ability to detect sn1ells is limited (the Jacobson's Organ helps detect sn1ells and \Ve have a small Jacobson's Organ in relation to our body size) but research has sho\vn that \vhen "'e do detect smells they play a role in \Vhether 1ve find something attractive or not. In addition, these "sn1ells" are more important for \VOrnen finding a mate attractive than men. ASK YOURSELF How much do smells affect your

perception or people and places? Are there certain smells that you find "attractive" and "unat1raclive"?

as a result. The research team chose a total Snap of20 faces labelled high attractiveness and 20 labelled lo1v attractiveness. Four odours 1vere chosen for the study: synthetic body odour, a n1ale fragrance called Gravity, geraniun1 and rubber. A pilot study confirn1ed that the Gravity and Reliable geraniun1 sn1ells 1vere pleasant and the body odour and rubber 111ere unpleasant. A cornputer-controlled olfactometer \I/as used to deliver the odours. They \vere diluted as follows to ensure I.hat none had a n1ore intense sn1ell than the Design others: body odour 0.33 per cent, geranium LO per cent, Gravity 0.5 per cent and rubber l.2 per cent (this \Vas confirmed via the pilot study). The design was a repeated measures experiment (\vithin participants). Each session consisted of 3 block.~ of 40 randon1ised trials (so each participant had lo complete 120 trials in total). Every face was presented three tirnes, once with a pleasant odour, once \Vith an unpleasant odour and once \llitb dean aiL The research learn counterbalanced the combinations of face and odour by creating four subgroups often faces (five attractive and five less attractive) matched for mean att ractiveness and these faces \Vere presented, randomly, as follO\VS:

1. ten 1vith clear air, geranium and body odour

2. ten \Vith clean air, Gravity and rubber 3. ten wi th clear air, geranium and rubber 4. ten with clean air, Gravity and body odour.

AIM To investigate 1vhether the perceived attractiveness of faces is affected by olfactory cues. Specifically, the study investigated \vb ether a pleasant or an unpleasant smell 1vould affect judgments of facial attractiveness.

METHOD Design Forty male faces 1vere chosen fron1 an established database (all 1vere pictures I3an \vide and l 7cm high). All had been assessed already for attractiveness many times and were labelled high, medium or lo\v attractiveness

The san1e odour 1vas never presented in consecutive trials. The 1vhole experin1ent lasted for SO rninutes per participant

Participants Sixteen fema le participants from the University of Oxford took part in the study. They had a mean age of 26 years (ranging from 20 to 34). None of the111 knew the purpose of the study. All \Vere asked to complete a con fidential questionnaire l o ensure that they had a norrnal sense of smell, had no history of any olfactory disorders and had normal vision or corrected-to-normal vision (e.g. 1vore glasses). All of this 1vas necessary to ensure that no variables other than odour could be affecting their perception of attractiveness.

Procedure

The order of events \Vas as follo\vs:

Each participant sat on a chair that \Vas 70cm from a computer screen. A chin rest \Vas used keep the person's head stable. Figure 6.3 sho\vs the EcoV order of events for one trial.

1. Participants \Vere told to look at a

Reliable

cross on the screen.

2. They \Vere told to exhale as soon as they heard a quiet tone.

a

Key

100ms Clean air

Quiet tone 200ms

I

a

1 500ms .. ~ Loud tone .. , 200ms

a

Odour presentation

a

Loudspeaker

5000ms

a

1 OOOms .. Face presentation

.. 500ms

a

2000ms

a

until response

a

10000ms

Figure 6.3 Order or ewnts

3. They \Vere told to in hale through the nostrils as soon as they heard a loud tone. 4. SOOms after they had perfonned step 3, one of the four odours (or clean air) \Vas delivered.

5. Participants had to decide if an odour had been presented or not.

6 . l 000111s after the odour had been delivered, the cross disappeared on the n1onitor and a face appeared for S001ns. When the face disappeared any odour that \Vas being delivered was replaced with clean air.

7. The screen then turned black for 2 OOOn1s then participants were presented with a 9-point rating scale. They had to rate the face for attractiveness (I being least attractive and 9 being most attractive).

8. As soon as the response had been logged, the fixation cross reappeared I 0 OOOms before the next trial began. 9. There \Vas a rest period of 5 minutes after each block of 40 trials.

At the end of each session, participants had Quant to rate each odour on three dimensions (intensity, pleasantness and familiarity). They used a labelled magnitude scale (LMS) - a line with 0 at one end and I 00 at the other for then1 to mark \vith a pen \Vhere their response lay. The order of presentation of the scale and the odou r \vas randon1ised between participants. TEST YOURSELF

Whal was the sample used In this study? How was the attractiveness or the laces rated ? Whal were the two "pleasant odours" used in the study?

RESULTS Table 6.7 shows the mean attractiveness ratings across all odours.

Quant

CHAPTER 6: PHYSIOLOGICAL PSYCHOLOGY

CONCLUSION

Statistical analysis showed thal faces \Vere rated less attractive \vhen an unpleasant odour was presented compared to a pleasant odour. Ho\vever, there was no significant difference in attractiveness ratings for pleasant odours compared to clean air.

It appears that olfactory cues can regulate perception of facial attractiveness. Participants consistently rated faces as less attractive '"hen presented \\Tith an Ind vs Sit unpleasant odour.

When the scores for both pleasant odours and both unpleasant odours \Vere merged, the average ratings for attractiveness \\lere as follo\\•S: Quant clean air (4.90), pleasant odou rs (4.85) and unpleasant odours (4.42).

CHALLENGE YOURSELF

The researchers chose to use a laboratory expenment for this study. Redesign the study as a case study of one participant lnelude who will be taking parl, what design deciSIOns you need to make, how you \Viii run the study. and when and where 11 will take place.

The LMS data sho\ved that the pleasant and unpleasant odours \\lere n1ore intense than clean air (as expected). The unpleasant odours \Vere indeed rated less pleasant than the pleasant odours. TEST YOURSELF

Describe the sludy lo a friend or Family member In Lerms of a brief aim, what lhe researchers did, what the key findings were and whal it all means.

Quant '

Facial attractiveness Odour Clean air

Mean (SD) Geranium

High

5. 70 (0.21)

5.40 (0.23)

Low

4.10 (0.16)

4.06 (0.20)

-

-

Body odour

Gravity -

Rubber -

5.73 (0.24)

5.39 (0.21)

4.96 (0.25)

4.15 (0.20)

3.64 (0.21)

3. 72 (0.23)

.A Table 6.7 Mean attractiveness ratings

EVALUATION Since Dematte, Osterbaucr & Spence a laboratory experiment, we can use the general evaluations from Chap ter I, pages 1- 2 and apply then1 direc tl y to the study:

Strength

Laboratory experiments have high levels of control and so can be replicated to test for reliability.

Controls for this study include the pre-rating of races for attractiveness, the odour concentrations and the tnals • standardised presentation. Therefore. the study could be replicated to test for reliable results (e.g. using a different sample).

The standardised procedure including the delivery of the different smells means the researchers can be confident it was the odour presented that affected the ratings of attractiveness.

Strength

As laboratory experiments have high levels of control, researchers can be more confident it is the IV directly affecting the DV.

Weakness

The setting was artificial as participants sat on a chair with As laboratory expenments take place in an artificial setting. it is said their chin on a chin rest that they can lack ecological validity.

Weakness

Having an odour released near your face and then having Many laboratory experiments can make participants take part 1n tasks to rate a picture on attractiveness is not something that thal are nothing like real-life ones so would happen 1n everyday life. they lack mundane realism.

Dematte, Osterbauer & Spence collected quantitative data only. This also has strengths and weaknesses: Evaluation

General evaluation (quantitative data)

Related to Dematte, bsterbauer & Spence

Strength

The data are objective and can be analysed statistically to draw conclusions from them.

The ratings g iven by participants were numerical (on a scale of 1 9) so averages could be calculated to show the difference between the attractiveness ratings per odour presented.

Strength

As the data are numerical, comparison and statistical analysis are easier (e.g. the average score of two different groups can easily be compared so there 1s very little bias or misinterpretation.

The ratings were given by participants and analysed for a mean score per presented odour. There was no room for misinterpretation of results or drawing the wrong conclusion. This made comparisons easy.

Weakness

Numencal data miss out on valuable information If the answer 1s simply yes;no or on a rating scale we do not know why part1c1pants chose the answer they did.

The researchers do not know lhe reasoning behind participants' ratings of the faces so lose some nch detail that could have been collected via qualitative data.

Weakness

Social desirability and/or demand characteristics can affect quantitative data as it Is simply a number that is recorded.

Some participants may have worked out the aim of the study and recorded rallngs that fitted in with the study aims (demand characteristics), e.g. they may have rated faces more attractive when pleasant odours were delivered because they felt that was expected. This reduces the validity of the study.

This is another point that can be used to evaluate the study: ~

~

Use of repeated rneasures rneans Lhat any participant variables have been controlled for. This is because all participants rated all pictures under unpleasant odour, pleasant odour and clean air conditions. This controlled for things such as personal viev1s on attractiveness. Ho\vever, as they did rate all pictures under unpleasant odour, pleasant odour and clean air

conditions, participants n1ay have been able to work out the ain1 of the study and give rati ngs based on that rather than their O\Vn personal judgments (demand characteristics). This reduces the validity of the study. CHALLENGE YOURSELF Evaluate this study in terms or 1t being a snapshot study. You may want lo use a table like those used for the laboratory experiment and quanmat1ve data evaluatt0ns.

CHAPTER 6: PHYSIOLOGICAL PSYCHOLOGY

Exam centre Try the following exa1n-style questions.

Paper 1 1. In the Oen1atte, Osterbauer & Spence study, \vhat \Vere the pleasant odours?

(2 marks)

2. Outline two controls that Dematte, Osterbauer & Spence used in their study.

(4 marks)

3. Identify two features of the san1ple used in the Dematte, Osterbauer & Spence study.

(2 marks)

4. Evaluate the Dematte, Osterbauer & Spence study in terms of one strength and one \vealo1ess. (10 marks)

Paper 2 1. Outline ho\v quant ital ive data \Vere collected in the Dematte, Osterbauer & Spence study.

(3 marks}

2. Redesign the Den1atte, Osterbauer & Spence study using self-report as the research (IO marks) method_

3. Discuss the strengths and weaknesses of laboratory experi1nents using Dematte, Osterbauer & Spence as an example. (I 0 nlarks)

THE PSYCHOLOGY OF INDIVIDUAL DIFFERENCES ASK YOURSELF

TUDY 7.1

What do you know about how mental health disorders are diagnosed? I nvesligate whether you are correct.

Rose11ha11 ( 1973)

CONTEXT Psychologists have been arguing for many years about \Vhat behaviours can be regarded as abnormal. It is a controversial area because of the implications of diagnosing individuals as "abnormal" or "mentally iU" on their subsequent treatment. Psychiatrists, \vho consider mental illness as equivalent to other forms of illness, have tried to classify abnormality formally. The medical model of mental illness tries to determine the appropriate treatment for an individual by establishing categories of symptoms that form an identifiable disorder. Psychiatrists use the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM) to classify abnorn1al behaviour and diagnose patients. Rosenhan and others have criticised the medical model of mental illness as parl of what is kno\vn as the "antipsychiatry move1:nent''. While they accept that niental suffering and deviant bellaviour exist, tJ1ey question \Vhether tJ1e 1110St Useful way of understanding the1n is through a rigid syste1n of classification. One of the most serious criticis1ns of psychiatry is that it actually increases tJ1e suflering of those \vho receive a 1ne11tal health diagnosis, because it removei> control fron1 tJie patient, \vho can then be nianipulated for political and social purposes. A second major issue for Rosen han \vas the reliability and validity of diagnosis: to \vhat extent can the sane be consistentJy and accurately distinguished from the insane?

AIM

-

To investigate \vhether the sane can be reliably and accurately distinguished from tJ1e insane. Study l investigated \vhether normal, sane individuals \vould be admitted to psychiatric hospitals, then if and how they " 'ould be discovered. Study 2 exainined \vhether genuine patients \vould be misidentified as "sane" by various hospital staff.

METHOD (STUDY 1) Eight pseudopatients were confederates over the age of20 and included Rosenhan, a psychology graduate student in his t1venties, psychologists, a pediatrician, a psychiatrist, a painter and a house,vife. Three \Vere fe1nale, five \Vere rnale. All used fa lse nan1es, ai1d those \Vith careers in mental heahh clain1ed lo have an alternative occupation to avoid attracting any special attention from staff. Rosenhan was the first pseudopatient and his involvement 1vas kno,vn only to the hospital administrator and chief psychologist. To make the findings generalisable, the study used a variety of hospitals. Twelve hospitals \Vere chosen, across five states in the United States. They ranged

•

CHAPTER l ; THE. PS'i'CHOLOGYOf INDIVIDUAL.DIF.FERENCES .. . . ... .. .. . "" . . ... . '

'

from old and shabby, to modern and new, and included public, private and university-funded hospitals. Staff-to-patient ratios also varied greatly. The actual 'participants' \\'ere the 1nembers of staff at each hospital (doctors and nurses) and the real patients in each hospital that a pseudopatient gained entry to. •

After calling the hospital for an appointment, the pseudopatient arrived at its admissions office and asserted that he or she had been hearing voices, '"hich \Vere unclear but were saying "empty", "hollow" and "thud". These words were chosen by Rosenhan as they \Vere thought to in1ply a crisis about one's existence but, at the time the study \Vas conducted, there was no literature linking this to a kno,vn 1nental health disorder. Pseudopatients all reported that the voices \vere unfan1i liar and \Vere of the same sex. All other details of pseudopatients' lives, relationships and experiences 1vere given truthfully to staff, with the exception of their name, participation in the current study and, in some cases, occupation. Pseudopatients entered the study understanding that they had to be released from the institution by their O\Vn means, by convincing staff they 1vere sane. On the \vard, pseudopatients behaved "normally" and attempted to engage others in conversation. They indicated to staff that they \Vere no longer experiencing any symptoms, obeyed the rules and routines of the "'ard, and pretended to take prescribed n1edication 'vithout fuss. Although pseudopatients found the experience as a 1vhole distressing and unpleasant, staff recorded in their notes that pseudopatients were friendly and coopenllive. The study was a participant observation: researchers acted as genuine patients while keeping a written record of their personal experience in each institution. In four hospitals, pseudopatients also observed staff responses to a specifi c request. They asked: "When am J likely to be discharged?" Responses were recorded and compared to a control condition at Stanford University, where a researcher approached a faculty n1ember, asked a question such as "Do you teach here?" and recorded the response. TEST YOURSELF OuU1ne the procedure for this part of the study 1n fM:! sentences - ptck the most relevant parts for someone lo understand what happened in it.

•

•

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RESULTS (STUDY 1)

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Both quantitative and qualitative data were gathered. Pseudopatients 1vere admitted at all 12 hospitals. Despite sho,ving no symptoms of insanity once admitted, pseudopatients \Vere not detected by staff. Failure to recognise sanity therefore 1vas not related to the quality of the hospital. AII except one received diagnoses of schizophrenia. They were discharged 1\lith a diagnosis of"schizophrenia in remission", so they carried a label of mental illness beyond the hospital. The length of stay in hospital ranged fron1 7 to 52 days, the average stay lasting 19 days. During the first three trials, 35 out of a total of 118 genuine Quant patients voiced suspicions about the sanity of the pseudopalients. They 1nade accusations such as "You're not crazy ... you're checking up on the hospital", while none of the staff raised such concerns. Rosenh:in found a strong tendency to\vards a type 2 error in diagnosis, \Vhich is when a healthy person is diagnosed as ill. Rosenhan found that, once admitted \Vith a diagnosis of mental illness, subsequent behaviour by pseudopatients 1vas interpreted in light of th is. Qua I He calls this the "stickiness of psychodiagnostic labels". These are examples of"pathological behaviour" from the observers' experiences: When pacing in the hospital corridors fron1 boredom, pseudopatients 1vere asked by a nurse if they \Vere nervous. When recording behaviour in notes on the \\lard, pseudopatients \Vere described by staff as "engaging in 1vriting behaviour". Waiting outside the cafeteria before lund1, pseudopatienls 1vere said to de1nonstrate the "oralacquisitive" nature of their conditions. Experience of hospitalisation 1vas overwheln1ingly negative and unpleasant. Staff avoided interaction 1vith patients. On average, attendants spent only 11.3 per cent of their time mixing with patients in the dayroom, and even during this tin1e contact was n1inin1al and might involve routine care-taki ng tasks, such as folding laundry. The doctoral staff emerged even less often; on average, they left the separate staff areas only 6.7 times a day. The results of the separate observation conducted in four of the hospitals directly measuring staff interaction

1vith patients found that avoidance of a patient's questions 1vas high. Jn 1nany cases no response 1vas given, in others only brief responses 1vithout eye contact 1vere given while staff were "on the move". In contrast, in the university investigation, 1vhen staff members 1vere directly approached by the researchers, virtually all stopped and ans1vered their question. Po1verlessness 1vas evident in each institution. In addition to the restricted contact 1vith staff, personal privacy 1vas inadequate (e.g. patients' rooms Qual could be entered and examined by any members ofstaff 1vithout 1varning or justification. There "'as a lack of confidentiality; patients' case notes were read openly by staff 1vho had no therapeutic input Patients' personal hygiene and 1vaste evacuation 1vere monitored. 1bilet cubicles had no doors. Even the initial physical exan1inations were conducted in a semi-public roon1. Depersonalisation of patients 1vas also a key finding. Ward attendants physically abused patients in the presence of other patients. This behaviour ceased in the presence of any credible 1vitnesses. ln one instance a nurse undid her uniform to adjust her bra in full vie1v of male patients. A total of2 I 00 pills 1vere adn1inistered to pseudopatients (but not s1vallo1ved). Many other patients also disposed of their medication, unchallenged by staff as long as they were cooperative.

METHOD (STUDY 2)

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•

•

Participants 11•ere psychiatric staff at one research and teaching hospital 1vho had been briefed on the findings of the main study. Judgments 1vere made on 193 patients 1vho 1vere admitted for psychiatric treat1nent.

i Staff were informed that at some point during a threemonth period, one or more pseudopatients 1vould attempt to gain admission into the hospital. Each staff member 1vas asked to rate each patient - either at admission or on the 1vard - according to the likelihood that the patient 1vas an imposter. A 10-point scale 1vas used, with I reflecting the strongest belief that the

patient 1vas a pseudopatient, and I 0 the strongest belief that that patient 11•as genuine.

RESULTS {STUDY 2) All staff who had close contact or responsibility for patients nlade judgn1ents on the 10-point scale. This included attendants, nurses, psychiatrists, physicians and psychologists. Of tl1e patients adn1itted during the three-month period, 41 1vere rated \Vith high confidence to be pseudopat ients by at least one n1ember of staff. Of these, 23 1vere suspected by at least one psychiatrist, and 19 1vere suspected by a psychiatrist and at least one other staff me1nber. No pseudopatients actually presented themselves to the hospital for admission during the period of this study. This secondary study lends e\ridence to Roscnhan's argun1ent about the lack of reliability in diagnosis. 1n this instance, psychiatric staff con1n1itted a type I error by identifying mentally ill patients as healthy. ~

V

TESTYOURSELF Outline two findings from each study

CONCLUSION Rosen ha n's research challenges the idea that psychiatric professionals can effectively distinguish betlveen individuals 1vho are sane and those 1vho are insane: In study I Rosenhan condudes that psychiatrists are unable to reliably identify sane pseudopatients (type 2 error: false positive). In study 2 he claims to demonstrate that psychiatrists fail to detect insanity reliably (type 1 error: fa lse negative). These conclusions are consistent with Rosenhan's original scepticism about making diagnoses using the existing classifications of mental health disorders. Furthermore, 1vithin the "insane» environment of the psychiatric hospital, an individual's behaviour is perceived in a distorted manner, 1vhich maintains the person's diagnostic label.

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CHAPTER l ; THE. PS'i'CHOLOGYOf INDIVIDUAL.DIF.FERENCES .. . . ... .. .. . "" . . ... . '

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EVALUATION Since Rosenhan used observations as one of his methods (participant), " 'e can use the general evaluations from Chapter l, page 4 and apply them directly to the study: I

Strength

If participants are unaware that they are being observed they should behave "naturally." This increases the ecological valid ity or the observation.

Weakness

II may be difficult to replicate the study if it is naturalistic as many variables cannot be co ntrolled. This reduces the reliability o f the study.

•

a

I

I

I

Staff were unaware that they were being observed and so were most of the patients (some did have an idea the pseudopatient was not real). Therefore, what was being seen was the usual behaviour of par ticipants in their everyday surroundings so this aspect ot the study has ecological validity. Different hospitals are run in d ifferent ways (e.g. have different admissions procedures) which makes replication of this study in another hospital difficult.

We can also assess Rosenhan on usefulness:

Strength

The main advantage is that a study can be used to improve human behaviour in some way (e.g. if we find a better way to treat a mental illness then it is useful to society as a whole).

The findings from this study can be used to improve human behaviour in general, especially linked to mental illness and how 1t 1s treated. They were used to improve psychiatric care and diagnosis as the study highlighted the problems or the systems at the time.

Weakness

Studies might be unethical in order to gain more valid results.

There were elements or deception, the nght for the pseudopatients to withdraw voluntarily and protection from physical and psychological har m. However, all of these were necessary for the study to achieve valid results.

CHALLENGE YOURSELF Evaluate this study in terms of individual versus situational explanations of behaviour and qualitative and quantitative data collection. You may want to use a table similar lo lhose used for the observation and usefulness evaluations.

•

Try the follo\ving exam-style questions.

Paper1 1. Outline \Vho the pseudopatients \\<ere and ho\v they got admitted to the hospitals. (4 marks)

2. Outline one finding from the Rosenhan

Paper 2 1. Outline what quantitative data \Vere collected in the Rosenhan stud)'·

3. Outline one aim of the Rosenhao study. (2 marks)

2. Outline ho'"' Rosenhan was testing out the individual differences approach to psychology.

4. Evaluate the Rosenhan study in terms of one

3. Discuss tbe strengths and weaknesses of

study.

strength and one weakness.

(2 marks)

(10 marks)

(3 marks)

(3 marks)

observations using Rosenhan as an exan1ple. (10 1narks)

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~SI<

YOURSELF

Can someone really ha\<e, ror example. three different personali1es that think and reason 1n different ways?

T11igpen & Cleckley (1954)

CONTEXT

AIM

Most of us experience forgetfulness on a regular basis. We n1ight forget son1ething when distracted and later recall the information '"e '"ere trying to access. Some psychologists believe that this dissociation occurs on a continuum, 1\!ith alJ of us experiencing occasional, mild dissociative episodes. However, the follo1ving study involves a woman 1vith extreme dissociation, kno1vn as niultiple personality disorder (MPD).

To give an account of the psychotJ1erapeutic experience of son1eone thought to have multiple personalities.

NIPD is a rare psychological condition. So Little is known about the disorder that son1e professionals doubt its existence. MPD is known as dissociative identity disorder (DID) in the Diagnostic Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM). DID is defined by DSM-JV as the presence of two or more distinct identitjes, or distinct identities that each have their 01vn \vay of perceiving and thinkjng about the environment and self. According to the diagnostic criteria, at least tlvo of these personality states recurrently take cont rol of the individual's behaviour. Although plural identities are present, it is in1portant to ren1en1ber that they all exjst as nianifestations of one person. Two or more personalities coexist, but only one is "in control" of the person at a given time. The different personalities might not be a1vare of one another's existence and experience. This means those 1vith the disorder might experience dissociative fugues, and be unable to recall inlportant personal information. MPD is a neurotic disorder - it is not a form of schizophrenia, although many people confuse the t\vo conditions. Scmzophrenia is a psychotic disorder characterised by the ilnprur111ent of one's sense of reality, and can be accon1panied by visual or auditory hall ucinations or delusions. MPD is a neurotic disorder, 1vhere the sufferer does not lose contact 1vith reality. The existence of MPD is highly contested. Not only is it very rarely diagnosed, but its treatment often involves the use of hypnosis (a controversial technique in itself). Some cases have become notorious, as the psychiatrists involved have been accused of exploiting their patients for their own purposes.

•

METHOD •

•

The participant \vas a 25-year-old married n1other 1vith a 4-year-old daughter. Her real narne was changed in Thigpen & Clcckley's report to Eve White to preserve her anonymity. She was the oldest of three siblings and was employed as a telephone operator. She Case was initially referred to Thigpen for therapy after complaining of severe and blinding headaches. At her first intervie1v she aJso mentioned experiencing blackouts folJo,ving these headaches. •

This research is a classic case study. lt focuses on one individual, Eve White, and explores her background, syn1pton1s and therapy in great depth. Case studies employ a range of different methods for studying participants. The case of Eve 1vas explored prin1arily through psychotherapeutic intervie1vs. Some of these \Vere done under, or f0Uo1ving, hypnosis, in order to "dra1v out" different personalities. The study took place over a period of 14 months, and material \Vas gathered from approxjmately 100 hours ofintervie1vs. In addition, backgroLtnd information was obtained through interviews witJ1 fairuly n1en1bers and Eve's husband. These were carried out to back up Eve's account of events fro111 her childhood to adulthood. Qual Quantitative measures \Vere taken of Eve White and the second persona]jty, Eve Black, including psychometric tests of memory and IQ. Eve also underwent two projection tests analysed by the researchers. These included an exercise dra1ving human figures, and interpreting Rorschach ink blots. Later, 1vhen the third personality "Jane" appeared, all three Quant were given an electroencephalogram (EEG).

RESULTS

-

Initially, the therapists report some slight progress in treating Eve \Vhite's (E\\l's) symptoms follo\ving discussion of some of her e111otional problems. EW \\'aS thought to have personal frustrations and difficulties 1vith her husband (from \1•hom she \1•as currently separated). During a session EW \Vas unable to recall details of a recent trip she had n1ade. Hypnosis \vas induced and her memory \vas restored. Several days later, a letter arrived from EW about this session, \vritten in her handwriting \vith the exception of the final paragraph, v;hich \Vas written in a childish scra\vl. 1he letter \Vas the first indication that anything was unusual about EW's case, as she had presented herself as a self-controlled and truthful person. At the next session, EW denied sending the letter, but was distressed and agitated and asked 1vhether hearing an in1aginary voice \vould indicate she 1vas Qual "insane''. She said she had occasionally heard a voice other than her O\Vn addressing her over recent months. Before any response 1vas made, EW held her bands to her head as ifin pain and suddenly her entire manner and voice changed. She smiled and said "Hi there, Doc!'; and 1vhen asked 1vho she 1vas, introduced herself as "Eve Black''. "Black" 1vas later found to be Eve's maiden name. Her IQ 1vas L10.

Eve Black (EB) no1v appeared n1ischievous, light-hearted and playful as she continued to be intervie1ved. She seen1ed to have existed independently from EW since childhood. She was found to have separate thoughts and feelings fron1 EW, but also had awareness and access to EW's life 1\lhile she herself1vas absent. Despite this access to EW's thoughts, EB had little sy1npathy for her. Wh.ile EW loved and missed her daughter (fro111 whon1she1vas also separated), EB \Vas unconcerned and glib about EW's sulfering. EW \l'as totally ignorant of EB's existence, but came to be aware that she existed through the course of therapy. lnitially, persuading EB lo "come out" requ.ired hypnosis, but over time this 1vas no longer necessary. Ho1vever, EB 1vas never hypnotisable, and attempts to "call out" both personalities simultaneously \\lefe unsuccessful and distressing to Eve.

While EB did not seen1 deliberately cruel, in early childhood she 1vould en1erge and cause trouble. EW was forbidden from playing in the woods as a child; one day EB took over and broke her parents' strict rule. Upon her return, EW \\•as \vhipped for her disobedience, much to her confusion and disn1ay. Her parents corroborated this story and also expressed their puzzlement at such out-of-character behaviour in their normally obedient and honest daughter. Similar instances occurred in Eve's adulthood. Her husband recalled an incident 1vhere he discovered she had spent an enormous sun1 of money on clothes; he had abused her for being so careless and indulgent. As it,vas EB \vho had indu lged in the expensive shopping trip, EW was deeply bewildered about this irresponsible lapse in her behaviour. 111e therapists note that although it is unlikely Eve's n1arriage 1vould have been successful even without her condition, there is no doubt EB's difficult behaviour contributed to the couple's difficulties. To explore the extent of tl1e psychological dilferences bet\veen the tlvo personalities, Eve undenvent several psychometric and projective tests. These revealed differences in IQ and memory, as \Vell as key differences in the defence mechanisn1s of repression and regression that 1vere underlying Eve's t\\ 0 different personas. 1

EB's other distinctive behaviours included drinking to excess, hooking up 1vith strange 111en and, allegedly, even con1n1itting to a prior secret marriage. EB claimed to be able to erase certain occurrences from EW's memory: "I just start thinking about it very hard and after a 1vhile ... it doesn't come back to her anymore': After eight months of therapy, EW 1vas no longer experiencing headaches or blackouts. EB had been causing less trouble and EW had had so111e encouraging successes in her 1vork and social Iife. .But suddenly all this changed. The headaches, blackouts and fugues returned 1vith greater frequency, and were now experienced by both EW and EB. 'lhe therapists feared she ni ight be about to experience an episode of psychosis. Her IQ was 104.

J ln a session after the headaches had restarted, E\V \WS discussing a painful childhood memory 1vhen suddenly her head dropped back and her eyes dosed. T1vo m.inutes

•

CHAPTER '7 : THE PSYCHOLOGY OF INDIVIDUAL DIFFERENCES .. . .

later she looked around the roon1 confuseclly and asked \Vhere she was. Another transformation had taken place, \vith mannerisms and d1aracteristics highly distinct from either EW or EB. "Janen - as she called herself \Vas more confident, interesting and assertive than timid E\V, but \Vithout the personality faults of EB. She \Vas a\vare of the behaviour of the other l\vo personalities, but could not access their memories prior to her emergence.

to help her, but \vas reluctant to take over fully as a maternal figure to EW's daughter as she did not \vish to interfere with their relationship.

The EEG conducted several \Veeks later on all three personalities traced 33 minutes of recording, including intervals of at least 5 mlnutes of each personality, and some transitions bet1veen individuals. Tenseness \Vas n1ost pronounced in EB, next in EW, and least of all Jane. Muscle tension \Vas greatest in EB, and the test indicated it was easiest to transpose from EB to EW. EB's results \Vere only borderline normal, \Vith son1e records sho\vi ng an association with psychopathic personality. Both EW and Jane's records we re norn1al.

CONCLUSIONS

TEST YOUP.SELF

Outline at least three differences between Eve White and Eve Black.

Despite the debate over the existence of MPD, Thigpen & Cleckley concluded that they had not been tricked by a skilful actress but had observed the existence of three distinct personalities in one individual. There \viii undoubtedly continue to be controversy over the existence of MPD/DID. Thigpen & Cleckley argue tha t \vhat they witnessed was genuine because the length of tirne spent with EW, EB and Jane meant that at least son1e mistakes or inconsistencies would have been noticed.

Jane continued to emerge th rough EW only, but becan1e stronger over tin1e. She took over n1any of EW's duties both at \Vork and at home in an effort

EVALUATION Since Thigpen & Cleckley used the case study method, \Ve can use the general evaluations from Chapter l, page 3 and apply them directl y to the study: •

•

Strength

As the study focuses on one Individual (or unit of 1ndlvlduals) the psychologist can collect rich, in-depth data that have details. This makes the findings more valid.

The researchers focused on just the one person (Eve) and ran many psychological and physical tests to assess the three "distinct" personalities: a lot or data were collected to help differentiate between the three. This makes the findings more valid.

Strength

Participants are usually studied as part of their everyday life which means that the whole process tends to have some ecological validity

It could be argued that the study has some ecological validity as Eve was in therapy and the assessment followed what could happen In a therapeutic setting.

Weakness

As the psychologist is focusing on one individual (or unit of Individuals), the case may be unique. This makes generalisattons quite difficult.

As Thigpen & Cleckley were only studying one actual person, she may be a unique case. Thrs would make generalising difficult as she may not represent any other person who claims to have more than one personality.

.

~""=·

'

Weakness

As participants are studied in depth, they could rorm an attachment with the psychologist. This could reduce the obiecllvity or the data collection and analysis or data and so the validity of the findings.

.

r.tr.'1':!'11;n1

Some psychologists could argue that Thigpen & Cleckley got attached to Eve as a patient and lost obiect1vity because they wanted to find differences between the three personalities. This could obviously reduce the validity or findings as they may have only reported data that confirm their ideas.

Thigpen & Cleckley collected so111e qualitative data \Ve can evaluate too. These data also have strengths and ~veaknesses: • •

•

•

Strength

The data collected are in-depth and in the words or the participant so they are rich and in detail and represent what the participant believes. Therefore it can be argued that It is not reductionist.

The interviews and psychometric tes tin g was in depth so a lot of detail was reco rded. All or it represents w hat was actually happening to Eve In her three personality "states" so Thigpen & Cleckley were looking at as muc h data as possible. Therefore, the study is not redu ctionist.

Weakness

Interpretation or the data could be subjective as we are dealing with words not numbers: psychologist could misinterpret what the parti cipant meant to say or be biased against some or the person's views.

The researchers may have only reported data that confirmed what they believed as some of the data collected were subjectively analysed (the interview transcripts and w hat Eve was reeling). They may have also misinterpreted some or what Eve was trying to get across in her interviews.

CHALLENGE YOURSELF

Evaluate this case study 1n terms of 1t being longitudinal and its ethics You may want to use a table similar lo those used for the case study and qualitative data evaluations.

Try the following exan1-style questions.

Paper 1 1. Outline two differences bet\veen

Eve W hite and

Eve Black in the l h ib'Pen & Cleckley study. (4 marks)

2. \.vhat was the aim of the Thigpen & Oeckley study?

(2 n1arks)

3. Eva luate the Thigpen & Cleckley study in terms of one strength and one \veakness.

(I 0 n1arks)

Paper2 1. O utline how qualitative data were collected in the Thigpen & Cleckley study.

2.

(3 marks)

Outline what quantitative data \Vere collected in the Thigpen & Cleckley study. (3 marks)

3. Discuss the strengths and weaknesses of case studies using Thigpen & Cleckley as an example. ( IO marks)

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CHAPTER 7; THE PSYCHOLOGY OF INDIVIDUAL DIFFERENCES . . .

Billington, Baron-Cohen & Wheehvriglrt (2007)

CONTEXT Psychologists have long been interested in \vhy there are gender differences in the rates of people studying certain subjects at school, college and university. 'fbere has ahvays been a marked difference in the number of males and females choosing to study subjects such as mathematics and sciences. Performance in these subjects has also shO\\'Jl some gender differences even from an early age. However, psychologists have questioned \vhether there is a true gender divide or \vhether there are other ractors, such as how we process inforn1ation, that could account for the irnbalance of 1nales and fen1ales studying science and malhen1atics. TI1is research team \vere interested in ~cognitive style" and if they could explain gender differences (rather than finding that males are better than females in these subjects). T\vO exan1ples of cognitive style are en1pathisers (those \vho have the ability to identify another person's mental state and respond using a range of correct emotions) and systemisers (\vho have the ability to analyse the rules underlying a syste1n in order to predict a behaviour - systems include 1nachines, \veather systems, mathen1atics, maps, etc.). The research tcarn had already developed a psychometric test to measure people's empathy quotient and systemising quotient. ASK YOURSELF Why are you taking Cambndge AS level Psychology? What other subjects are you taking? Do you feel that certain types of people only study certain types of su b1ect at school and college?

4. To see whether cognitive style is a better predictor than gender in explaining enrolment onto physical science courses compared to humanities courses.

METHOD : There \vere two questionnaires and two performance tasks. All \Vere accessible and completed via a secure university \vebsite. Quest Questionnaire I: Systemising quotientrevised scale (SQ-R). It consists of75 items. The score range on the questionnaire is 0-150.

Questionnaire 2: En1pathy quotient (EQ). It consists of 40 ite111s. The score range is 0-80. From these questionnaires, participants could be classified as one of five brain types: type S (systemiser}, type E (empathiser}, type B (balanced), extreme type S and extreme type E. The extreme groups \Vere those in the top 2.5 per cent \Vhen the difference \Vas calculated benveen the SQ-Rand EQ scores for each participant. Task I \Vas the en1bedded figures task (FC-EIT). This task involves seeing a series of 12 pairs or diagrams like the pair shO\Vll in Figure 7.1. Participants had to choose which of the t\vo nlore con1plex diagran1s contained the s1naller shape \vithin it. lt was a forced-choice task so participants had to choose just one oflhe more complex shapes. If the participant fulled to respond in SO seconds then the task automatically moved on to the next pair of shapes. Every time participants got the anS\''er correct they \vere a\varded I point. There \vas an additional bonus point added to participants' scores every time they were in the fastest 25 per cent for that pair of shapes. Therefore, the range ofscores was 0 to 24.

AIM 1. To see \Vhether there is still a gender difference in the number of people studying the physical sciences and hun1anities.

2. To see \Vhether nlales are more likely to be systemisers and females n1ore likely to be empathisers.

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3. To see \vhetber physical science students are more likely to be systemisers and humanities students 1nore likely to be en1pathisers.

Figure 7.1 Embedded figures task (FC· EFT) Source: Based on Biiiington. Baron-Cohen & Wheelwright, 2007

Task 2 \Vas the eyes test. 1 his task assesses cognitive empathy by showing participants a pair of eyes conveying a pre-chosen emotion. The participant \ VllS given four d1oices of emotions and asked to choose the one that is the closest to the emotion that the eyes are conveying. An example is sho'"n in Figure 7.2. If the participant failed to respond in 20 seconds then the task auto1uatically moved on to the next pair of eyes. There are 36 pairs of eyes to rate and 1 point is a\varded for each correct Quant choice - the same bonus point systen1 \vas used here as in the FC-EFT. Therefore, the range of scores is 0 to 72. apologetic

friendly

Female

Male

Physical

108

26

Humanities Total

104

25.1

212

51.1

Physica l

160

38.6

43

10.4

203

48.9

268

64.6

147

35.4

Humanities Total Physical

Total

Humanities Total

415

100

Table 7.1 Percentage of par1tc1pants studying each degree category, by sex

ro

dispirited

uneasy Figure 7.2 Eyes test TEST YOURSELF

What were the various measures that were taken of each part1c1pant? Choose one and ouU1ne how the data were collected

• For this study 415 participants were recruited. They 'vere either studying for a physical sciences degree or a humanities degree. Physical science subjects included mathematics, physics, engineering a11d astronomy 1-rumanities subjects included classics, law, theology and history. The average age of the participants was 21 years (standard deviation of2.5 l years). Oft he participants, 87.7 per cent of the participants 1vere right-handed, I 0.6 per cent were left-handed and 1.7 per cent \Vere ambidextrous. They were recruited Sample through an en1ail post and advertisements across the university \vith a prize draw incentive. Therefore, participants volunteered to take part. Table 7.1 sho,vs the distribution of participants per degree per sex.

Those who volunteered to take part in the study could visit the secure university website and complete the questionnaires and tasks in any order. 1'hey did no t have to con1plete both questionnaires and tasks in the same sitting but they could only atten1pt each task and complete each questionnaire once.

RESULTS Overall, there '"as a significant gender difference in degree choice: 59. l per cent of physical science studei1ts were male and 70.1 per cent of humanities students \vere female. Table 7.2 shO\VS the mean and standard deviation scores for each gender split by degree choice for the Quant two questionnaires.

', I

SQ-R

61.23 (20.60)

51.54 (19.18)

65.46 (18.17)

58.65 (21.17)

EQ

43.48 (12.56)

46.82 (12.07)

35.59 (10.39)

40.56 (10.33)

Table 7.2 The two questionnaires - mean and standard deviation scores for each gender split by degree choice. Standard deviations are 111 parentheses

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CHAPTER l ; THE. PS'i'CHOLOGYOf INDIVIDUAL.DIF.FERENCES .. . . ... .. .. . "" . . ... . '

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Table 7.3 shows the mean and standard deviation scores for each sex split by degree choice for the nvo tasks. • F~

EFT Eyes test

15.05 (3.05)

14.07 (2.40)

15.03 (3.14)

14.14 (2.63)

32.86 (6.65)

46.82 (12.07)

31.83 (7.23)

33.79 (8.00)

Table 7.3 The two tasks - mean and standard deviation scores for each sex spht by degree choice. Standard deviations are In parentheses

These were the main results based on these figures: There was a significant relationship bel:\veen gender and cognitive style: 66 per cent of n1ales were categorised as type Sor extreme type S (only 28.8 per cent of fen1ales}; 36.8 per cent of fen1ales \vere categorised as type E or extreme type E (only 10.3 per cent of males). Fen1aJes performed significantly better than males on the eyes test.

Overall, males tended to be categorised more as systen1isers whereas females tended to be categorised more as empathisers. Overall, physical sciences students tended to be categorised more as systemisers \Vhereas hun1anities students tended to be categorised more as empathisers. The research team conducted a logistic regression analysis to examine \Vhich of the factors \Vas the best predictor of degree choice. All of the main predictors could predict degree choice but there \Vas a rank order:

1. Brain type \vas the strongest predictor (type E, type$, etc.).

2 . Performance on the FC-EFT task was Lhe next predictor.

3. Perforn1ance on the eyes test was the next predictor. 4. Gender 1vas the weakest predictor (but was still significant). TEST YOURSELF Oulllne the differences between the students who studied humanities and those who studied physica I sciences.

There \Vas no significant gender ditlerence in participants' performance in the FC-EFT. Of the physical science students, 56.3 per cent of them had type Sor extren1e type S profiles (only 29.4 per cent of humanities students). With the hun1anities students, 41.5 per cent had type E or extreme type E profiles (only 14.2 per cent of physical science students). Physical science students perfonned significantly better on the FC-EFT' con1pared to hu1nanities students.

CONCLUSION It \vould appear that the ~gender differences" in degree choice benveen physical sciences and humanities is less of an actual ~gender difference" but of a cognitive style difference. Students \vith certain brain types (systemisers and empathisers) tend to pick their degrees differently systen1isers pick physical sciences in the main 1vhile empathisers pick hun1anities subjects in the main.

EVALUATION As Billington, Baron-Cohen & Wheelwright used questionnaires, we can use the general evaluations from Chapter l, page 2 and apply the1n directly to the study: •

Strength

•

Participants may be more likely to reveal truthful answers in a questionnaire as it does not involve talking face to race with someone.

• •

•

• •

Participants completed the questtannaires by themselves and did not have to answer questions in rront or anyone so were more likely to give truthful answers.

e

I I

•

Strength

A large sample of participants can answer the questionnaire in a short time span which should increase the representativeness and generahsabihty of the findings.

A total of 415 participants look part In the study over a short period or time giving a wide spread of results that could be applied to students of physical sciences and humanities.

Weakness

Participants may give socially desirable answers as they want to look good rather than g1v1ng truthful answers this lowers the validity of findings.

As they completed the questionnaires by themselves, some participants may have chosen answers that made them "look good" rather than how they truly process information (e.g. as a systemiser).

Weakness

If the questionnaire has a lot of closed questions participants might be forced into choosing an answer that does not renect their true opinion.

There may have been some questions that participants had to choose an answer for that was not how they truly process information but was the c losest answer to how they do It - therefore, ii may not be a fully true representation of their cognitive style.

Volw1teer or self-selected sampling can be evaluated as follows:

•

•

•

•

•

-'

•

;

••

•

•

•

Strength

Large numbers of participants can be obtained relatively quickly and easily.

A total of 415 participants came forward to participate (the researcher simply advertised) and they could complete the study when it was convenient for them (so they were more likely to complete 1t).

Strength

People are more likely to participate 1f they have already volunteered so the drop-out rate should be lower.

No drop-out rate figures were given so we can assume that most participants completed all fou r tasks.

Weakness

Ga1n1ng a wide variety of participants to allow for generalisation is unlikely (for opportunity you will go for one type of person in the main whereas for "1)1unteer it is only a certain type of person who will "1)1unteer to do research for a particular study).

Only motivated students of physical sciences and humanities would have come forward to participate, so it might make generalisation a bit difficult for those who are less motivated to take part in a study but are completing similar degree programmes. We cannot be certain that those who chose not to participate followed the same general pattern s for systemisers and empathisers.

The following other points could be used in evaluation: ·n1e researchers use psychometric tasks in the study which means con1parisons can be useful as people's results are being compared on the same, Psychom Mandardised scale - therefore, the differences found by cognitive style and gender are rneaningful and more likely to be valid. The study can be easily replicated using Lhe same standardised psychometric tests

(FC-EFT and the eyes test) to test for reliability \vith a different sa1nplc. CHALLENGE YOURSELF Evaluate the Billington, Baron-Cohen & Wheelwright study in terms of ii being a snapshot study and also in te<ms of Individual versus situational explanations. You may \vant to use a table hke those used for the questionnaire and volunteer sampling evaluations.

•

CHAPTER l ; THE. PS'i'CHOLOGYOf ' .. . ' . ... INDIVIDUAL.DIF.FERENCES .. .. . "" . . ... •' .

Try the follo\ving exam-style questions.

Paper1 1. In the Billington, Baron-Cohen & Wheehvright study, \Vhat \Vere the t\vo questionnaires completed (2 marks) by au participants?

2. Outline one psychometric task used in the Billington, Baron-Cohen & Wheelwright study. In your ai1s,ver include ho\v it \Vas scored. (4 marks)

3. Outline one reason why the Billington, BaronCohen & Wheehvright study \Vas conducted. (2 marks) 4. Evaluate the Billington, Baron-Cohen & Wheelwright study in terrns of {l 0 n1arks) two weaknesses.

•

Paper 2 1. Outline ho\v quantitative data \Vere collected in the Billington, Baron-Cohen & Wheelwright study. (3 marks)

2. Outline one finding from the Billington, BaronCohen & Wl1eehvright study.

(3 marks)

3. Discuss Lbe strengths and weaknesses of volunteer sampling using Billington, Baron-Cohen & Wheehvrightasan example. (10 rnarks)

debated (e.g. the cognitive behavioural 111odel suggests that mirror gazing in BOD helps to increase selfconsciousness and selective attention hence maintaining the BOD condition in patients - they can constantly see \vbat they do not like).

Veale & Riley (2001 )

CONTEXT This study was conducted as a result of a body dysmorphic disorder (BOD) patient that one of the authors bad con1e into contact \Vith. The patient bad said that he had just spent six hours staring at himself in a series of mirrors. This pron1pted the psychologists to research into 111irror gazing in people \Vith BDD. BOD is an anxiety disorder related to body image. BDD palien ts experience concern about their appearance that can be disruptive LO daily routines. There may be excessive use of 1nirrors or picking at the skin. Statistics suggest that around 80 per cent o f BOD patien ts engage in mirror-gazing behaviours (the opposi te applies to the remainder - they remove 1nirrors fron1 the house or avoid then1). BOD used to be called dysmorphophobia and initial accounts fron1 patients rarely mentioned mirror gazing. This could be because they did not \Vant to be seen as being vain. Ho,vever, n10re rece nt cases showed that mirror gazing is a major part of BOD but little research had been conducted investigating the function of it in th e lives of BOD patients. Veale & Riley conducted this study as only theoretical ideas had been

•

ASK YOURSEL What reasons do you think people have to check themselves 111 the mirror?

AIM To investigate the function, frequency and role of 111irror gazing in BOD patients.

METHOD •

I

A questionnaire was designed to gather infonnation on the function, frequency and ro le of mirror gazing in the lives of BOD patients and non-BOD individuals (the controls). 1he questionnaire , Ques t consisted of the sections sho\vn in l"able 7.4. A "long" session \Vas defined as "...the longest time during the day that the person spends in front of the mirror" ( Veale & Riley, 200 I: 1383).

••

Length of time mirror gazing

Participants were asked the average duration of "long" sessions 1n minules (during the previous month). They had to estimate the maximum a mount of time on one occasion that they had spent in front of a mirror in hours and minutes. They were asked the average duration of frequency of "short" sessions during the previous monlh In minutes.

Motivation

This was a 12-llem section where par ticipants had to rate how much they agreed with each statement (strongly agree, agree, neither disagree or agree, disagree and strong ly disagree). Example statements were: " I have to make myself look my best", "I need to see whal I like about myself" and " I have to know w hat I look like and I can't until I look in the mirror". They answered the items for a "long" session then repealed it for a "short" session. At the end they could note anything else that motivated them to mirror gaze.

before looking in a mirror

Focus of attention

Participants were asked to rate their concentration levels on the mirror during both "long" and "short" sessions. The scale was from + 4 to - 4 with + 4 representing "I am entirely focused on an impression or feeling that I get about myself" and 4 representing "I am entirely focused on my reflection 1n the mirror".

•

CHAPTER l ; THE. PS'i'CHOLOGYOf INDIVIDUAL.DIF.FERENCES .. . . ... .. .. . "" . . ... . '

'

Distress before and after looking into the mirror

•'

Participants had to rate the level of distress they felt before and after a "long" and "short" session. The scale was 1-10 where 1 represented "not at all d istressed" and 10 represented "extremely distressed". For both the "long" and "short" sessions, they had to rate three limes: (a) before looking in the mirror (b) immediately after looking in the mirror (c) after resisting the urge to look in a mirror (this was not taken for "short" sessions in error).

Behaviour 1n front of the mirror

For both "long" and "short" sessions, participants had to estimate the percentage of time they engaged 1n a range of nine behaviours while mirror gazing. Participants had to ensure that the total reached 100. The nine behaviours were:

1 Trying to hide my defects or enhance my appearance by the use of make-up 2. Combing or styling my hair 3. Trying to make my skin smooth by picking and squeezing spots 4. Plucking or removing hair or shaving

5. Comparing w hat I see in the mirror w ith an image that I have In my mind 6. Trying to see something d ifferent in the mirror

Quant

7. Feeling the skin with my fingers 8. Practising the best position to pull or show in public 9. Measuring parts o f my face. They could then list other behaviours not listed above. Type of light preferred

They were asked whether type of light was important for mirror gazing on a visual analogue scale from "natural daylight" to "artificial light".

Type of reflective surface

They were asked if they used a series of mirrors or any other reflective surface for gazing (e.g. the backs of CDs).

Mirror avoidance

They were asked if they avoided any types of mirror or situations involving mirrors.

Table 7.4 Sections on the Veale & Riley questionnaire

TEST YOURSELF

Outline three behaviours the researchers were Interested In. Describe how they measured each one. How easy would it be to replicate this study? Why?

p r

•

I

•

Participants were 52 patients diagnosed with BDD (they fulfi lled the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of 1\llental Disorders for BDD). A group of 55 control participants (non-BDD) were recruited from personal contacts of the authors. The groups \Vere Sample matched on age and sex.

•

All participants \Vere asked to complete the selfreport n1irror-gazing questionnaire. They \vere told that the questions were about behaviours from the last or previous month. They were also asked, prior to completion, \vhether they had engaged in a "long" session in front of the n1irror in most days \vithin the last or previous month. If so. they con1plcted the questionnaire based on "long" sessions; then they repeated the same process but for "short" sessions.

RESULTS A total of 44/52 BOD patients (84.6 per cent) and 16/54

controls (29.6 per cent) reported having a "long" session in the last or previous month. In terms of"short" sessions,

:

''

45/52 (86.5 per cent) of BOD patients and 43/55 (79.6 per cent) reported having one or nlore in the last or previous month. Table 7.5 shows the characteristics of the BOD sample and the controls.

.

•

..

Age

30.1 (8.6)

33.4 (8.9)

Sex(~ male)

40.49(

483

Mean duration of long session (minutes)

72.5 (94.8)

21.3 (19.6)

173.8 (205.3)

35.5 (29.3)

14.6 (13.6)

3.9 (3.4)

Mean duration or short sessions (minutes)

4.8 (5.4)

5.5 (12.8)

Type of light preferred (natural daylight or artificial) on visual analogue scale

38.5 (32.4)

41.6 (27.0)

External or internal focus of attention (- 4 to + 4) for long session

- 0.49 (2.9)

2 .2 (1.9)

External or internal focus of attention (- 4 to + 4) for short session

- 1.12 (2. 7)

1.15 (2.1)

Attention on the whole or specific parts of appearance (0-100 on visual analogue scale) 1n long session

70.5 (24.3)

44.5 (34.02)

Distress before long session (1-10)

6.44 (2.3)

1.6 (0.83)

Distress after long session (1- 10)

7.63 (2.2)

2.40 (2.3)

Distress resisting gaze for long session ( 1-10)

6.82 (2.6)

2.38 (2.5)

Maximum duration or longest session (minutes) Mean number of short sessions

Quant

Table 7.5 Characteristics of BOD patients and non-BOD participants (the controls)

Table 7.6 sho,vs the results per section of the questionnaire.

Length or time mirror gazing

The mean duration time for a long session for BOD was 72.5 minutes but only 21.3 for the controls. The duration of a short session was 4 .8 minutes for the BOD group and 5.5 for the controls (not a significant difference).

Motivation before looking in a mirror

BOD patients were more likely to at least agree with all 12 items. Controls were much more likely to be interested In being presentable. BOD patients were more likely to use the mirror if they felt depressed.

•

CHAPTER l ; THE. PS'i'CHOLOGYOf INDIVIDUAL.DIF.FERENCES .. . . ... .. .. . "" . . ... . '

'

•'

Focus or attention

Only for a "long" session did BOD patients, compared to controls, locus on internal impressions and feelings rather than the external reflection they were gazing at. BOD patients were more likely to locus on 1ust one part of their face rather than the whole face compared to controls.

Distress before and after looking into the mirror

For both types of session, BOD patients rated themselves significanUy more distressed than controls. For "long" sessions. BOD patients continued to be more distressed compared to controls after mirror gazing. They also reported more distress if they resisted gazing compared to controls.

Behaviour in front of the mirror

BOD patients and controls estimated the same proportion of time engaging 1n using make-up. combing/styling hair. picking spots and feeling skin. BOD patients were more hkely to compare what they saw with an image in their mind about how they should Ideally look and trying to see something different in the mirror. These were for "long" sessions. For "short" sessions BOD patients were more likely to use the mirror for checking make-up. practising the best position to show in public and comparing what they saw with an image 1n lhelr mind about how they should ideally look. BOD pallents listed many other behaviours they engaged in (e.g. washing rituals, combing eyebrows and squashing features to see how things would look if they had plastic surgery).

Type of light preferred

There were no significant differences.

Type of reflective surface

For "long" sessions, BOD patients were more likely to use a senes of mirrors (52.43 of patients) compared to controls (6.7~). For "short" sessions. both groups used shop windows to gaze. However. BOD patients reported a wide variety or surfaces they would use including cutlery. vehicles, TV screens. car mirrors and taps.

Mirror avoidance

Two-thirds of BOD patients and 14'7< of the control group reported avoiding certain mirrors. There were four types of selective avoidance or mirrors noted by BOD patients: 1. To avoid looking at a specific "defect" (e.g. if the nose was seen as a defect they would 1 avoid mirrors where it could be seen, choosing smaller hand-held mirrors to hold above the nose.

2. To avoid mirrors labelled as "bad" or "unsafe" as they had been associated with a specific bad Image. 3. Only using private mirrors; avoiding those in public as they could be too upsetting. 4 . A "flip" between avoidance and gazing - patients may gaze and pick skin and keep gazing until the skin heals. Then they would avoid mirrors and not pick skin again until they felt the urge. Table 7.6 Results per section or the Veale & Riley questionnaire

TEST YOURSELF

Outline three differences in the behaviour of the BOD patients and the participants 1n the control group 1n this study. What ethical issues does this study raise? Why?

•

CONCLUSION The researchers co ncluded : "BOD patients ho ld a number of p roblematic beliefs and behaviours in their nlirro r use compared to controls. M i r r or gazing in

BOD does not follow a simple nlodel of ... compul sive checking ... (and) is best co nce ptuali sed as a ser ies of idiosyncra tic and co mplex safe ty behaviours, that is designed to preven t a feared ou tco n1e .. :• (Veale & Riley, 200 1: 1389).

EVALUATION As Veale & Riley used questionnaires, \Ve can use the general evaluations fro1n Chapter I, page 2 and apply them directly to the study:

.. Strength

Participants may be more likely to reveal truthfu l answers in a questionnaire as it does not involve talking face to face with someone.

BOD patients were probably more likely to admit to all of their mirror-gazing activities as they did not have to reveal lhem to a person face to face. This should increase the valld1ty of the findings.

Weakness

Participants may give socially desirable answers, as they want to look good, rather than giving truthful answers. This lowers the validity or the findings.

As mirror gazing is core to BOD, some or all or the participants may have given answers that made the psychologists judge them in a "'better light". They may not have revealed all of their mirror-gazing behaviours to give the impression that their behaviours were not strange or different.

There may be some ethical issues \Vith this study as highlighted belo\v:

• Protection

The psychologist must ensure that partlcipants leave the study in the same physical and psychological state as they entered it.

It could be argued that making BOD patients reflect on what they do and complete questionnaires makes their condition wo1Se as they are now answering a lot of questions about 1t. BOD patients might engage in mirror gazing more often as a result of the study. It could be argued that the BOD patients were not truly protected In this study (e.g. writing about the mirror gazing and that they do it because of depression could make the depression worse).

CHALLENGE YOURSELF Evaluate this study in terms of other ethical guidelines and issues and also in terms of generalisation or reductionism. You may want to use a table like those used for the questionnaire evaluation.

•

CHAPTER l ; THE. PS'i'CHOLOGYOf ' .. . ' . ... INDIVIDUAL.DIF.FERENCES .. .. . "" . . ... •' .

Try the follo\ving exam-style questions.

Paper1 1. In the Veale & Riley study, \vho \vere the t\vo groups of participants and \vhat \vere they (2 marks) matched on?

2. Outline two results fron1 the Veale & Riley study. (4 marks)

3. Outline one reason \vhy the Veale & Riley study \\'3S conducted

(2 marks)

4 . Evaluate the Veale & Riley study in terms of two strengths.

•

(10 n1arks)

Paper 2 1. Outline ho'v quantitative data \Vere collected in tl1e Veale & Riley study.

(3 marks)

2. Outline one difference in behaviour of t11e BDD patients con1pared to the controls in the Veale & Riley study. (3 marks)

3. Discuss Lbe strengths and weaknesses of using questionnaires in research using the Veale & Riley (10 1narks) study as an exan1ple.

E

M CENTRE (AS LEVEL)

The questions, example ani.wers, nlarks a\varded and/or comments that appear in this book/CD \Vere written by the author. In examination, the \vay marks would be awarded to ans\vers like these may be different.

Unit 1 (Core studies 1)

Section A

This unit constitutes 50 per cent of the AS level qualification and 25 per cent of the A level qualification. Students need to have studied all 20 core studies alongside nielhodology, approaches and perspectives, and issues and debates. For the core studies, students need to know the follo\ving:

Example questions could be as follo\VS:

1. Background to the study 2. The ain1(s) of the study 3. The method and procedure of the study

4. The results of the study 5. The conclusions dra\vn from the study. For each core study, there have to be some evaluations based around:

1. The methodology used 2. The approach or perspective the study belongs to 3. Issues and debates surrounding the study. The exam lasts for I hour 30 minutes and is marked out of 80. The structure of the exam is as follo,vs:

J. Section A - there are 15 short-answer questions based around 15 core studies. They are n1arked out of2 or 4 depending on the question being asked. This section carries 60 marks. ,. Section B - there are two structured essays and both need ans\veri ng. Each is based arowid a methodology or issues/debates. There are three core studies listed per essay and the student has to use one core study to ans\\•er die question. This section carries 20 marks ( 10 per essay).

1. Outline two results fron1 the ... study (4 marks) (a) How was the san1ple recruited in the ... study? (2 marks) (b) Outline one disadvantage of recruiting a sample in t11at \vay. (2 niarks) \.\!hen asking for one result, ensure that there is a con1parison (if possible). If the question states "as used in the X study" in the question, then this link has to be 111ade. If the question is asking for a "result" then this is usualJy quantitative or qualitative data. If the quest ion is asking for a "conclusion" then this is \Vhether the study fulfilled its aims or not (\vritten in general terms).

Section B Example questions could be as follo\VS:

1. Evaluate one of the studies belO\V in terms of validity. ( I 0 marks)

2. Discuss the strengths and weaknesses of self-reports using one of the studies below as an example. (10 n1arks) If the question stales "strengths and weaknesses" note that this is pl11ral and t\vo of each (minimwi1) are required to be likely to get tO\vards the top band of marks (6+ 1narks). The question will have a focus on a study chosen from a list by the student. This study must be used in t11e ans\ver to be likely to reach the topend marks available (6+ marks).

EXAM CENTRE (AS LEVEL)

Unit 2 (Core studies 2) This unit constitutes 50 per cent of the AS level qualificalion and 25 per cent of the A level qualification. Students need to have studied all 20 core studies alongside methodology, approaches and perspectives, and issues and debates. For Lhis unit, the focus is more on the n1ethodology used in each study, which approach or perspective the study belongs to, and \vhich issues and debates are relevant to each study. The examination lasts for I hour 30 n1inutes and is marked out of 70. The structure of the exanlination is as follo,vs:

Section A This is split into two parts. Part A has one question on n1ethods (so1neti111es via a nan1ed core study) plus students n1ust redesign a core study using a different research nrethod. They must Lhen evaluate their O\vn study. This part carries 25 111arks (5 + 10 + 10). Example questions could be as folJo,vs:

1. (a) Outline \Vhat is meant by a case study using Freud as an example. (5 marks) (b) Redesign the Piliavin, Rodin & Pilivain study using self-report as the research melhod and describe ho1v it can be conducted. (10 n1arks) (c) Evaluate this alternative \vay of stud yi ng aggression in practical and ethical terms. (JO marks) For (a) ~tudents could gain I niark per correct point up until the rnaxin1um of 5 marks. For (b) students niust consider the \\•hat, ho,v, 1vho, \Vhere and \vhen (if applicable). The study must be ethical. Usually, the 1vhat, ho1v and 1vho are major aspects that need covering so if they are missing, the ans1ver is likely to be classed as having "major omissions". For (c) the issues under debate need to be directly linked back to the study students have designed in (b) to be likely to gain 5+ marks. Part B has one structured question based on an approach, issues and debates or methods (some are similar to section B for unit 1). This part carries 25 marks (2 + 3 + I 0 + I0). Exa1nple queslions could be as follo1vs:

2. (a) What is meant by quantitative data? (2 marks) (b) Outline one quantitative finding from the Milgram (1963) study. (3 marks) (c) Discuss the strengths and \Veaknesses of collecting quantitative data using Milgra1n as an exan1ple. ( 10 marks) (d) Discuss the advantages and disadvantages of ethical guidelines in research using Nlilgrarn as an exan1ple. (10 marks) For (a) the answer 1vill be likely lo score I mark if it is a partial ans\\1er and 2 if it is a full ans\ver. For (b), to gain 3 marks the ans1ver \VOtild normally have to specifically address "'hat is being asked for in a clear and concise \Vay. For (c) and (d) the evaluation or discussion is plural and t1vo advantages and disadvantages (mini111un1) are required to be likely to get towards the top band of rnarks. (7+ marks). Just one of each 1vould probably only gain a 111axi1uun1 of 6 marks.

Section B There is a choice here - students anS\ver one question from the two given. The questions will have focus on an approach, issue and debate or method and students have to use three named core studies to ans\ver part of the question. This part of section B carries 11 marks (2 + 9). There is also a final questio n that tests the evaluation skills of students for a nan1ed method, issue and debate or approach and perspective. This part of section B carries 9 n1arks. Therefore, overall, section B carries 20 marks. Example questions could be as f0Uo1vs:

3. (a) Outline \vhat is meant by the "social approach" to psychology. (2 marks) (b) Using the studies from the list belo\v ... describe ho'" the data 1vere collected in each of these studies. (9 n1arks) For (a) the answer 1vill be Likely to score I niark if it is a partial answer and 2 if it is a full answer. For (b) there are 3 marks available per study listed. Expect to gain 3 1narks for any study the ans1ver 1vould have to be in sufficient detail to get across \vhat the question is asking for (e.g. how were data collected). There is also a final question that tests the evaluation skills of students for a named method, issue and

debate or approach and perspective. 'I his part of section Bcarries 9 marks. Therefore, overall, section B carries 20 n1ark.s. Example questions could be as follO\\IS: (c) What are the disadvantages of using psychometric testing? (9 marks) (d} What are the strengths of using longitudinal studies in psychology? (9 marks) For (c) there are 3 1narks available \Vhich \\IOuld oorn1ally be allocated per relevant point raised by Lhe student. The same point 1nade again but using a different example or study \Vould 110/ be expected to gain any extra 1narks.

J> 1 mark = identifying a point that is relevant

I> 2 niarks - the above plus son1e description I> 3 1narks = 2 n1arks + linked lo a study. The best three relevant points would be taken for\vard to give a score out of9.

Refer back to the example evaluations at the end of each core study and ensure that you have completed the extra evaluations highlighted. These \\lill help you improve your exam skilb.

PSYCHOLOGY AND EDUCATION

8.1 PERSPECTIVES

ON LEAR.NING

dogs. We \viii come back to ho1v he did this after 1ve have looked at Lhe principles of classica.I conditioning. There are three main stages to classical conditioning:

1. pre-conditioning There are many different \\lays in \Vhich humans and animals learn skills and behaviours. In terms of the Cambridge A level Psychology specification, there are t\\'O main behaviourist \vays plus a humanistic and a fe'" cognitive approaches to learning.

BEHAVIOURIST APPLICATIONS TO LEARNING The behaviourist perspective \Vas covered in the section for AS level (see page 47). Remember that it is about observing the observable and ho\v \Ve learn things through our environment and the organisms \vithin it.

I

I c.. n iti ning

This follo,vs the idea of learning th rough association. It 1\las Pavlov 1\lhO introduced th is idea after experimenting \\lith laboratory dogs. He trained dogs to salivate to the sound of bell \vithout any food being present He had conditioned that behaviour into the

2. the conditioning process 3. post-conditioning.

Pre-conditioni11g requires associations to already be "in place" that can then be used to help to condition the organism. A pre-programmed biological relationship has to already be in existence (e.g. food naturally produces a response for saliva in many anin1als). 'lhe food is called the unconditioned stin1ulus (UCS) and the salivation is called the unconditioned response (UCR). A neutral stin1ulus (NS) must be chosen that does not elicit any biological response and this can be used to condition a new behaviour in the organism. T11e conditioning process requires the UCS and the NS to be presented at the same time so that the organism can associate the t\'IO Lhings. The UCR will still happen as the UCS is still present Post-conditio11i11g is when the NS can be presented on its 01vn and it produces a response similar to the VCR. The NS has now turned into a conditioned stin1ulus (CS) and the UCR has turned into a conditioned response (CR). ·rhe organism has no1v been classically conditioned.

Figure 8. l. I shO\'IS ho\v the process works. Stage 1: Pre-conditioning

.-------------------' '

,-------------------·

'--------------------'

' ' '-·------------------

••

: :- - - - -.:

Food (UCS)

'

Bell (NS)

.·--------------------:'

.

Stage 2: Cond1t1oning

Negative reinforcement 1s when a behaviour results 1n the rem<:11al of something not nice so the probability of repeating that behaviour is increased.

Punishment

Positive punishment is when a behaviour results in the addition of something not nice so the probability of repeating that behaviour Is decreased.

Negative punishment is when a behaviour results in the removal of something nice so the probability of repeating the behaviour is decreased.

' •

No response

''

.. -------------------,

.- -----. --.. -.... -.... ---

! Food and bell :_-----~! Salivation ' , (UCS + NS) . ! (UCR) , ,_ ----- -- . ------- --·· '·· --- - ------- --- -- -Stage 3: Post-conditioning ,--------------------' · Bell (CS) '

.

Positive reinforcement 1s when a behaviour results in the addition of something nice happening so the probability of repeating that behaviour is increased

,-------------------.

,------------------··

!

Sailvat1on (UCR)

Reinforcement

... --.------... -------.

_____ ..! ___...:

Salivation (CR)

'

·---. -- ....... -- ....... --·-•'

' ·--------·-----------'

& Fi gure 8.1.1 Classical conditioning (Pavlov's experiment) With the original Pavlov experiment, the food 1vas the

UCS and the salivation \vas the UCR. He had introduced a bell as the NS. He then rang the bell every time the dogs were presented 1vith food (UCS +NS) - the dogs 1vould still salivate (UCR) as the food 1vas present. After

Table 8.1 .1 Four mechanisms thalcan help an organism learn a behaviour

An example linked to education i s shO\Vn in Table 8. l.2.

several associations he 1vould just ring the bell (no1v a

CS) and the dogs 1vould salivate (CR).

--. Reinforcement

A child has not been A chtld shows behaving very well friendly behaviour in the 1n class and keeps classroom so the getting detentions. child is awarded However. the child a gold star and a begins to behave well sweet. The child and so the detention is 1s more likely to removed. The child is show the fnendly more likely to behave behaviour again. well in the future.

Punishment

A ch 1ld is not behaving very nicely lo another child. The child is given a detention which means the child arrives home late. The child is less likely to repeat the behaviour.

Higher-order

..

,.

This is 1nore relevant to the processes of learning in education. This is when there is an established CS-CR link but a ne1" NS is presented every tirne the CS is presented. Again, after several associations, the ne1v NS also becomes a CS (given the code CS2 as it is a ne1v CS - a second one). Th is then produces a CR.

0

di

ni g

This follO\VSthe idea of learning through consequences. The idea first began with the la1v of effect - we are more likely to repeat a behaviour if we find it pleasurable. Ho1vever, as pleasure ca nnot be directly observed, Skinner then proposed operant conditioning based around the idea of reinforcen1ent and punishment. Table 8.1.l sho1vs the four mechanisms that can be used to help an organism learn a behaviour.

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A child is not behaving very nicely to another child. As a result, the child's "golden time" of having extra playtime is removed and the child has to sit In the classroom alone. The child is less likely to repeat the behaviour.

Table 8.12 Two mechanisms 1n an example linked to education

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CHALLENGE YOURSELF You have been asked by your local school to create some new rules and regulations about behaviour 1n the classroom. The school has asked you to base it on operant conditioning What will you propose?

V

®

created so the student \vorks through at his or her O\vn pace getting rewarded at appropriate ti1nes. TEST YOURSELF Explain why programmed learning is linked to operant cond1t1oning.

EVALUATION behaviourism

•

quant

useful

•

APPLICATIONS (BASED ON THE BEHAVIOURIST PERSPECTIVE) I

ning

Behaviour-modification i These techniques also follo\v the idea of operant conditioning. They are based around the idea of reinforcen1ent and punishment that shape the student's behaviour to be better (e.g. in attempts to control a disruptive student in the classroon1). By shaping we mea11 changing the behaviour of a student (in rhis exan1ple) to be more desirable by only rewarding aspects of behaviour \Ve want repeating and ignoring or punishing those behaviours that \Ve do not \Vant to see. Specific ideas include the follo\ving:

This type of learning is based around reinforcen1ent. The \\!hole technique is based around "steps to learning~ The student is given a question and asked to respond. The follo\ving two things can happen:

Use of sticker charts - \vhen first starting school, children can be re\varded with a sticker each and every li1ne they display good behaviour (e.g. cooperating, being friendl y). \Vhen children have reached a certain set number of stickers on their chart they are re\varded \Vith something that they like (e.g. more playtin1e, a S\veet). The stickers are called secondary reinforcers as they can be exchanged for things that a child \\!ants.

The student is correct. If this is the case then praise, re\vard or appropriate feedback is given, and the student moves on to the next question. The positive reinforcement motivates the student to continue to the next question. This continues until all questions have been ans\vered correctly. The student is incorrect. If this is the case then the student may be given additional information or questions that essentially guide the individual towards the correct answer. This is designed so that the student begins to understand why the response '"as incorrect. As soon as the guidance allo\vs the student to get the question correct, he or she n1oves on to the next one. Some psychologists (e.g. Lefrancois) have stated that this type of learning does not apply to 111odern educational practices but so1ne of the principles such as reinforce1nent and reward do. Ho,vever, some modern practices in certain schools emphasise the use of IT and virtual learning. Both of these can use programmed learning effectively as the learning n1odule can be

The naughty corner or step can be used to try to get rid of undesirable behaviour. For example, if children are disruptive or aggressive they can be given a set amount of time in an area designated for "naughty children" (in a corner of a roo1n or on a special chair). As this is punishn1ent, it is hoped that the child will decrease the undesirable behaviour. ~

Use of tokens - th is follows a sin1ilar pattern lo the use of sticker chart·s. Children gain tokens (e.g. a plastic chip) for different desirable behaviours. Then once they have collected enough they can exchange them for a privilege (e.g. extra play tune, goi11g to use the library). Each privilege has a different "value''. For exan1ple, to gain e>..1ra playtime it costs five tokens and extra use of the library might cost just l\vo tokens. In some cases, tokens can be taken a\\•ay fron1 children for undesirable behaviour.

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CHALLENGE YOURSELF

Create a token chart with different values for different privileges. What will be the privilege with the highest and lowest token value?

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EVALUATION usefl.il

behaviourism

quant

ethics

APPLICATIONS (BASED ON HUMANISM)

-"-~~~~~~~-

All of this is based around the idea of a non-co1npetitive environment for learning. In traditional schools many students are ahvays in con1petition 1vith each other to a.chieve goals. Cooperative learning allo\vS students to work together in teams to achieve their potential. Here is an exan1ple: Groups of up to six students are set a task that requires face-to-face interact ion.

HUMANISTIC APPLICATIONS TO LEARNING This approach lo learning was not covered at AS level. TI1e basics ofhurnanisn1 centre on the uniqueness of every individual. 'TI1erefore, there are no general laws that apply to aU individuals. Overall, we are the product of our own experiences and as these are different for everyone, \Ve are all different.

Roles are assigned and the provision of tasks is divided among the group so everybody is working towards their strengths. This is called positive interdependence. Group n1ernbers are expected to share, cooperate and learn th rough out the task set. ~

1he end rewards and the uh irnate goal can only be achieved if all group men1bers contribute. It develops interpersonal skills such as taking turns,

collaboration and positivity.

Underlying th ory The idea of humanism stems from Rogers and bis ideas about client-centred therapy. The basics include that \ve are unique individuals \vho have all had different life patb,vays and this makes us all different We also have free \Vill over our O\vn behaviour and create our own path,vays in life. Sorne other characteristics include the follo,ving: What 1ve perceive as real is unique so no other person can truly understand us as no other person has had the san1e experiences. We all need to self-actualise - this means \vorking towards a goal we have set ourselves that \viii make us feel '\vhole''. We are who \Ve are due to life experiences. We \viii behave in 1vays that support the idea we have about ourselves.

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So, overall, the \vhole idea encourages positive interdependence, individual accountability (all must contribute), interpersonal skill development and faceto-face social skills.

Learning circles and the I r-An open classroon1 is a core idea of hurnanisn1. Open

classroon1s are about individual gro\vth and goal setting where the n1ost in1portont person is ahvays the student. There is no curriculun1 as such and there can be students of all ages in the same classroon1. There is a low student-teacher ratio \vith very little control or elernent of con1petition. In an open classroorn, a teac.her could set up learning circles in t\\IO main ways: Learning together - th is is si1n ilar to cooperative learning in that a group of four to six students \vork together on the same \vorksheet to get it completed. The n1aterial encourages the entire group to help each other. Praise is given for cooperation and

for completing Lhe task correctly. There is no competition bet\veen the groups \vho are given the same task. Student teains achievement division - this is also based on cooperative learning, but initially the groups have a mixture of ability in them. Any ne\v materiaJ that is vital to the task is "taught" to students in a traditional \vay. While students are encouraged to " 'Ork as a team, they chose \vhether to do so - therefore, some n1ay complete the task individually then give feedback to the group. Ho\vever, all students are encouraged to help each other. Tean1 scores are calculated and the tean1 that has progressed the most since the last task gets the most recognition (so it is not ahvays the best score that wins). Overall, this 1neans that the students are more in control of their progression than the teacher. EVALUATION usefUI

s

•

Ind vs sit

The idea of schemas (or schemata) is also useful. Schemas are "packets of information" about a certain object, idea, experience, etc. Children develop these over time and they change depending on the experiences a child has. For exan1ple, initially a child will have a niental representation of a "tree" in his or her head. Initially, all "trees are trees''. However, over tin1e and with education, the child learns there are different types of tree so will develop a schema for an oak, a fir and a n1aple tree. Education can help develop these schen1as so children can then fully understand the world around them. Other concepts that are useful are under the 'J\pplications" heading below.

h

Visit http://\V\vw.su111 merhillschool.co.uk/ and make notes on ho\v the school runs and \vhat a typical day/ term is for a student

COGNITIVE APPLICATIONS TO LEARNING This approach \Vas covered at AS level and the basics can be found on page V. This approach to education is based around the 1vay students think and process infor111ation in order to learn.

Underlying theory

(P

children begin to thi nk a11d reason but find it difficult to see the world from the vie\\•poinl of son1eone else. They also tend to find logical tasks difficult. At the concrete operational stage (7- 11 years old) the child begins to develop more aduJt-like thinking patterns and appreciate logic more. I lo\vever, sometin1es their logic is not based on hO\V an adult would think. ln the final stage, the formal operational stage (11 + years old) logical and abstract thoughts are developed and children can begin to think for themselves.

)

The basic idea of Piaget is that a child develops in stages that are linked to the child's age. During a sensorin1otor stage (up to 2 years of age) children have a simple focus on developing their senses and moving around to learn. At the pre-operational stage (2-7 years old)

APPLICATIONS

i

..

This idea \\'CIS proposed by Bruner and the idea \\laS that it can help out in the classroom to educate students. It follo\VS the idea that students are not presented with all of the material "there and then" (which can be called spoon feeding) but they are to organise it the1nselves with cognitive effort. Students niust be ready to learn and discover new things by looking for relationships between diJferent bits of information. Students need to be in a motivational state that is optin1um (not over- or underaroused). Students need to be exposed to inforn1ation fro1n a range ofsituations - this allows thc1n to look for relationships between them \Vithout simply "being told". Finally, students have to be ready to go out and discover ne\v materials and information that is asked of then1. Again, this helps them to see relationships bcl\veen different bits of information. Other aspects include the follo''~ng: Choosing the correct mode of representation - this can be related to both the age of students and how complex a11 idea is. Children move from enactive

•

(senses and motor learning) through iconic (concrete facts and ideas) to symbolic (abstract ideas) representation. Spiral curriculum - the programme of learning should involve returning to core ideas that are looked at in increasing depth each time so students get a more solid unde rstanding of them. So, for example, for this course it may be a return to the issues and debates or research n1ethods each time they are relevant to a topic. Students need to be encouraged to have "educated guesses» and teachers need to use a range of tech niques to allov.• cognitive progression in au students. CHALLENGE YOURSELF

How would you use discovery learning lo create a series of lessons to leach a group of students any one of the core studies from AS level? Evaluate your efforts (e.g. how easy would It be? Do you think students would understand the study at lhe end?).

Expository teaching or I Ausubel felt that discovery learning can be too time consuming and overall may not be effective in aiding understanding. He noted the follo,ving about traditional teaching: Expository teaching - \Vhen students are given all of the information that is necessary on a topic in its final form; they do none of the initial '"ork. Reception learning - '"hen students have to learn tJ1e expository teaching material. Ausubel stated that there are t\VO ways that traditional teaching can be in1proved via expository teaching: Derivative subsumption - when students are made to relate any ne\v infonnation to previously learned n1aterial. Correlative subsumption - when students have to change \vhat they already kno\v to allO\\I the ne\" information to relate to \Vhat they knO\\I. Overall, other techniques that can be use expository teaching include the follo,ving: Advance organisers - this involves things such as ideas and concepts iliat are given to students before any ne'" material is learned in a lesson. These could

•

take ilie form of lesson objectives using key terms of ideas that the lesson '"ill be about or contain. Discriminability - a teacher should try to use correlative subsumptions more than derivative ones as they require more cognitive effort and a student is more likely to retain that information. ~1aking

it meaningful - there should be sufficient background material already presented and stored so that the student can then be prepared to learn ne\v ideas (e.g. the context of the core studies at AS level mean that, you, as a student, have an idea '"hY the study took place so it becon1es n1eaningful).

Zone of proximal vel n ( D) Vygotsky coined the tern1 ZPD to describe the difference between \vhat learners can ac hieve by then1selves and \vhat they can achieve \Vi th the help of a more experienced person (e.g. a teacher). 'TI1erefore, a teacher plays a vital role in helping students cornplete tasks that are just beyond \\lhat they can achieve by then1selves. This aJJo,vs individuals to develop at diflerent rates and teachers must be a'rare of how the ZPD of ditferent students '"ill differ depending on ilie task. One student might have a large potential for mathematics while another in the same class finds mathematics very difficult. The first student has a large ZPD \vbile the latter has a small ZPD. As a result, a teacher \vould have to use different techniques to teach both students. CHALLENGE YOURSELF

With the mathematics example above. how would you help each student? What would be different? Would there be some activities lhal were the same?

One \vay in \\•hich a teacher could help any student is through '"hat is called scaffolding. Tl1is is a process whereby a teacher (sorneone with the kno\vledge) attempts to pass on knowledge to someone with less knowledge (the student). Scaffold ing is about creating structured niaterials that allow students to gain in confidence with a particular topic '''ith the relevant help. An example could include a series of handouts on a topic that includes the follo,ving: Basic ideas could be included that allow students to gain some kno\vledge, such as a fill-in-the-gaps

exercise or an exercise matching terms to definitions by connecting the111 with a line. The fill-in-the-gaps exercise might have all of the \YOrds given to students in a box: they then place each one in the correct gap. "Templates" that break information down could be provided for students. An example \\'Ould be templates for the AS level core studies you looked at last year. You \vould be given a template that has sections for you to write the aim, design, participants, etc. This \\'Ould ensure that you look at each section in turn.

giving some guidelines on how to \Yritc it. For exan1ple, the handout may hint at \vhat the question is asking. \\•hat material is usefu I and even give an example evaluation to show students how it is done. Ho\vever, students \YOuld still have to \Yrite the essay themselves ai. this is the skill that is being taught.

@

EVALUATION cognitive

usefUI

Ind vs sit

Students n1ight be asked to \vrite an essay-style answer lo a question. A handout \vould be provided

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s.2 .s p;e c1AL EDUCATIONAL

NEEDS

The Department for Children, Schools and Fan1ilies in the United Kingdom (2008) defined giftedness as: Children and yol1ng people \vi th one or more abilities developed to a level significantly ahead of their year group (or \Vi th potential to develop those abilities). ASK YOURSELF

DEFINITIONS, TYPES AND ASSESSMENT OF SPECIAL EDUCATIONAL NEEDS (INCLUDING GIFTED CHILDREN) Definitions of special educational needs and 9 dn The Departn1ent for Education in the United Kingdom defines special educational needs as follo\vs: Children have special educational needs if they have a learning difficulty which calls for special educational provision to be made for the1n. Children have a learning difficulty if they:

Do you agree with these definrtions? Can you think of an example that may not fit into these?

TYPES OF SPECIAL EDUCATIONAL NEEDS Dysl

i

V>/e \viii focus on dyslexia here as an exan1ple of a special educational need. The British Dyslexia Association's definition is: Dyslexia is a con1bination of abilities and difficulties that affect the learning process in one or n1ore of reading, spelling and \Vriting. It is a persistent condition. Table 8.2.1 shO\VS a list of characteristics of dyslexia broken do\vn by age.

(a) have a significantly greater difficulty in learning than the majority of children of the same age; or (b) have a disability \Vhich prevents or hinders them

from n1aking use of educational facilities of a kind generally provided for children of the same age in schools within the area of the local education authority (c) are under compulsory school age and fall \Vilhin the definition at (a) or (b) above or would so do if special educational provision was not made for them. Children n1usl not be regarded as having a learning difficulty solely because the language or forn1 of language of their home is different from the h1nguage in \Vhich they \Viii be taught. Special educational provision means: (a) for children of two or over, educational provision which is additional to, or other\vise different fron1, the educational provision made generally for children of their age in schools maintained by the LEA, other than special schools, in the area (b) for children under t'
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Persistent (so not linked to age of child)

Children who have dyslexia: have •good" and "bad" days for no reason confuse directional words such as "up" and "down" can find sequencing difficult (e.g. pulling beads In an order) have problems with numbers and adding up "in their head" have a short attentJon span have problems organising themselves

Pre-school

have delayed speech development jumble up phrases (e.g. saying "beddy tear" instead or "teddy bear" have difficulties expressing themselves through speech have d1ff1culty with rhyming words and phrases have difficulty in remembering labels for objects (e.g. chair, bed)

Early school years

have difficulty learning sounds of letters show unpredictable spelling have difficulty in copying written words and sentences can confuse letters such as "b" and "d" have poor ·word attack skills" - the ability to process and make sense of unfamiliar words by breaking them down

Middle school years

have a slow reading speed have problems with correct spellings have problems recognising and understanding new words.

A Table 8.2.1 Characteristics of dyslexia broken down by age

Source: Adapted lrom NHS and British Dyslexia Association Information Assessn1en1 can be completed at school using a computerised test that will assess all of the above (depending on the age of the child). A second opinion rnay be sought from an educational psychologist \vho can run some face-to-face tests on the child.

,. Impairment of social communication - a 1vide range of communication skills rnay be affected. Many children with autism fail to develop "useful speech~ Even after their language skills improve, they n1ay find it dHficuh lo use it to con1municate 1vith others. There may be a lack of intonation in the voice and non-verbal comn1unication such as eye contact and use of gestures is very limited or non-existent. Impairment of social imagination - those affected have great difficulty thinking irnaginatively. Pretend play is either absent or they play the san1e thing over and over again. Other features 1nay include repetitive behaviour, a focus on very specific topics to collect inforrnation about and a lack of attentional gestures such as pointing or showing. Asperger syndrome is a form of autis1n. Lt is sin1Uar to \vhat is outlined above but people with Asperger syndron1e appear to have fe\ver speech problems and tend to have above average intelligence. They also usually have specific learning difficulties (e.g. dyslexia, dyspraxia or attention deficit hyperactivity disorder - ADHD). Assessment tends lo be through the DSM via a trained physician. ~

CHALLENGE YOURSELF

A local school has asked you to assess its students for dyslexia What sort of tasks would you gel the students to perform 1n order for you to assess who may have dyslexia?

Autism spectrum di Autisn1 spectrum disorders is a tenn given to a group of "disorders" that cover a wide spread of social and intellectual issues. "01ese include autisn1 itself and Asperger syndrome. ·nre Dingnost ic and Statistical 1Wan11al of Mental Disorders (DSM) has diagnostic criteria for autism and Asperger syndrome but the follo1ving are the n1ain characteristics of autism: ln1pairn1ent of social interaction - those affected have difficulty 1vith reciprocal social interactions. This rnay co111e across as being disinterested. Also, some may like the social contact but fail to reciprocate it.

V

TEST YOURSELF

OuU1ne the main characteristics of auhsm.

.. According to the Department for Children, School and Families, general characteristics of gifted and talented children include the follo\ving: They are good readers and verbally fluent for their age. They rnay also verbally respond very quickly. _. They have a \Vide general knowledge, learn quickly and have interest in topics that older children are studying. They con1n1unicate well with adults and show "novel" approaches lo problem solving. Also, they prefer verbal ac ti vities to written activities. They have a good memory. They are probably musical and/or artistic. Assessment can be achieved in a variety of ways from teacher nomination to checklists of the above to

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assessing students' 1vork and testing their abilities 1vith psychometric methods (e.g. an IQ test). Please refer to the IQ section on page 137. CHALLENGE YOURSELF A local school has asked you

to assess its students for giftedness. What sort of tasks would you get the students to perform 1n order for you to assess who may be gifted?

CAUSES AND EFFECTS OF ONE SPECIFIC LEARNING DIFFICULTY OR DISABILITY

ys Recent advances in this area have focused on a biological cause for dyslexia. It would appear that if a person has been diagnosed 1vith dyslexia then there is a 40- 60 per cent chance that the person's child or children will also develop dyslexia. It 1vould appear that there could be "faults" in the phonological processing centres of the brain in dyslexics. The specific areas could be: broca's area, which is involved in the production of speech and 1vriting the parietotemporal region, 1vhich is thought to be involved in analysing a 1vritten 1vord or sentence the occipitoten1poral region, 1vhich is thought to be involved in looking at 1vords and then identifying 1vh at they a re. Also, an area of the brain called the cerebelJum could play a role in dyslexia as this area controls elen1ents of language production but also coordination and balance 1vhich can also be lacking in people 1vit11 dyslexia. Genetic analysis has shown that genetic variants may account for some of the reading difficulties and other factors linked to dyslexia. For example, Wilcke et al (2012) reported that a variant of the genetic n1aterial labelled FOXP2 may well be able to account for some of the phonological processing difficulties that dyslexics display. Elbert et al (2011) also reported that a certain region of the K!AA03 I 9 gene could contribute to the reading difficulties displayed by many dyslexics.

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ln terms of effects, the main characteristics are highlighted on page L18 and, in addition, dyslexics may well sho1v

elements of dyscalculia (atypical n1athematical ability), dyspraxia (problems 1vith motor coordination of limbs, etc.) and dysgrapl1ia (difficulty 1vriting).

fA\

V

TEST OURSEL

Outline potential causes of dyslexia.

~ EVALUATION

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quant

STRATEGIES FOR EDUCATING CHILDREN WITH SPECIAL NEEDS

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Int gration versu i n Johnson & Jones (1999) highlighted some pros and cons for integrating students 1vith autistic spectrum disorders into mainstream schools: Pros: there were increased chances of social interactions; easier access to resources; specialist teaching methods; broader opportunities for qualifications; opportunities to spread a1vareness of their need to others; a better understanding of social rules in a real-world every day context. Cons: there 1vere too many people to deal with socia!Jy; the curricuJu1n n1ay have been too inflexible; staff \Vere less likely to have been trained on the disorder; there 1vere fe1ver opportunities to explore the social \.vorld "s;ifely''. The Council for the Registration of Schools Teaching Dyslexic Pupils (CReSTeD) is a UK-based organisation that lists schools that have specialist provision for students \Yith dyslexia. In 2013 it had 78 schools listed with specialist dyslexia units and 1Tiost of these schools will integrate dyslexics inlo 1nainstream education but also have provision for specialist lessons and help where it is needed for a student.

TEST YOURSELF What are the arguments in ravour of integraUng students with special educational needs into mainstream schools?

For gifted students, acceleration or •

There has been a debate as to v•hether gifted students are n1ore often accelerated (placed in a class for older students or given niore stretching \VOrk) or enriched (given extra activities in and out of the classroom). The Department for Children, Schools and Fatnilies recommends a con1binatlon of the t\vo including: stretching targets for a gifted student taking into account previous kno\vledge and skills providing learning acti vities that stretch the student through acceleration and enrichment

1' making opportunities for independent learning enabling learning in settings beyond the classroom providing individual support for aspects such as language to st retch and challenge the student ensuring rich provision of educational activities. Renzulli ( 1977) created an enrichment triad model \vhich \Vas used in schools in the United States in the J 970s. The n1odel is sho,vn in Figure 8.2.1.

Type 1 General exploratory activities

v

Type2

Group training activities

Type 3 Individual and small-group Investlgation of real problems

Type 1 activities \vere designed to expose students to a range of hobbies, occupations, places, etc. that are not covered in the curriculum. Type 2 activities \vere designed to promote things such as problemsolving skills, "how-to" skills and oral and visual communication skills. Type 3 activities 'vere designed so that students could choose an area of interest to pursue \Yilh extra curricular lime. Types I and 2 \Vere available to the top 20 per cent of an ability group \Yith Type 3 given to Lhe top 3 per cent of students (or more depending on the model adopted by a specific school).

0-

I

A variety of strategies can be used in schools (and at

home) to help students who have dysleida: The Alpha-to-Omega method for reading, \Yriting and spelling is a schen1e based on phonetics. It introduces \VOrds, gran11nar, punctuation, etc. in a series of logical steps to help dyslexic students begin to read words Lhen \vrite them and get the spelling correct. Pictures are used so Lhat students have to match sou11ds and \VOrds to the correct picture. Colour can be used - n1any dyslexics have been found to find \vhite paper quite "glaring" n1aking it difficult to read text. As most scl1ools in the UK no'v have interactive \vhiteboards this can be problematic for dyslexics in the classroom. 'rhe use of cream or pastel shades of paper or background to an interactive board can help to reduce the glare and the words appear clearer. Son1e dyslexics prefer a coloured overlay on a piece of paper (a plastic coloured sheet) or they wear I inted reading glasses \vi th their preferred colour as their lenses. The colour~d filters are said to help \vith the visual stress of reading. An intuitive colourin1eter can be used by an optometrist to find dyslexics' preferred colour. Pinally, the choice of colour for the text is crucial - some colour combinations such as red text on 1vhite background can 1nake the \VOrds "invisible" to some dyslexics. Phonics can be used to help dyslexics. There are six stages to this:

1. Phonemic a'vareness - this helps students to recognise different phone1nes and what they sound like. Figure 8.2.1 The enrichment triad model

2. Phonic instruclion - this teaches students how to ~sound out" a printed \VOrd by recognising Lhe different leuers in a \VOrd.

3. SpeUing and \vriting instruction - this encourages students to combine letters to make \VOrds and then say the1n.

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words and their meanings and are asked the meanings of previously learned \VOrds. EVALUATION useful

ind vs sit

ethics '

4. Fluency instruction - students practise reading " 'ords correctly. They are also encouraged to read faster each tin1e.

5. Vocabulary instruction - this allo\vs students to begin to recognise Lhe words they have already learned.

6. Co1nprehension instruction - students are encouraged to ask questions abou t uncertain

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CHALLENGE YOURSELF You have been asked by a local school to help

students who have been diagnosed with dyslexia. The school wants you to devise a programme that can be followed by these students to help them. What will you include in your programme and why?

8.3 LEARNING AND TEACHING STYLES

effectiveness ofho\v that student learns on that day. Therefore, there is unpredictability here. The middle layer is called informational processing style. This represents ho\v the student processes information. This has a focus on ho\v the student takes in the information, processes it in the brain and then uses it to perform a certain task. The middle layer is more stable as it is "deeper into the onion" so the student's preferred style tends to remain the same in different classes and subjects. The processing style can be affected by environmental factors such as ho\v \veil the teacher explains a task but, overall, this layer is quite stable.

TYPES OF LEARNING AND TEACHING STYLE Learning styles refer to ho\v a student can take in information, process it and then use it for some purpose (e.g. taking an exam). Teaching styles refer to ho\v a teacher delivers the material to a class of students to help them understand it. In this section we look at different types of learning and teaching styles, how to measure our learning and teaching styles and then ho\v to in1prove learning effectiveness.

The inner core is called cognitive personality style. This represents the student's core way of th inking. For exan1ple, son1e students prefer to look at a problem fro111 various angles before answering it and \Vil] do this no n1atter \vhal subject they are studying. Other students will take a step-by-step approach so they tackle a proble1n in a logical order before anS\VCring. Other core elements include personality traits such as being an extrovert or introvert. As this is the core, it is difficult to change in a student; it represents how the student will tackle a problem or exam question.

ASK YOURSELF

How do you feel you learn best (a) in a classroom (b) at home when revising. Keep the answer to one side and then see if your learning style is covered in this section.

The onion model Grasha's (1996)

I

This 1nodel uses the analogy of an onion to explain learning styles. There are three layers to the "onion" and each of the1n represent ways in \Vhich people learn and also ho\v stable each type is \\rithin a learner: The outer layer is called instructional preference. This represents \vhat the student favours in terms of how the individual Iikes to be taught. There are a lot of factors that can affect this preference including the classroo1n environn1ent, who the teacher is, how the teacher teaches and expectations fro1n self and, for exa111ple, parents. This outer layer is quite "unstable" (think ho\v easy it is to peel tl1e outer layer off an onion) and can change fron1 day to day depending on \Vhich of the above factors are affecting the student For exa111ple, one day a student has his or her favourite teacher in the students favourite dassroon1 and learns very \Veil Ho\vever, the next day the student still has his or her favourite teacher but the classroom is not "nice" and the student's parents have told the student that he or she must try harder. This may reduce the

"' Grasha (1996) introduced us to six different styles of learning that a student can have. The idea is to be able to use aJJ six but th is depends on the task that is being undertaken in the classroon1. Grasha believed that students should be able to utilise all six \vhen being educated, but that they 1nust choose the most appropriate \vhen needed. lhesc are the six styles:

I> Independent - students learn at their own pace, by then1selves on things such as course\vork projects.

I> Dependent - students look to the teacher and to other students for help and structure. TI1e preference here is to be told \vhat to do. Competitive - this style is about being motivated to do better than class111ates and seeing acade1n ic achieven1ent as being very important. Collaborative - this involves \VOrking and cooperating \Vith other students and the teacher. The preference is for small-group \VOrk and projects.

lhey encourage development of self-confidence and independence in learning and they give students responsibi1ities.

Avoidant - this is when students feel unenthusiastic about learning and then becon1e uninterested. Participant - students are eager to \Vork and get involved in activities. The idea behind Lhis is to meet Lhe teacher's expectations.

A ]o,v-initiative teacher is the opposite of the above.

A teacher can easily shO\V high-initiative traits in both formal and informal settings and Fontana reminded his readers that high and lo\1 initiative are not to be confused \vith formaJ and informal teaclling methods. 1

Formal and Informal S 1 76) I

Early ideas about teaching styles focused on ho"' formal or informal the classroom setting was. These are the t\\IO styles: Formal style this is a teacher-centred approach to delivery. lhe teacher is in control of the lesson and decides '"hat is being taught, how it wiU be taught, \Vho sits where and how the classroon1 is arranged. This is son1etin1es called a "traditional" method of teaching. informal style - this is a student-centred approach to delivery. The lesson is a negotiation between the student and the teacher in tenns of 1vhat is taught, ho1v it is delivered and how the assessn1ents \vork. Bennett noted that 1vhen lessons are about acaden1ic content then the formal style brought about better results than the informal. This suggests that having structure to lessons, brought in by the teacher, allows students to understand concepts better and then use Lhen1 at a later date.

High initiative and low ~

I

5

Fontana also looked into teaching styles. He 1vanted to introduce a new idea. 111ere is a conti11uun1 bel\veen a high-initiative and a low-initiative teacher. The characteristics of a high-initiative teachers are as fo U01vs: TI1ey are awa re of the individual needs of each student (e.g. the student's preferred learning style, what special educational needs the student has). They are \Villing to learn from students (e.g. learn niore about ho\v the class wants to be taught). They allo1v all students to 1nake full use of their range of skills and abilities (e.g. using a variety of tasks so everyone can \York to a strength).

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They allO\V students to make informed choices (e.g. for coursework there may be a range of options so students can choose their favourite).

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EVALUATION usetul

quantlqual

•

ind vs sit

CHALLENGE YOURSELF

Using one or the learning or teaching styles above, explain how you would use it Lo make learning more effective In a local school.

MEASURING LEARNING AND TEACHING STYLES So. ho\v do teachers and educational psychologists measure preferred learning and teaching styles? We 'viU look at \vays in \Vhich they can measure both.

Approaches to study inventory (ASI)

..

'

The ASI is a questionnaire that students can fill in and it measures, nu1uerically, hO\V \\•ell they score on four different "learning orientations''. The questions are all ans\vered on a rating scale and an overall score can be calculated. The four different learning orientations are as follo1vs: Meaning orientation - this includes taking a deep approacll to learning (questioning a lot), using evidence to make a knowledgable argument, being able to interrelate ideas, engaging in comprehension learning as \veil as operation learning (using facts and logic) and having intrinsic niotivation (students can motivate themselves). Reproducing orientation - this includes taking a usurface approach" (students like to n1en1orise),

being syllabus-bound (relying on the teacher for learning objectives), improvidence (showing strong attention to detail) and fearing failure. Achieving orientation - this includes taking a "strategic approach" (students are a\vare of the academic demands of a subject) and showing achievement motivation (being quite competitive \vith confidence). Non-academic orientation - this includes having disorganised study methods, having negative attitudes to studying in general, "globetrotting" Qumping to quick conclusions not based on all the facts available) and extrinsic n1otivation (\vanting to get qualifications). All students 'vho co1nplete the ASJ get a score on all four orientations (and each s1nall section within an orientation) so the score can then highlight to them what strategies they can use \vhen it comes to studying (e.g. for exa1ns).

Acbv1ties earned out by students are restricted to those set out by the teacher Students' activities are mainly writing and listening The teacher's main activity 1s to lecture and provide 1nformat1on

I

TEST YOURSELF

What are the main features of the ASt?

Teacher-centr d and student-centred styles (Kyriacou & Williams, 9 We have already discussed the ideal of forn1al and informal teaching styles but ho\v can these be measured statistically? Kyriacou & Willian1s ( 1993) devised an inventory that could be con1pleted by teachers. lt measured the degree in which teachers were student- or teacher-centred in their job. Teachers have to co1nplete a series of statements by simply ticking how it best describes ho\V they \vork (see Figure 8.3.1 ).

Acllv1t1es earned out by students are variable and negotiated with the teacher Students' act1v1t1es are mainly problem solving and experimental The teacher's main act1v1ty 1s to facilitate and enable students to learn The teacher's rote varies; the teacher Is an enabler and facilitator Resources are numerous and varied

1

The teacher's role 1s fixed as a provider Resources are limited 1n number and variety Time spent on activities is fixed, determined by the teacher The classroom has a forma l layout that rarely changes The objectives of the lesson are usually content based Assessment Is normally under the control of the teacher

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l

Time spent on activities is variable and nexlble, negotiated by students and the teacher Tile layout of the classroom is flexible, changing according to the activities going on Process Is the main objective of lessons Students and the teacher have a say in assessment

Figure 8.3.1 Some of the bipolar terms used to measure teacher-centred and student-centred teaching styles Source: Adapted from Kyriacou & VVilklns, 1993

An overall score can be calculated that tells us the extent to \vhich a teacher prefers teacher-centred or studentcentred styles of teaching.

All of these styles are measured using a learning styles questionnaire '"here students tick all of the statements that they feel describe ho''' they learn. From that, a score can be generated and then each student can be put into one of the four main categories.

Kolb's (1984) learning EVALUATION

Kolb began working on his learning styles ideas in 1984 and they \Vere published in 1984 and I986. He believed that there are four main learning styles, as highlighted by Figure 8.3.2. Concrete experience

Diverging Accommodating ~ feel and do § feel and watch

Doing

c:

Converging think and do

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0 Q.

e <1>

. Asslm1latlng think and watch

useful

You have been asked Lo give a talk to some teachers about teaching and learning styles. They want some practical advice about what things they can do in Lhe classroom to make learning more interactive. What advice would you given Ihem and on what psychology is your advice based?

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Active Processing Continuum experimentation - ---=-+-----

ind vs sit

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CHALLENGE YOURSELF

Feeling

(.)

psychom

Reflective observation Watching

cf

Abstract conceptualisation Thinking

Figure 8.3.2 Kolb"s learning sty1es

IMPROVING LEARNING EFFECTIVENESS (STUDY SKILLS) Now you have learned about different learning and teaching styles and ho'v to rneasure them, ho\\' can all of the information be used to try to improve ho'" effectively we learn? We will look at three methods.

The four styles can be described as folJo,vs: Accommodating - students \Vho like to do things and get involved in the experience of learning ' "ill be in this category. Accommodators may be risk takers and do thi ngs via "trial and error~ Assin1ilating - asshnilators Lend to be motivated by asking questions such as "What is there to kno\\•?" ll1ey are more interested in abstract ideas than concrete ones. They Ii ke accurate, structured delivery of information. Converging - students in this category like the practical application of any idea and like logical progression of topics. Diverging- students in this category like to be i1naginative \vhen learning. They Like to vie'" ideas from many angles and like material presented in a systematic '"ay.

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The 4-m t syst m " 1 There are four stages to lesson planning \Vhich in theory can enhance learning experiences in the classroon1:

1. Motivation - students may be asked to devise a lesson individualJy about a particular topic. Similarities and differences are noted via a discussion bet~veen the students.

2. Concept development - all of the students' lesson plans are discussed so that a lesson can cover \vhat all students like in terms of the way they learn. This means that the teacher can direct the learning to appropriate tasks. For example, for some a textbook might be the favoured method of delivery \Vhereas for others some onJine material might help.

3. Practice - all students engage in practical activities in the classroo1n to develop a deeper understanding of the topic areas.

4. Application - students 'viii be given a novel situation or experience and they have to use the kno,vledge they have already gained from the first three stages and apply it to this ne\v situation.

There are three main stages lo SPEL1':

1. Phase 1: students are taught about the different techniques (e.g. problem-solving, men1ory, organisation techniques) by a teacher using a formal style of delivery.

2. Phase 2: students "try out" a number of techniques and then evaluate them in terms of effectiveness for them. The delivery moves towards an informal style of delivery as each student can \\'Ork individually at his or her own pace.

This method is about improving the effectiveness of learning through the use of textbooks. The idea is to do more than sin1ply "read" the material in a textbook by doing the follo1ving:

3. Phase 3: students begin to use the strategies that they evaluated favourably in different situations or classes. They continue to evaluate their effectiveness and the delivery of session is no1v informal.

1. Preview - the idea here is lo "skin1 read" a chapter

Psychologists and teachers have been very positive about the SPELT 111ethod as it gives students a "cognitive toolkit" \vhich they can use in any subject depending on the demands of any given task.

by focusing on words in bold, the headings and subheadings used and readi ng any introduction, sun1 niary or bullet-poinL sections.

2. Question - students go back and look at any headings or subheadings again, then they need to turn these headings into questions. 3. Read - students read each section carefully, maybe highlighting or making notes in the margin. The que~tions generated in stage 2 should be a focus and students should try to find the answers to them as they read. 4. Self-recitation - students recall the information after each section either out loud or to themselves. 5. Test - \vhen a chapter is completed, students try to recall as mud1 of the chapter as possible using the questions to help them recall.

The SPELT method I ~ 1 ) The final n1ethod is called strategies for effective learning and th inki ng (SPELT). The idea is that if teachers can get students lo understand and appreciate ho~v they learn then teachers can in1prove students' ability to learn. This can then turn into students becon1ing autono111ous learners who kno1v exactly the best 1vays in which they learn. Teachers must have a range of techniques that can help any students (e.g. problen1-solving, memory, logical and organisational techniques).

®

EVALUATION useful

•

quantlqual

ind vs sit

TEST YOURSELF OuUine the SPELT method

validity

to improve learning.

CHALLENGE YOURSELF

Outline one way In which you would improve the effecbveness of learning 1n a group of students who say they are "bored with JUSl reading from a textbook".

We have already looked at w·ays in \Vhich students learn differently and how potentially to improve the effectiveness of learning in the classroom. Ho,vever, one other factor that can affect educational performance is motivation. ln this section \Ve look at different types of nlolivat ion, ho\V to improve nlOt ivation and issues that affect motivation. ~

ASK YOURSELF

~

List anything that you think would mollvate a student to do beller at school.

One idea fron1 humanism that atten1pts to explain motivation \~S proposed by NlaslO\\'. He created a hierarchy of needs that starts at basic needs and 1noves up to higher-level "meta needs~ This is shO\Vn in Figure 8.4.1 . A student 1nust \VOrk up the hierarchy of needs to achieve self-actualisation - this is realising and read1 ing one's full potential.

SelfactuallsallOn needs Esteem needs Social needs Safety needs

DEFINITIONS, TYPES AND THEORIES OF MOTIVATION Extrinsic motivation is a desire to perform a task or behaviour because it gives positive rei nforce1nent (e.g. a reward) or it avoids son1e kind of punishn1ent. In terms of education, this 111ight n1ean students are motivated to get the best grade possible. Intrinsic motivation is a desire to perform a task or behaviour because it gives internal pleasure or helps to develop a skiJJ. ln terms of education, students \Vill attribute success to their O\VD desires (autonomy) and may be interested in simply mastering a task rather than focusing on a grade.

This idea follo\vS the rules of operant conditioning covered on page 112. Students arc motivated by rewards. The more they are re\vardcd, the n1ore likely they arc to repeat behaviour or con1plete a task. Positive reinforcement allo,vs this to happen. They may also be motivated by punishment in terms of trying to avoid it.

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PhyS1olog1caJ needs Figure 8.4.1 Maslow's hierarchy of needs

The basic needs al\vays have to be met (even if partially) before a human being can consider 1vorking up the hierarchy tO\vards self-actualisation. Therefore, a student has to be motivated and fulfilled at a physiological and safety level before atten1pting anything higher. ~

V

CHALLENGE YOURSELF

How do you think we can use Maslow's hierarchy to motivate a child in the classroom?

ln terms of the cognitive approach, the key to nlolivation

is about how we think and process infor111ation. It is based around our potential ability to see the future "as \Ve would like it to be''. 'Jhese thoughts then nlotivate us to work towards these goals and ideas as they are \vhat 1ve act11ally \Vant. We analyse the chances of us succeeding or failing (again looking to the future) and use these as motivators. HO\\lever, \Ve can also use kno\vledge from the past to see \vhether it is \vorth attempting to continue \Vith a task or pursue a ne1v idea. \Ve might conclude that the effort is not worth it - kno\vledge fron1 the past can therefore decrease our 1notivatioa .

Praise is given but success is attributed to ability alone or external factors (e.g. luck).

TEST YOURSELF

What are lhe s1m11an1Jes and differences between the humanistic and cognilive approaches lo motrvahon?

IMPROVING MOTIVATION

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Behavioural: effective r 1 It may appear logical that praise is a good thing in the classroom and that it motivates students to work harder. Wh ile this is probably the case, Brophy noted that there are such things as ineffective and effective praise. It is not just the act of praising that motivates, it is about how it is delivered. Brophy had noted that only about 6 per cent of class ti me is devoted to praise - and this is not enough. According to Brophy these are the ingredients for effective praise: Praise should only be delivered in response to specific behaviour. The target behaviours that 1vill be praised need to be defined clearly to all students. Praise should appear lo be sincere, credible and spontaneous (so teachers do not need to think on their feet). Perforn1ance shou Id only be praised 1vhen a student meets clearly defined standards set out by the teacher. Praise should be informative: students should kno1v 1vhy they have been given it Praise can be individually specific - so it should be given for the recognition of hard 1vork and effort 1vith di fficu It tasks. ,. Praise should attribute success lo effort over anything else. Brophy also noted these exan1plcs of ineffective praise: Praise is given randon1ly. Generic, bland, positive con1n1enls are given that are not specific to the student or the task that the praise is based around. Re1vards given are not related to performance. Praise is used 1vhen con1paring student 1vith student. Praise is not linked to effort.

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Praise is used as a sy1nbol of po1ver.

Some psychologists have criticised the idea of motivation being con1pletely based around praise and that it is encouragement that is the key to success. Tapp & Lively did report though that 1vhen praise is used effectively, behavioural gains can be very quick and effective.

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EVALUATION behaviourism

useful

•

CHALLENGE YOURSELF

Using lhe idea of effective praise. outline a programme you would set up at a school that would encourage teachers lo use It more often. What would you tell the teachers?

9

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I I

I I

\
How could you mohvate a student that has a IO\V need for achievement. What activities could you do with them?

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Cognitive-behavioural: I Bandura (I 977) developed the idea of self-efficacy. It is a n1easure of the belief about our O\Vn ability to con1plete tasks successfully and achieve goals. There are four main components: Persona] accon1plishments - previous success in a particular task increases our self-efficacy. If \Ve have succeeded before there is no reason to think that \Ve \viii not do the same again. Ho\vever, failure \vilJ lo\ver self-efficacy. lf \Ve continue to succeed at tasks and our self-efficacy remains high, then the occasional failure at a task will have little impact on us. Vicarious experience - this is based around watching others succeed or fail at a task. Bandura believed that if we watch other people succeed without any negative consequences that it may well strengthen our own self-efficacy and we will be more likely to \vant to try harder next time. Verbal persuasion - this is based on the idea that verbal praise from someone else about a student's potential ability to succeed can help and can instil confidence in the student. It is not as strong as direct experience but it can help if the student has repeatedly failed at a task previously. Emotional arousal - the level of anxiety and stress that a student feels can have an effect on the student's self-efficacy. If the student has too much or not enough anxiety or stress then he or she can have IO\V self-efficacy and therefore may easily fail a task. A moderate amount of aiLxiety and stress is optimal for self-efficacy to work \veil - feeling nervous before an exam might actually help you feel more positive about your potential ability compared to crying and not wanting to enter the exani room!

®

EVALUATION cognitive

useful

ind vs sit

MOTIVATION ISSUES: ATTRIBUTION THEORY AND LEARNED HELPLESSNESS Sometimes, students do have problems and issues \vhen it con1es to motivating themselves lo co1nplete work or sit an exa1n. Why is this the case? We \Vill look at tv.•o \vays in \Vhich \Ve could explain \Vhy this happens: attribution theory and learned helplessness. We \Vill then also look at bo\v changing attributions nlight have a positive effect on motivation in students.

Attributing c uses to beha I rs Weiner (1984) noted that there are three 1nain factors that can affect motivation based around ho\v \Ve attribute success and failure to a certain task: Locus of control - this \Vas developed from an idea by Rotter. An internal locus of control is about us feeling \Ve have control over \vhy \Ve perform ·\veU (or not) on a task. An external locus of control is about us feeling something outside of us make us perform \Veil or badly on a task (e.g. luck or fate). Stability - this is concerned \Vith hO\V much \Ve perceive an attribution to be affecting us over tin1e. For example, if " 'e attribute a success to luck, this is dearly an unstable force as it is unpredictable. Ho\vever, if \Ve attribute success or failure to something stable (such as our own ability) this can be consistent over ti1ne and it motivates us n1ore. Controllability- this is about how much we feel. co11trol over any factor that could affect our perforn1ance on a task. Elements that are controllable include students carefully planning revision for an exam or d1oosing to con1plete a ho1ne\vork task. However, so1netimes things are uncontrollable as they are "out of our hands" (e.g. catching a cold before an exani) and this makes a student underperforn1.

TEST YOURSELF

Outline one psychological way of trying to explain h()f1 we could improve motivation 111 the classroom. On what psychology is your chosen way based?

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Seligman first developed the idea of learned helplessness \vith research using dogs. He found that \vhen a dog

could not escape the negative experience of electric shocks no n1atter where they stood in a cage, they simply gave up tr)ring to escape and lay do1vn. When they 1vere then put in a si1nilar situation 1vhere they could escape by jumping into part of the cage 1vhere they 1vould get no shocks, they did not - they had learned to be helpless. So, ho1v can this relate to education? lt all depends on ho'v students are attributing their failure. Ifstudents attribute any failure to their 01vn ability then this can develop into learned helplessness. They 1vill al\\•ays perceive any task as being one they 1vill fail at and 1vill simply give up and not perform to the best of their ability or try at all. They become passive and helpless even in ne11r situations and ch;1llenges as they believe they will ultimately fnil because this is what has happened (or been attributed) previously. There may be gender differences here too - girls tend to attribute fuilure to lack of ability 1vhile boys tend to au ribute failure to lack of effort. It is not just students' internal perceptions that can affect learned helplessness. The feedback that a teacher gives can also pron1ote (or get rid of) learned helplessness. If tl1e feedback is constantly negative 1vithout anything constructive or any action poi11ts or areas to in1prove on, then students 1vill develop learned helplessness. As a result, students 1vill not make an effort on future tasks as they will expect failure based on their previous ability and feedback. TEST YOURSELF Outline learned helplessness using examples from educatt0n.

n

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One 1vay in 1vhich students may overcome negative ideas and feedback is to change ho1v they attribute success and failure in the classroo1n and in their academic perforn1ance. Students show more effort 1vhen they attribute success to internal and unstable factors that they can control or if there are stable internal factors that 1vere out of their control for that specific task. Therefore, teachers should move towards pron1oting 1nore of the internal attributions in their students. How can this be done? Attribution re-training can take place. \.Vith this, tead1ers can e1nploy a range of stralegies. Tuey can discuss the attributions of failure \vith students and explore other reasons \Yhy students failed or

underperforn1ed that move away from internal blaming. They could explore this further 1vith role play. Tead1er-111odel/i11g is a technique where teachers give exan1ples of 1vhen they \Vrongly attributed failure. Another technique is stude11t-111odelli11g by inviting previous students back to talk about tlieir successes, especially those '"ho no\v feel internally motivated Finally, teachers could get students to anaylse success, which is something they may never do. Attribution-change techniques can be used. Students should be discouraged from believing that all success is do1vn to ability- saying something like " I succeeded because I am a competent person and worked hard" is a better attribution style. 1'eachers need to help students 1\lhO attribute failure to ability by talking about the potential that the failure 1vas because of lack of effort. A teacher can also arrange tasks so that students 11•ho work hard can attain and then begin to allribute son1e success to ability rather than luck. Finally, a teacher can give feedback to even good pieces of work with a message that yes, students worked hard, but their best is yet to come so tl1ey should continue on this gro1vtl1 path1vay. This should begin to ensure that students continue to attribute results to internal and controllable factors or move to1vards beginning to attribute in this \\ray. The D1veck 1vay can be used: teachers should sin1ply avoid using person-oriented phrases such as "I am proud of you" or "You really are good at this" as these 1vill 1nake students feel that all of their ability is do1vn to personal attributes rather tlian effort. Jnstead, teachers should use processoriented phrases like "You really tried hard on that task" or "Now, that \Vas a good 1vay to do it" as these promote more stable, internal effort-based attributions. As a result, students 1vill begin to change their attributions of success and of failure.

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EVALUATION useful

behaviourism

cognitive

CHALLENGE YOURSELF You have been asked to try to change the attnbullons of children who have negallve views or their success in a local school. How would you do this?

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disrupting other students \vho are trying to 1vork or simply 1valk out of the classroom. The effects of these behaviours include do1nination conversations, preventing other students fron1 learning and thinking, preventing other students from 1vorklng on tasks set by the teacher, bullying others and giving the teacher a lot of unnecessary stress!

TYPES, EXPLANATIONS AND EFFECTS OF DISRUPTIVE BEHAVIOURS Imm turity and verbal or There are many examples of disruptive behaviours in the classroom. These are behaviours that the teacher finds unacceptable and that can stop the flo\v of a lesson. In any given day, a teacher can expect students to talk "out of turn': be late for lessons, rnake noise and break the school rules. 11liS section looks at different types of disruptive behaviours with a focus on bullying for the main behaviour you need lo learn about. ASK YOURSELF Which drsruptive behaviours have you experienced al school?

ndu 111is is one type of "broad" disruptive behaviour. It consists of a range of things students can do: They n1ay distract other students. A student may 1vant to settle do\vn to \Vork but another one is constantly talking next to the student or trying to steal a pen, etc. They may be attention-seeking. These behaviours are used to make sure that people kno\v 1vho the students are and they strive for attention. This is because they want to be the centre of attention in lhe classroon1. Calling out can be a proble1n. 1lliS involves a student either ans\vering a question 1vithou1 being asked or just generally shouting out 1vords and comments to others 1vhen they are trying to 1vork (or even 1vhen the teacher is trying to teach). They may sho1v out-of-seat behaviour. This is \vhen students choose not to sit 1vhere they have been asked to. They may walk around the classroom

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This usually takes the form of b11llyi11g and 1ve 1vill return to tl1is later as the one disruptive behaviour you need to kno1v about for the exam. Bullying can be verbal (calling people nanles), physical (actually hitting or kicking sonleone) and/or emotional (n1aking someone feel bad abou t 1vho the person is). 1 hese forn1s of bullying can happen face to face in or outside of a classroon1 or via "cyber bullyi ng" 1vhich is bullying via technology (e.g. sending abusive texts or posting horrible things on social media sites).

Attention deficit hyperactivity disorder H ) ADHD is characterised by some of the following behaviours: being restless, getting easily distracted, shouting out ans1vers, having difficulty in follo1ving instructions, interrupting others and not appearing to listen to others. It appears to happen much more often in boys than girls. The above behaviours \\•ill be very disruptive in the classroon1 and the effects will be the same as in the "Conduct" section above. Also, students ivith A.OHO 1vho want to learn might also find ii difficult to acquire ne1v skills as they cannot pay attention for long enough to follow instructions. There have been quite a few explanations and ideas about causes and a lot focus around biology: Genetic - there may be a faulty gene that causes ADH 0 as the prevalence rates in identical l\vins is high and the condition tends to "run in fan1ilies"; this suggests that AOHO is encoded in genetics. Neurotransmitters - students 1vith ADHD might have a che1nical imbalance in the brain;

neurotransmitters (e.g. dopan1ine and noradrenaline) have been linked to ADI-ID as these help to regulate behaviours such as impulsivity and lack of attention. Physiological arousal - tJ1ere are t\\'O ideas here. The first is tllat those \Vilh ADHD have an over-aroused central nervous system that causes them to be "stimulus-hungry" all the time to fulfil this over-arousal and this leads to a range of disruptive behaviours. The second idea is tlle complete opposite - it is about the central nervous system being under-aroused and ho'" this leads to students not paying attention or being able to 1naintain attention as they are not "stimulated enough". The use of a drug called ritalin, \vhich can "calm down" a student \Vith ADHD quite effectively, sho\vs that it might be the "over-arousal" explanation that is stronger as this is \1•hat ritali11 does - it calms the student down physiologically.

r.B\

EVALUATION

'& .

useful

•

TEST YOURSELF

Outline the main characteristics or ADHD and one potential cause.

Some psychologists believe that a poor teaching style can n1ake students disruptive. Any given class can contain such a \vide range of students from different backgrounds and \Vitll different abilities that sometimes it can be difficult for the teacher to react correctly to all of the behaviours being sho1vn. According to Kounin, there are five characteristics of an effective teacher that \¥ill decrease the rate of disruptive behaviour. Therefore, teachers n1ay not be using effective techniques and instead doing the foll o1ving: ·n1ey n1ay not sho'" "withitness": they do not kno;v what is going on in every part of the classroom and do not act upon the disruptive verbal and non-verbal behaviours. They may no t be "overlapping": they are failing to multi-task in the classroom. "Smoothness and momentum" may be missing: they are not sticking to objectives and then they let

disruptions make them deviate fron1 1vhat they had planned for the lesson. They are not ''group-alerting": they are failing to use random questions so students have to be attentive. Unpredictability can make students more attentive. They are not providing "stimulating seat\vork": they are not prO\'irung a range of activities that make students "stay in their seat" as they are engaged and \vanting to learn.

CAUSES AND EFFECTS OF ONE DISRUPTIVE BEHAVIOUR (BULLYING)

a We will focus on bullying here by looking at some factors that 1nay cause bullying and what the effects of bullying are. In terms of causes, there appear to be a fe,v theories, including these: Attachn1ent style: Rigby (20 13) noted that a bully tended to have been insecurely attached as a child. There are two types of insecure attachment that can be seen in children: avoidant, where the child appears to be emotionally detached from the mother; and resistant or ambivalent, 1vhere the child appears to \\•ant comfort and form a bond but then may stubbornly resist \Vhen the n1other 1vants to hug the child, etc. It \vould appear that those children \vho sho'v an avoidant attachment style are more likely to be bullies at school as tlley have not formed an en1otionally stable bond. Fan1ily functioning: Rigby (20 13) noted that the ways fa rnilies functio n on an en1otional level n1ay be linked to whether a child bullies at school. Research had sho\VL1 that children who reported that they did bully at school tended to re port that their fam ily did not appear to sympathise \Vith then1 when they felt sad or that the fan1ily did not 1vork as a "unit" to overcome problems at home.

IJ. Parenting styles: Rigby (2013) noted that an authoritarian style of parenting is strongly Iinked to bullying behaviour. lhis style of parenting sets out strict rules on being obedient, respecting elders no matter \vhat they say or do and tolerating questioning. If children fail to do any of these,

they may be severely punished. One of the issues here is that the authoritarian parent does not explain the rules - they are rules and that is that. They may impose high demands on their children but rarely respond to 1vhat children feel they need in terms of support and guidance. Laeheem (2013) also found that a strict upbringing 1vas associated with bullying at school but the largest predictor 1vas a child being exposed to parental violence at hon1e. Socio-economic status: Jansen et al (2012) reported that children from disadvantaged family backgrounds with a lo1v socioeconomic status 1vere more Ii kely to be bullies. Teaching environment: Laeheem (2013) discovered tha t an authoritarian classroon1 rnanagen1ent style leads to niore bullying - the rnore students are exposed to inflexible rules and pu nishrnent the rnore likely they are to turn to bullying.

@

EVALUATION useful

ind vs sit

•

ff There has been some research tha t has examined the long-term effects of being bullied and on people 1vho engage in bullying. The results are highlighted below: Ttofi & Farrington (2012). A longitudinal study suggested that around one third of bullies engage in criminal behaviour after leaving school. Also, those 1vho are bullied are nvice as likely to become depressed later in life compared to those 1vho have never experienced bullying. Sesar et al (2012). In a sample of 249 college studen ts, those 1vho had experienced being bullied had higher levels of anxiety, sleeping problen1s and depression compared to those 1vho had never been bullied. It 1vould appear that bullying (for both the bully and the bullied) brings about longer-tern1 negative effects in adulthood. Therefore, strategies must be put into place to try to combat bullying in schools.

•

CHALLENGE YOURSELF

A school has asked you to run some tra1nrng ror its teachers. The school wants you to explain what causes people to bully and what the long-term effects of bullying can be. Create a presentation ror this

CORRECTIVE AND PREVENTIVE STRATEGIES There are t\\'O core \vays in \\•hich disruptive behaviour can be challenged and changed. Corrective strategies are ones that are used as the disruptive behaviour is happening or has just happened. Preventive strategies are ones that are used to stop the disruptive behaviour from happening iJ1 lhe first place.

Pr ventive: effectiv dis Cotton ( 1990) revie\ved studies from around the 1vorld to see 1vhat preventive strategies are common but, n1ost of all, 1vhich ones \\•ork in effective schools. Seven core ideas were found: Comrnitment - the entire staff of a school needs to be con11nittcd to any policy in the school. This would cover appropriate behaviours in the classroorn. High behavioural expectations - the policy must have clearly high standards of behaviour that must be adhered to. Clear rules - the rules and punishment for disruptive behaviour must be very clear and so1ne schools get their students to help produce these so everyone is involved and knows what is expected of then1. Students are more likely to "stick to ru les" if they arc involved with the production of then1. A '\varrn" cli1nate - staff rnust take personal interest in students and their ach ievernents, goals, etc. and give support whenever it is necessary. A supportive headteacher - the headteacher needs to be "seen around school': caring for students too and sho1ving some informal behaviour to1vards them 1vhen necessary.

Delegation of responsibility - the headteacher oversees everything but individual teachers are responsible for each and every class they take in terms of behaviour and sticking to policies. Close ties \Vith the local community - parental involvement in the school \vitb a solid f!o\v of information is important so that everyone knows \vhat is happening in the school. All of these measures appeared to bring about lo,v leveJs of disruptive behaviour. All of them are preventive measures as the students have clear boundaries before they start the school and about \vhat they can or cannot do in lessons. Wang, Berry & Swearer (2013) interestingly noted that having the "warn1" and "positive" clin1ate appears crucial in the success of a prevention progran1 for bullying. In addition, Cross et nl (20 11 ) reported 011 the Friendly Schools Progra1n noti ng that if everyone '"as committed to it with support from the local con1n1unity (usually through parents) then there \Vas significantly less bullying even 36 nionths after the programme started (based on data from 29 schools).

Effective classroom

Through the use of rewards and punishn1ent, students' behaviour can be shnped away fron1 disruptive to more appropriate behaviour. This could be run in the following \vay: Students have to kno\V \Vhat the problem behaviours are (e.g. what disruptive behaviours are too common). They 1nust also be made a\vare of \vhat behaviours are not happening that should (e.g. those on the list of appropriate behaviours). While it is not necessary, students could be involved in defining the behaviours. Teachers may also keep a "count" ofhO\\! often the disruptive behaviour is happening to rnake students fully aware of \Vhat they are doing. Teachers and students niay discuss \vhat could be causing the disruptive behaviour to see if they are seeing it frotn "the Sarne angle''. They need to identify potential triggers for the disruptive behaviour and then see if anything is actually reinforcing it. Remember that reinforcing a behaviour is increasing the probability it \vill happen again; so this is about identifying \Vhat is reinforcing the disruptive behaviour.

have clearly established rules and expectations that are nlivnys followed (including potential punishments)

Teachers need to find strategies through selective reinforcement to reinforce the appropriate behaviour and punish or ignore the disruptive behaviour. Ren1en1ber that punishment can be a fonn of attention and therefore students may perceive it as a reinforcer rather than a punishn1ent. Teacl1ers may choose to use a re\vard chart for appropriate behaviour where slickers or tokens are added (or removed) depending on \vhich behaviours are being seen in particular students.

make sure that rules are acted upon promptly and fairly if a student breaks one or more of them

Teachers must n1onitor ho\v effective the progran1111e is and change reinforcers if necessary.

n The Kounin features on page 133 cover elements of effective teaching and classroom manage1nent that a teacher can use. In addition, teachers may need to: have high expectations for correct behaviour \vith a \vann, friendly approach to all students

111aintain a good pace in lessons so students are always actively engaged in tasks ratl1er than tryi ng lo be disruptive.

Corrective: behaviour 1-Behaviour 1nodification tends to be based around the n1echanisms of operant conditioning. Students can learn fron1 the consequences of their behaviours.

Cognitive behaviour modification (self· ti n I u I) Cognitive behaviour modification is based on the idea that changing someone's thoughts can then change the way the person behaves. The nvo concepts are linked. One such technique is called self-instructional training and is based around the follo,ving steps:

1. Cognitive modelling - teachers n1ust conduct tasks \vhile "talking out loud" - they need to cover \vhat they are doing, \vhy they are doing it, etc. Thjs, in theory, should allow students to focus on what needs to be done, as not listening means they miss out on vital information.

2. Co-\vorking - target students are asked to repeat the task above and also say out loud what they are doing. Teachers can still guide target students so that these students experience success.

3. Imitation - target students then reproduce the task but without any help from teachers. They still say out loud what they are doi ng.

4. Sub-vocal perforn1ance (with lip 111oven1ent) target students repeat the task again \\1hile saying the instructions "in their head" but moving their n1outh as if Lhey are saying the 1vords (using no sound).

5. Sub-vocaJ perforn1ancc (without lip n1ove1ncnt) target students repeat the task as in step 4 but 1vith no n1outh movement.

•

The idea is that this teaches students that they can \vork quietly on a task 1vithout disrupting other students. It also sho1vs them that they can be successful at these tasks using this technique so they begin to associate the "talking th rough instructions to self" \\"ilh "success at a task". It is hoped that this \viii then mean that they \viii be less disruptive in subsequent tasks.

@

EVALUATION useful

cognitive

ethics

behaviourism

ind vs sit

CHALLENGE YOURSELF

Create a programme for a school that is based around either preventive or corrective ways to prevent d1sru ptive behaviour. On what psychology is your programme based?

8.6 INTEiL LIGENCE This section looks at a range of aspects related to intelligence. This has probably been one of the most controversial areas in psychology for many years as Lhere has been a lot of debate as to the origin of intelligence and the best 'vays to measure it. ASK 'OURSELF Whal is intelligence and how do you think we should measure 11?

CONCEPT, TYPES AND TESTS OF INTELLIGENCE ln this first area 1ve look at what intelligence is and \vhat

tests are used to n1easure it.

Concept of intelligence There have been many attempts to define intelligence by a range of psychologisLS. One that appears to sum it up in terms of it being in line \vi th \vhat the majority of psychologisLS believe is from Sternberg: ·:..(it is) mental activity directed tO\vard purposive adaptation to, and selection and shaping of, real-,vorld environn1ents relevant to one's life". (I 985: 45). ll1erefore, it is about using the kno,vledge and skills \ve have to help us tackle problems and tasks in every day life. IQ stands for intelligence quotient. Tt is a quantitative n1easure of a person's inteUigence based on the person's perforn1ai1ce on an IQ test \vhich is designed to measure a range of capabilities. The overall score is based on the foUo,ving equation: mental age IQ = x 100 chronological age Therefore, the average score is I00 no matter what chronological age you are so it is an attempt at finding a standardised n1easure of intelligence. Ho,vever, belo\v 1\le \\!ill cover different tests that have been created to measure a person's IQ.

The French government com1nissioned Alfred Binet to create a test that would detect which children 1\lere "too slo1v intellectually" to benefit from a regular school curriculum so other measures for them could be out into place (previously those labelled "slo\\•" were kept at home and not allo\ved to attend school!). He based his test on the idea that intelligence \vas more to do 'vith mental reasoning and proble1n solving than motor skills. He devised a test and kept refining it before a final version \Vas released in 1911 to help test children. Children scored on a scale depending on ho'" 1vell they perfonned in each section of the test to give then1 a mental age. This could then be compared to their mental age lo see 1vho was "slo\v". Lewis Terman fron1 Standford University took Binet's ideas and developed then1 further \vith a test for US children, hence the Stanford-Binet test. ln 19 16 he released the US version of the test that could be used in schools to assess children. This test has been continuaUy revised up untiJ its latest version from 1986. AU of the test items are devised \Vith the idea that the majority of children, at that age, should be able to answer then1. The current version of this test has four components: verbal reasoning. abstract or visual reasoning, quantitative reasoning (ability to "handle" numerical data) and shortterm memory.

Weschler developed a ne1" lest of intelligence back in 1939 as he felt that the Stanford-Binet test relied too much on language ability, phis it was only for children. The Weschler Adult Intelligence Scale (WAIS) and, some 20 years later, the Weschler Intelligence Scale for Children (WISC) 1vere devised to improve on the Stanford-Binet test. Both the WAIS 3l1d WISC are divided into l\vo parts: a verbal scale and a perfonnance scale. Obviously the WISC version has questions and tasks that arc n1ore child appropriate. The verbal scale consists of the follo1ving tests: information. This test consists of general kno1vledge questions about the \VOrld.

CHAPTER 8: PSYCHOLOGY AND EOUCAllOf'l

Comprehension. 'TI1is assesses practical infonnation and abi lit y to use past experiences to ans\ver questions. Arithn1etic. Verbal problems that are number based are given in this test. Similarities. This test asks questions about \vays in \\•hich t\\IO objects or concepts are similar. Digit span. A series of numbers are presented verbally and then the person must repeat them for\vards and back\vards in order. Vocabulary. This test has questions about definitions of words, etc. Letter number sequencing. Letters and number are presented orally in a rnixed-up order (e.g. Hl F7S9P4). The person has to then recite the nun1bers in numerical order then the letters in alphabetical order. The perforrnance scale consists of the follo1ving tests: Digit symbol. Points on various shapes are given numbers and then the person is asked to recall what shape a certain number is (or part of a shape). Picture con1pletion. The missing part of a picture must be discovered and named. Block design. Designs seen on pictures must then be built with blocks. Picture arrangement. A series of comic-strip pictures must be placed in order to tell a story. Matrix reasoning. A geon1etric shape has to be selected from a range of alternative in terms of similarity. Object assembly. Pieces of a puzzle Lnust be assembled into a complete object. Syn1bol search. Paired groups of target symbols are sho\vn to the participant. ·n1e person is then

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sho\vn son1e search groups of symbols and has to say whether any of the target symbols appear in it. A person's IQ is calculated based on ll1e individual's performances across all of these tests. Ho\vever, one advantage of the WA IS and vVISC is that you have score for each person on each test - therefore, you can see a person's strengths and \veaknesses on certain tasks, '"hich can help 'vith support at school, for instance.

THE BRITISH ABILITY SCALE {BAS) This is now in its third version and is divided into early years and school age forrnats. There are three brief assessment scales that are quick measures of nurnber, spelling and reading abilities (see ·rable 8.6.1 ). However, the n1ain clement of the BAS is its cognitive scales \Vhich are divided into t1vo categories: The core scales - these are six cognitive tests that measure verbal ability, non-verbal reasonjng ability and spatial ability. There are t\vo for each ability. The Lest scores are simply added together to generate a general conceptual ability (GCA) score. Therefore, an overall score is generated but there are component scores that can be looked at separately. The diagnostic scales - these can be used to measure specific cognitive abilities such as object recall, recognition of pictures, speed of information processing and number concepts. Therefore, like the WAIS and WISC, the BAS gjves an overaJI score (the GCA) but the advantage is you get component scores and if sornethjng else needs assessing then there are tbe diagnostic scales that can help pinpoint the strengths and weaknesses of a child's abilities.

VERBAL General information What day 0( the year 1s Independence Day?

Picture arrangement The pictures below 101 a story. P\Jt 1hem in 1he right order to lell the slory.

Similarities In what way arc wool and COiton alike? Arithmetic reasoning II eggs cost 60 cenlS a dozen. whal does 1 egg cost? Vocabulary Tell me Ille meaning of corrupl . Comprehension Wtty do people buy fire insurance? Digit span Listen carefully. and when I am through, say lhe numbers nght after me. 1 3 4 1 e s Now I am going Lo say some more numbers, but I want you Lo say lhem backward 3 4 1

PERFORMANCE

e

Block design Using the lour blOCkS, make one JUSI hke ttus Object assembly II these pieces are pvt together correctly, lhey will make something Go ahead and put lhem together as quickly

as you can.

s

Picture completion I am going to show you a pie lure wilh an important part missing. Tell me what Is missing. SUN MOH

'85 lU! weo

Digit-symbol substitution THU "II

SAT

1 [II 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30

Figure 8.6.1 Sample items rrom the WNS test Source: Thorndike & Hagen, 1977

Code

I~ I ~ I ~ I~

Test

l

6

1

8

lxl o l

6

l

0

1

I

8 5

I

8

6

lx l

8

1

J

Verbal ability

Non-verbal reasoning ability

Spatial ability

Recognition of designs Word definitions

Matrices

45

45

45

34

34

36

36

51

Quantitative reasoning Sum of T-scores

45 52

Pattern construction

Verbal similarities

SNC

103

+ 70

t-90

= 263

160

•• Standard score Confidence interval (95o/o) Percenttle

102

74

91

86

79

93-111

68-85

82-102

80-93

73--88

55

4

27

18

8

102

Average

74

Low

91

Average

GCA score

86

Below average

SNC score

79

Low

Verbal abiltty Non-verbal reasoning ability Spatial ability

Table 8.6.1 BAS cluster scores

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I

liiB\

\5'

EVALUATION

psycho

usefUI

quant

•

TEST YOURSELF

Outline what is involved in either lhe WAIS, WISC or BAS test of Intelligence.

Rell bility, validity and •

We have already covered these concepts in the issues and debates section. ReliabiJity refers lo the consistency of son1ething - in this case, testing whether \Ve score the san1e in an intelligence 1neasure over tin1e. Validity refers to the accuracy of a measure - in this case. \vhether the test actually measures intelligence. Predictive validity refers to a test's ability to predict a specific behaviour that the test is supposed to be measuring. Therefore, in this case it \VOuld be looked at by correlating the score on an intelligence test with intelligent behaviour in real life (e.g. educational performance or job aptitude). Myers (1998) noted that for the Stanford-Binet test, the WA IS and the WISC, the reliability scores are + 0.90 - this n1eans that when retested on tJ1e san1e scale, n1os t people score virtually the same (the 111aximun1 reliability score is + 1.00). A \vay to measure reliability is called a test-retest method. For this, you get a sample of participants and test them on the same measure one or f\vo months apan. The results are correlated and if there is a strong positive correlation then the measure is said to be reliable. This is because people are scoring roughly the same both tin1es they complete it. TEST YOURSELF

How would you test the reliability and predictive validity of an IQ test?

Intelligence and --u "onal

a nee

Ln terms of predictive validity, can IQ tests and other tests of intelligence and skills predict lhings such as educational perfonnance?

In a comprehensive revie\v on the field in the 1990s. Sternberg, Grigorenko and Bundy ( 1991 ) reported that there may be some kind of link. Studies had sho,vn a correlation ofbet\veen +0.40 and + 0.50 bet\veen IQ scores and educational attainment. Ho\vever. Sternberg \vas quick to poi11t out that there were vast differences in these correlations depending 0 11 the san1ple, t11e tests used and \\lhat \Vas being used to measure educational performance. Sternberg revie\ved 29 studies and found that between 10 per cent and 22 per cent of variance in specific subject achievement at school can be accounted for by IQ. Ho\vever, the research team did note that there had not been any research that had assessed the Link bet\veen IQ and academic performance using a representative national san1ple (outside of samples used to standardise the test). Therefore, we still do not fully kno\v \vhat the relations hip is between IQ and educational perfonnancc. More recent research has attempted to link different aspects of intelligence to educational performance. Abu-Hilal and Nasser (2012) noted that there \vas an indirect link bet,veen IQ and mathematics ability for boys and not girls. They found that boys \vith a high IQ exerted more effort \\rhen studying mathen1atics and this led to better results con1pared to low IQ boys who did not exert much effort. .HO\Vever, for girls, tJ1e high and IO\ V IQ groups exerted the sa111e amount of efl'ort but the high IQ group performed better at mathematics. This sho\vS that there niay be other factors that interact \Vith IQ that can explain educational perforn1ance. A longitudinal study by Duck\vorth, Quinn & Tsukayruna (2012) reported that IQ predicted changes in standardised achieven1ent test scores over tin1e 111ore than "self-control" factors (e.g. home\vork and classroom conduct). Emery & Bell (2009) reported that scores on one section of the bion1edical admissions test used by the University of Can1bridge called "Scientific kno\vledge" correlated strongly with high examination scores once these students had been accepted and were studying at the university.

liiB\

\!!I

EVALUATION usefUI

ind vs sit

•

THEORIES OF INTELLIGENCE There are nlany ideas from psychologists about \vhat intelligence actually is. We have looked at \vays of measuring it, but '''hat is intelJigence anY'vay?

Multiple Intelligences r r Gardner (1983) took the idea of the factor-analytic theories a stage further by stating lhat there are seven different types of intelligence in a person. They are: linguistic: speech production, syntax and semantics musical: our ability to create and understand sounds such as pitch, rhythm and timbre

Factor-analytic approach _..:·-i.-1

-

logical-n1athematical: the use or logic and n1athematics to help solve problems

There is a common underlying idea for any factor-analytic approach to intelligence (there arc many theories for intelligence): there are different "clusters" ofi11telligent behaviours and skills that can be nieasured on any test. Factor-analysis allows a psychologist to interrelate (correlate) aspects of a test to see which iten1s or sub-scales link toget·her strongly. Factol' analysis is a co111plex: statistic technique that does th al job - it allov1s psychologists to see which elen1e11ts of a test relate strongly to each other and from that each "factor" that is found can be named (e.g. verbal intelligence, problen1-solving skills). Spearman originally had an idea that there was one factor \Vithin intelligence. He called it g for general intelligence. He believed this because he found that virtually all items on an intelligence test correlated \vith one another strongly. hence there \\'35 just one genera.I factor of intelligence. Thurstone did note that the g factor \Vas evident through a range of different tests but that they differed in the amount ofg that \Vas being shO\\'TI via the correlations. He stated that there were seven factors including nun1erical ability, spatial ability and verbal fluency. Cattell (1963, 1971) proposed another theory based on factor analysis. There are just two main forms of intelligence: Crystallised intelligence - this is intelligence based on previous kno\vlcdge and skills. Therefore, tests that include vocabulary and reading con1prehension are testing this type of intelligence. Pluid intelligence - this is intelligence based on novel 1vays of thinking. Therefore, tests that ask for the next number in a sequence test this type of intelligence. Cattell believes that crystallised intelligence appears to be maintained in a person throughout life \Vhereas fluid intelligence begins to decline at the age of 40.

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spatial: our ability to perceive spatial information and recreate visual images in our "mind's eye" plus our ability to rotate shapes visually bodily-kinesthetic: our ability to use n1ovement and our body to solve problems (use of motor skills) intrapersonal: this covers understanding our own feelings and intentions interpersonal: this covers understanding and recognising the beliefs, behaviours, feelings and intentions of others. The theory has recently been modified further to incorporate environmental, moral and spiritual intelligences.

Triarchic theory I

While Sternberg ( 1988) agreed with the ideas of Gardner, he stated that instead of seven areas of intelligence, there are three main areas of"practical" intelligence: Acade1nic problem-solving - these are skills assessed via tests such as an IQ tesL. The questions are well structured and there is ahvays a single correct ans,ver.

>

Practica.I - these arc skills that are often needed for everyday tasks. These tasks may not be very \veil defined and have nlultiple solutions \Vhere you have to choose which one is best lo solve an issue, etc. Creative - these are the skills and behaviours that we sho\v \vhen trying to cope and tackle with novel situations (\ve 111ay, for exarnple, dra\V on previous knowledge that could be applied to a novel situation) .

®

Creativity and unusual

EVALUATION

validity

useful

••

CHALLENGE YOURSELF

Explain to a friend one theory of intelligence highlighting at least one strength and one weakness of your chosen theory.

to an individual or society).

There may be alternative 1'/ays in which 1ve can n1easu re and look at the general concept of "intelligence" - by considering factors such as the en1otional side of our intellect, being creative and problern-solving techniques.

a in

II

ce

Salovey & Mayer (Myers, 1990) identified a part of people's social behaviour that they called emotional intelligence. People 1vho have high levels of emotional intelligence have these characteristics: They are self-a1\1are - they can manage their emotions 1\'ell in different circumstances and not be over1vheln1ed by one single emotion (e.g. depression or anxiety). They can easily delay any self-gratification in pursuit of a re1vard - they do not let impulses overcome then1. Tuey have strong empathy skills. The can handle other people's emotions easily and skilfully. They can hand le conflict 1vell. They succeed in aspects of life tha t require e1notional awareness rather than acadernic prowess (e.g. n1arriage and parenting). ~ TEST YOURSELF

V

Creativity involves finding a solution to a problem that is both unusual a11d novel. It requires an element of"thlnking outside of the box" and n1aybe tackling a problen1 from a non-logical or non-traditional 1vay. Newell, Sha1v & Simon (~latlin, 1963) outlined that one or more of the follo\\•ing criteria have to be met for something to be labelled "creative": /I> The ans1ver does have novelty and is useful (either

ALTERNATIVES TO INTELLIGENCE

otl

t

Outline what 1s meant by emotional intelligence.

The ans1ver means that 1ve reject ideas that had previously been accepted. The ans1ver comes fron1 a period of intense motivation and persistence 1vith the task.

11 The ans1ver clarifies a problem that was originally seen as being vague. There are n1any ways of n1easuring creativity. One is called the divergent production test and sorne example questions are given belo\v. Try to ans\ver the follo1\'ing:

1 . Here is a simple familiar form: a circle. Ho1v many pictures of real-life objects can you dra1\' in a one-minute period, using the circle?

2 . Many 'vords begin \vi th "I:' and end 1vith "N~ Write do1\'n as many as you can, in a oneminute period. 111e 1vords can have any number of letters bet1veen the "L" at the start and the "N" at the end.

3 . Imagine that normal height for an adult is l metre. ln a one-minute period, list as many

consequences of this as you can.

4. Look at this list of nan1es: BETH JOI-IN

I IAROLD LUCY

GAIL SALLY

These names can be classified in many 1vays. For example, number of syllables could be used: Beth,

Gail and John have only one syllable, the other names in the List have t\vo. In a one-minute period, classify the names in as many ways as you can.

5. Here are four shapes.

I

\ \7

Combine then1 to niake: a face, a lamp, a piece of playground equipment, a tree. You can use each shape once, more than once, or not at all in forn1ing each object and each one can be shrunk or expanded to any size. Another \Vay of nieasuring creativity is through the w1usual uses test. This presents people wid1 various objects (e.g. a brick, a n1atchbox, a pen) and asks them, in a set period of Lin1e, to come up \vith as many different \vays as possible that the objects can be used. Those who think of many \vays are said to be creative in the \Vay that they think and reason. CHALLENGE YOURSELF

You have been asked to dev1Se a test that measures creativity What sorts or things will you get people to do? Justify the choices of task.

computer simulations to sho\v hov1 a hun1an uses means-end analysis. '!he con1puter breaks do,vn a problem to a number of sn1aller problems and solves each one before nioving on to the next. As \vith humans, the simulations do niake a decision at each sub-problem dial \\•as identified - so '"e n1ay process in the same '"ay as a computer. Therefore, means-end analysis is an example of a pla1111i11g strategy lhat \Ve can use '"hen problem solving. There are oilier planning strategies that people may use when attempting to solve problems. One is called trial and error in which people try lots of different \vays to solve a problem, fail and niake errors diroughout, but ulti1nately (they hope) solve the problem this \vay. We may also use an analogy - this is about using the solution to an earlier problem to help us solve a new one. So \Ve use previous experiences and knowledge of something similar (bul not san1c) to help solve a new problen1. We also may engage in lateral thinking which is about solving a problern creatively (as highlighted above). Backward searching is another technique that we may use to help us to solve a problem. The problem solver starts at die goal state (e.g. \vhat needs to be solved or die end state) and \vorks back,_,ards from di is to\vards the original (or start) state. Try the follo,ving puzzle using backward searching as it

highlights it very \veil.

Probl m olving: means-end an lysls, planning strategies and

b

h g

Problen1 solving has also interested psychologists for niany years. Means-e11d analysis is a problen1-solving strategy where the problen1 solver has to divide the proble1n into a smaller nu1nber of "sub-problems" in order to reach the goal. Each "sub-problem" should reduce the difference between the starti ng point and the end point. Therefore, we figure out die "ends" of a problem and then figure out the "means" by \vhich \Ve \Viii do it - hence meansend analysis. Some psychologists have tried to use

•

A lily pad grO\\IS so that each day it doubles its size (area). On the 20th day of its life, it completely covers the pond. On \vhat day of its life \\fas the pond half covered? Children \Viii often use backward searching \Vhen trying to solve a maze. They may start fron1 the exit point and try to move backwards to\vards the starting point.

@

EVALUATION useful

ind vs sit

cognitive

•

Answer to the lily pad problem The lily pad covered the pond on the 19th day of its life. You could have worked it out by noting that the illy pad \vas doubling in size (area) each day, so if it completely covered the pond on the 20th day, it had to have half covered the pond the day before. All it took to cover the pond '"as one more day.

EXAMPLES OF HOW TO EVALUATE For the 12 n1ark question in Paper 3, you 1vill be asked to evaluate one of the topics covered in this section. Yo u '"ill have noticed that after each topic in this chapter there are the icons for the different issues, debates, approaches, perspectives and research methods that could be used to help you ans,ver the 12 niark question in the examination. Belo1v are three examples of the types of things you could \vrite in the examination. You should aim to make at least four different evaluation points for the 12 mark question. Our accon1panying Revision Guide has a series of student ans,vers " 'ith marks and examiner comn1ents attached to them.

Measuring learning styles Learning styles can be nieasured using psychornetrics. This is an advantage as they are standardised on a large sample of people, they can be seen as being more objective and scientific. 111erefore, En1vhistle's ASl allows a direct co1nparison between students in a group or class to directly show which of the 4 din1ensions each student is stronger on. 111ere is no need for any interpretation. Ho1vever, there niay be issues wiili validity. Is the test actually nieasuring the behaviour it is supposed to be nieasuring? For exan1ple, with Kolb, ho1v can 1ve be sure it is exactly nieasuring accom1nodators, divergers etc. Also, these measures have to rely on people being honest 1vith their ans\vers. This can affect the validity of the final scores on the scales and therefore a student may be incorrectly labelled \\rith a type of learning style (e.g. accon1modator) '"hen in fact

they are something else - this may then affect ho\v they are educated. In addition to this, there could be an issue of validity in terms of people may answer questions in one way on paper that does not really represent ho\1• they actually behave when in the classroom or trying to learn. Therefore, predictive validity niight be lo1v.

Improving motivation One problem 1vith using praise with children in the classroom is based around its 11seful11ess. vVhilst behavioural psychologists \vill argue that using re1vards increases the probability of repeating that behaviour, others may argue that this only changes the observable behaviour and not the thought processes that are happening behind the behaviour. Also, if a teacher does not consistently give praise to all students for the san1e behaviours or level of performance then it 1vill be difficult to implement as it could de-n1otivate students who are sho,ving good behaviour but do not receive a re1vard of some form.

Corrective and preventive strategies Preventive strategies for dealing 1vith disruptive behaviour have been seen to be useful. Wang, Berry & Swearer (2013) interestingly noted that having the 'war111' and 'positive' clin1ate appears crucial in the success of a prevention progra111 for bullying. In addition, Cross et al (2011) reported on the Friendly Schools Program and how it 1vas successful if everyone was committed to the Program with support from the local community (usually through parents) then there was significantly less bullying even 36 months after the Program started. Therefore, it can be useful within schools to improve student behaviour that is a problem.

•

CHAPTER 8: PSYCHOLOGY AND EOUCAllOf'l

Try the follo,ving exam-type questions.

Section A (a) Explain, in your O\vn '"ords, '"bat is meant

by the tenn 'learning style'.

(2 marks)

(b) Explain, in your O\Vn \vords, 'vhat is meant by the term 'intelligence'. (2 marks) (4 marks)

(d) Outline one special educational need. (4 marks)

Section B (a) Describe '"hat psychologists have

discovered about cognitive approaches to learning. (8 marks)

(b) Describe 1vhat psychologists have discovered about rnotivation and education. (8 marks) (c) Evaluate what psychologists have discovered

about intelligence and include a discussion on (12 marks) the use of psychometrics.

•

Section C (a) Describe one way '"e can measure

learning styles.

(c) Describe hvo \vays in which you could

improve motivation in students.

(d) Evaluate what psychologists have discovered about corrective and preventive strategies for disruptive behaviour and include a discussion (12 marks) on usefulness.

(6 marks)

(b) Suggest ho\v you '"ould test the reliability and validity of a rneasurement of (8 marks) learning styles. (c) Describe one strategy that can be used

to help children '"ho have been labelled as 'gifted'. (6 marks) (d) Suggest how you niight help a child witl1 dyslexia at school. (8 marks)

PSYCHOLOGY AND HEALTH

9.1 THE PATIENT PRACTITIONER RELATIONSHIP When people visit their doctor, there may be a lot of information that needs to be processed carefully so that the patient can fully understand 1vhat is "'rong and ho1v it may be treated. ~lany factors can mean that the patient does not process this information (e.g. the patient n1ight misunderstand something) and, as a result, the treatn1ent may not be at its optimal level. This section looks at the practitioner-patient relationship and factors that affect the passage of information from practitioner to patient. ASK YOURS lf Before reading on, wnte down a list or all the good qualities you think a pract1t1oner should have.

PRACTITIONER AND PATIENT INTERPERSONAL SKILLS Interpersonal skills refer to the social skills sho,vn bet"'een two (or more) people 1vhen they are atten1pting to co1n1nunicate effectively. Practitioners can use a variety of verbal and non-verbal skills to ensure that a patient is listening and can understand the information being conveyed.

Non-verbal communications Non-verbal comn1unications are 1nessages that are conveyed by a person's body and the "receiver" attends to the1n main!)' through vision or Louch. They can also provide a type of"context" that can help receivers to know whether tJ1ey have understood a spoken niessage or not Here are some examples: ;, Paralanguage refers to the non-verbal aspects of speech. These include elements such as the speed, flo1v and volun1e of the speech, the intonation used, the clarity of the words spoken and fitted pauses (e.g. saying "err" or "urm"). These can be used to help (and hinder) the passage of information bet\veen a practitioner and a patient. Research has sho"'n that 1vhen a doctor uc;ed an angry tone to persuade an alcoholic to have treatn1ent, the patient's willingness decreased n1arkedly (Rosental, 1967). If the doctor has a 1varrn and friendly tone the patient is niore likely to listen to and trust the doctor. ;, Facial expressions are a very in1portant con1munication cue. Many of the "basic" en1otions of a human, irrespective of culture, are conveyed in the same 1vay across the globe. For exan1ple, a sn1ile n1eans positive cn1otions for nearly all humans. The interpretation of these cues appears innate as humans blind fron1birth1vill still show these emotions (Russell, 2005). A facial cue can convey meaning to the patient 1vhen a practitioner is talking about a diagnosis, for instance. ;, Gestures can be used in conjunction 1vitJi verbal communications. Hand movements, shrugging of the

CHAPTER 9: PSYCHOLOGY AND HEALTH

shoulders and using arms arc all exan1ples. Doctors can use these to try to get "a point home" to a patient but they must be a\vare of cultural differences. For exan1ple, a thu111bs up might mean "good" in some countries but other cultures might not see it as thaL

I> Personal space invasion is another non-verbal communication. We cover this in the next chapter (see page 193 ).

I> Appearance can be another powerful non-verbal cue as to \vhether a patient will listen to and trust a practitioner. A doctor \vho appears to be \veil dressed and tidy \viii be trusted more than one "'ho is casually dressed and a little untidy (Russell, 2005). Ho\vever, when the patient is a child, a doctor \vho is casually dressed may relax a child nlore than a very forina lly dressed doctor.

reluctant to stop the doctor and ask for clarification as they do not 1vant to be seen as being less intellectual. Other factors that can affect verbal communications in interactions include the follo1ving:

I> The volume of information conveyed is a factor. Ley ( 1988) stated that patients tend to remember just

over 50 per cent of the information given to then1 in a consultation.

I> Primacy effect plays a part - patients tend to be better at remembering and recalling infonnation fron1 the beginning of the consultation.

I> Patients who have son1e 1nedical knowledge tend to recall more of the consultation.

I> Patients remen1bcr and recall only 1vhat they feel is in1portant "to then1" in the consu ltation.

I> Instructions are 1nore likely lo be forgotten if presented TEST YOURSELF

Outline two different non-verbal communications that a practihoner could use in a consultation. In addition, highlight actual examples of how these could be used by a practihoner

®

orally (1vhich is why 1nany are printed on drug labels). CHALLENGE YOURSELF

A local surgery has told you that It wants to improve pract1t1oners' communication skills Devise a training programme ror practitioners to achieve this.

EVALUATION ind vs sit

useful

qualitative

Verbal communications

PATIENT AND PRACTITIONER DIAGNOSIS AND STYLE

Verbal communications are based around the speech used by a doctor to try to gain access to relevant information about a patient's condition and then the potential treatment.

A practitioner can use differing styles to diagnose a patient. The styles differ in the way that inforn1ation is collected and used to make the diagnosis.

lv1edical jargon is one potential hindrance when it comes to verbal comn1unications between doctor and patient. McKinlay (1975) was the first to note that niedical jargon can affect what the patient understands about the consultation. He tested won1en's knowledge of 13 regularly used "1nt.-dical tern1s" and found that aln1ost everyone could nol understand 1vords such as "protein': "u.mbilicus~ "purgative" and "suture''. Ho1vever, tern1s such as "navel" and "breech" were understood by many. Only just over one-third of patients understood each of the 13 ternlS correctly, but this rate \YaS higher than the doctors had anticipated - \vhich makes us wonder \Vhy the doctors used jargon. One issue that Russell (2005) noted \Vas that, 'vhen a doctor does use jargon, many patients are

Practitioner-style: doctor and patient-centred Byrne and Long ( 1976) anillysed aboul 2 500 recorded 111edical consultations across 1nany countries and discovered two nlain "styles":

I> The doctor-centred style 1neant that the doctor asked questions that were closed so that the patient could only answer "Yes" or "No''. When the patient attempted to expand on answers or tried to give 1nore information, this \vaS mainly ignored. It \vould appear that the doctor wanted to make the symptom- diagnosis link \\•ith no extra

~

cornmunication and everything \vas based on "fact" rather than any discussion. Therefore, the patient \Vas passive in the conversation.

~

wants a certificate for an illness that the doctor does not believe the patient has

~

makes sexual re1nar~ lo the doctor.

The patient-centred style n1eant that the doctor asked open questions so that the patient could explain and expand on answers. The doctor would try to limit the use of medical jargon to ensure that the patient understood the diagnosis and potential treatment. The doctor would encourage patients to express themselves ho"' they \vished and \vould ask for clarification as and \vhen it \Vas needed. 1berefore, the patient was active in the conversation.

The above can stop a consultation "in its tracks". A patient may sho\'' a real concern about a condition that is only minor or sho\v no concern for a condition that is major. The doctor still needs to get the correct information out of the patient to make a diagnosis. Different patients \viii describe sy1nptoms of the same illness in vastly different \vays, \vhich can also make it difficult for the doctor to n1ake a reliable and valid diagnosis. Sarafino (2006) noted that this nlay be the case as patients sin1ply interpret sympton1s differently from each other (or have a different hierarchy of \vhat they feel are the "main syn1pton1s" of an illness). Also, some patients n1ay wish to "pla)' down" sy1nploms that may point towards a n1ajor ill ness. Finally, patients 1nay not have the requisite vocabulary to describe accurately the syn1pto1ns they are feeling.

TEST YOURSELF

\/Vhal is the difference between doctor-centred and patient-centred styles? Use examples in your answer.

Practitioner diagnosis: type I and type 11 errors There are occasions \Vhere a doctor \Viii get son1ething \vrong. There are two types of error that can happen (you \viii be fan1iliar \Vith these from the Rosenhan study at AS level, Core study 7.1 on page 87):

1. Type I error. This is \\•hen the doctor diagnoses somebody to be healthy \vhen the patient is actually physically or psychologically ill. Many believe this to be the most serious of the nvo errors as the patient does not get any treatment and the condition \vorsens. 2. Type 11error.111is is \Vhen the doctor diagnoses somebody to be ill \vhen in fact the patient is healthy (this is \vhat Rosenhan discovered).

Disclosure of information For a diagnosis to occur, t.he patient does have to give some information to the doctor. Howeve1~ as tbe doctor \Vill have an array of patients who have their O\Vn styles of commwlication, reaching the correct diagnosis can sometimes be quite diJficult. Saralino (2006) noted that the patient can hinder the communication \Vhen the patient: ~

1vants to criticise the doctor or becomes angry

~

clearly ignores \Vhat the doctor is saying

~

insists on more tests and medication \vhen the doctor says there is no need

®

EVALUATION ind vs sit

useful

reductionism

MISUSING HEALTH SERVICES There are a variety of \vays in \Vhich a palient may misuse health services. We \viii look at son1e of these below. TEST YOURSELF

Before reading on, make a list of all the reasons you can think of as to why people may delay seeking medical treatment.

Delay in seeking treatment Safer et al ( 1979) devised a model after interviewing nlany patients that tried to explain \vhy patients delay treatment. There are three stages lo this:

1. Appraisal delay - this refers to the time taken for a person to interpret a physical symptom as a potential indicator of illness. This is affected

CHAPTER 9: PSYCHOLOGY AND HEALTH

by immediate sensory inforn1ation - something bleeding or making a person experience 1najor levels of pain \viii be interpreted much more quickly as "so1nething wrong" than a small pain, for instance.

assume it is a very serious problem. '!hey ahvays think they have the worst illness possible given the symptoms.

People can easily ignore illnesses without iinmediate pain and therefore can have illnesses such as hypertensioll and cancer for n1ore than, for example, three months before they decide to go and get n1edical attention and advice.

Gropalis et nl (2013) noted a cognitive-behavioural element to the condition. Hypochondriacs might have faulty information processing in the brain. Those \\•ho have high anxiety 1vhen it comes to health-related issues ahvays direct their attention tO\vards any source of health threat. They can also easily access men1ories of illnesses. This may make them think that certain minor symptoms are something much more serious. Sch\venzer & Mathiak (2012) reported that the cognitive bias described here could be a "general" bias tO\Vards "less positive» vie1vs. In their study, participants without any kno\vledge of Chinese language characters had to guess, just by looking at the characters, 1vhether they portrayed a positive or negative meani ng. 'TI1is \vas used to see what biases lie in processing inforn1ation that is dearly not related to illness in any \vay. 'TI1ose who had higher hypochondrias is scores on a scale rated the characters as being less positive Lhan the people \vith low hypochondriasis scores. Therefore, a "general distrustful attitude to,vards familiar procedures should be considered in bypochondriasis" (2012: 178).

Hypochondriasis

Mi.inchausen syndrome

One specific behaviour that leads to a misuse of health services is hypocbondriasis. According to Sarafino (2006) it is the "tendency of individuals to \Vorry excessively about their O\vn health, nionitor their bodily sensations closely, niake frequent unfounded medical complaints, and believe they are ill despite reassurances by physicians that they are not" (2006: 250).

This syndrome \Vas named after Karl Freidrich Hieronymus Baron von Munchhausen, '"ho told wild tales of travels and adventure in the 1700s. The condition is a "factitious disorder" \Vhich describes symptoms that are artificially produced by the patient rather than it being a natura.1 illness process. Turner & Reid (2002) noted the three main features as:

Fallon (2010) noted three types of hypochondria:

~ sinnilated illness (artificial sy1npton1s)

2. illness delay - this refers to Lhe time taken bet\veen people recognising that they are ill and actually seeking some fonn of medical attention. This is affected by familiarity - a ne\v and different symptom \viJl create a faster reaction and help seeking behaviour than an old symptom that re-occurs.

3. Utilisation delay - this refers to the tin1e taken bet\veen deciding to seek medical altention and actually doing so. 'I his is affected by a nun1ber of factors such as cost, how severe the pain is and \vhether the person feels that going to get help would cure the illness.

~

The obsessive-anxious type - when people 111orry that they are ill despite reassurances from a doctor that they are not. Tl1ey believe that the doctor has missed so1nething serious.

~

The depressive type - 1vhen people either go to the doctor crying that they are about to die and that there is no point testing the111, or they refuse to go to the doctor.

~

The somatoform type - when people exhibit many of the physical syn1ptoms of an illness and ahvays

~

pathological lying (pseudologia fantast ica)

~

wandering fro1n place to place (peregrination).

is an extreme fonn of factitious disorder accounting for about 10 per cent of all factitious diso rder case studies. A generic but typical case \Vo uld involve patients who have travelled to different hospitals under different names turning up and giving a faclitious history of their condition. They 1nay simulate symptoms and in some cases eat contaminated food in order to vomit or produce blood. Many illnesses are claimed [I

and the niost common are fevers, infections, bleeding and seizures. However, Turner & Reid state that these patients niay go through medical procedures that do not show that they have a "real illnessa and many are then "caught out" by inconsistencies in their self-reported medical histories. ln addition to Mlinchausen syndrome there is Mlinchausen syndrome by proxy. In these instances the

mother or carer of a child deliberately exaggerates and fabricates illness of the child. The caregiver may induce physical and psychological problems into the child. It is now referred to as factitious disorder by proxy. Criddle (2010) noted three levels of this syndrome:

1. Nlild (symplon1 fabrication) - the caregiver may clain1 the child experiences mild syn1ptoms of an illness the child does not have.

2. Jvloderate (evidence tan1pering) - the caregiver may go as far as manipulating laboratory specimens of the child or falsifying the niedical records of the child.

3. Severe (symplom induction) - the caregiver induces an illness into the child including diarrhoea. seizures and even sepsis. These methods may also include poisoning 1vith things such as insulin and salt, applying faecal matter to open 1vouods to infect them and injecting urine into the child.

te1nperature" that 1vould not react 1vell to any drug. However, diagnostic tests could not locate any infection or fever. It 1vas discovered that she 1vas preheating thermometers to take her 01vn ten1perature and that she was often heard punching the 1vall at night (presumably with her right hand). She 1vas also seen reading medical text books about hand diseases and amputations. The medical staff stopped her treatment. Her temperature dropped back to usual levels and 20 days after taking her cast off, her arm was free of any injury. Faida et al (2012) reported on a 40-year-old 111oman who had injuries to her right leg. She 1vas complaining of arthritis of the right leg 1vith headaches and ulcers. During her hospitalisation, her condition got 1vorse and she cou Id no longer walk on her right leg. Tests to exan1ine why this could be the case showed nothing abnorn1al about lhe leg. When a standard x-ray 1vas taken, it revealed that a sewing needle was en1bedded in her righl calf. When the hospital staff questioned her about this she becan1e very aggressive and denied any knowledge of it. She then at1t:1npted lo jun1p out of the hospital 1vindo\v to escape but thankfully 1vas stopped. Many of her syn1ptoms resolved spontaneously after this incident.

@

case study

CASE STUDIES Zibis et al (20 l 0) reported on a case of Miinchausen syndrome. A 24-year-old 11•oman had been referred to a surgeon as she had extremely painful, stiff and s1vo!Jen right hand and arm. She reported having had four previous operations on the same region. Four days into her treatn1ent al the hospital she developed a "fever

EVALUATION

valid

~

V

qual vs quan

reliable

general

useful

CHALLENGE YOURSELF

Produce a leanet lhat explains to people why some patients may misuse medical health services. Think about the targel audience and what message you want lo get across.

CHAPTER 9: PSYCHOLOGY AND HEALTH '

9.2 ADHERENCE TO MEDICAL ADVICE Patients visit their doctor for advice about health problems and usually end up \vith a prescription for drugs or some referral for further tests or treatment. However, as health psychologists are discovering, not every patient follo,vs the medical advice given. This section looks at 'vhy patients may not adhere to advice, ho'v to measure adherence to advice and 'vays to improve patients' adherence. ASK YOURSELF

Why would a patient not adhere to medical advice? List as many reasons as possible and then see how many turn up in this chapter.

TYPES OF NONADHERENCE AND REASONS WHY PATIENTS DO NOT ADHERE Types and extent of non-adherence Clarke (20 13) noted different types of adherence that 've can reverse to discover different types of nonadherence, \vhich are:

I> not follo1ving short-term advice (e.g. to take three pills per day, five hours apart, for one 1veek)

I> failing to attend a follow-up intervie1v or a referral appointment

I> not 1vanting to rnake a lifestyle change (e.g. to reduce then quit srnoking or take n1ore exercise)

I> not engaging in preventative n1easures linked to health (e.g. using contraception). According to Sarafino (2006), up to 40 per cent of a given population fail to adhere to the n1edica/ advice given to the1n. That is, 1\\10 in five people do not follo1v their doctor's advice. In addition, the research showed the following:

I> When medicine needs to be taken for short-term acute illness, the adherence rate climbs to 67 per cent.

I> For longer-ternl chronic regimes, the figure appears to be around 50 per cent.

I> People tend to adhere n1ore just before or just after seeing a doctor.

I> There appears to be very little adherence al all to any advice that involves a change in lifestyle. Sarafino (2006) "'US quick to note that these are probably overestimates of non-adherence as the data are only based on people 1\lho were \villing to take part in a study and then ad111it to non-adherence. Also, the data fails to appreciate the range of adherence as son1e patients will adhere to advice J00 per cent of the time but others' adherence may vary markedly from illness to illness.

Rational non-adherence There are patients who choose not to adhere to medical advice as it appears rationnl for thel1t to do this. By this, we mean that they have conducted a cost-benefit analysis and it appears lo them "costly" to adhere to the treatn1ent being given to then1 or asked ofthen1. Laba, Brien & Jan (2012) wanted to try to understand rational non-adherence using a comn1unity sample of patients in Australia. The patients were given a discrete choice online survey that \\lanted to estimate the importance of eight medication factors \vith regard to non-adherence. The factors \vere:

I> J> I> J> J> J> J> I>

immediate medication harn1 immediate medication benefit long-term medication harm long-term medication benefit cost regimen sy1npton1 severity alcohol restrictions.

Six of the factors appeared to affect choice of adherence rationally in the san1ple. The two that did not 1vere syn1pton1 severity and alcohol restrictions. Therefore, rational non-adherence is a cornplex interaction between the six ren1aining factors with an overall costbenefit analysis by individual patients finally predicting whether they will adhere or not. IL '"as noted that when a potential health outcome 1\las fran1ed in terms of"side effects" the person quite rationally 1vas more likely not to adhere than if a health outcome '"as framed in tem1s of"therapeutic benefits''. Therefore, the 1vay that the treatment is, essentially, "sold to them" arfects whether patients will adhere (as rational people do not 1vant side effects but do want therapeutic benefits).

®

EVALUAT ION useful

ind vs sit

valid

'

TE 'T 'CURSE F

Outline reasons why people may not adhere to medical advice.

Customising treatment CHALLENGE YOURSELF

Read lhe improving adherence seCtJOn at the end of lhls page, and make notes on how practiLioner style. informalion providing and behavioural trealment can be used lo customise treatment for any patient.

MEASURING ADHERENCE AND NON-ADHERENCE If non-adherence to medical advice is such a \videspread problem then psychologists must come up with ways in \vhich they can n1easure it Belo\\' \Ve look at a number of different \vays of assessing non-adherence (and adherence).

Subjective: self-reports One technique that can be used is for patients to complete self-reports \vith questions related to ho\v niuch they are adhering to the treatn1enL P-atients can be given booklets to record when they took certain drugs or engaged in certain bellaviours that are ai.ked of them as part of their treatn1enL Many psychologists are sceptical about the validity and reliability ofself-reports as patients can easily lie about \vhat they have done in terms of adhering to treatn1ent. Ho\vever, Kaplan & Sin1on (1990) noled that ift:he questions are direct and simple to anS\ver then this technique can be used successfully to nieasure rates of adherence. However, patients niay give socially desirable ans\vers especially ifthey have 1101 been adhering to the treatment prescribed to them.

Objective: pill counting, biochemical tests, repeat prescriptions Another \vay of measuring adherence is by simply counting the amount of pills left in a bottle and \VOrking out \vhether the patient has taken the recommended

amount over a certain time period. 'This can assess \Vhether the patient has follo\ved the correct procedure and taken the specified amount of tablets. rlo\vever, just because the pills are not in the boule any more does not mean they have actually been taken. A patient niay have thro\vn the pills a\vay (see Core study 7.1, page 87) or just placed them in a different conta.iner, so this is not the most accurate method of measuring nct11al adherence to a trealment regime. Biochemical tests can be run on the patient to measure adherence. These include urine analysis and blood tests to detect levels of the drug that the patient should have consumed. While son1e psychologists believe these are the best methods to use after revie1ving 1he research (e.g. Roth, 1987). the rnethods are very expensive compared to the other choices available. Also. while they do detect drug levels, they slill do not sho\v l'otal adherence to a regi1ne, only that the person has ingested enough of the dr ug for it to be detectable. Repeat prescriptions have been a relatively ne\v addition to the meclical field \Vith patients who are on longer-term treatment having the option of asking for the same amount of drugs again 1vithout having to see a doctor first These patients simply request a repeat prescription from their local doctor's surgery and then pick up the drug. Although this means that patients have to have the motivation to do this (so the argument is that they must be adhering to the treatment), they could still obtain the drugs but not consume thein (especially if the drugs are free).

®

EVALUATION qual/quan

valid

questionnaire

useful

reliable

CHALLENGE YOURSELF

A local heallh charily wants you lo help il decide which is the best way to measure adherence lo medical advice. In your report lo the charity, you must outline at least three w~s and highlight the strenglhs and weaknesses of each technique.

IMPROVING ADHERENCE No1v we \\fill look at techniques that can be used to try to improve adherence levels in patients after they have visited a doctor.

CHAPTER 9: PSYCHOLOGY AND HEALTH

Improve practitioner style, provide information and behavioural techniques All of these three aspects can be incorporated in an attempt to make patients adhere more to medical advice. The practitioner style and information aspects can be combined as Sarafino (2006) outlined. Practitioners can use a variety of techniques: ;. They can ensure that the patient understands the "disease process" and the pros and cons of treatment. ;. They can use sin1plified non-rnedical language. ;. They can use n1easurable staternents for treatment rather than generic (e.g. with people \vho take exercise by swimn1ing, advising that they should s1vim 20 lengths each time they go for their regular swim, rather than telling them to take some exercise daily). ;. Any key information that is vital to the treatment can be stated n1ore than once. ;. They can ensure that any 1vritten instructions have no ambiguity 1vhatsoever. ;. The patient can be asked to repeat the instructions at least once. Practitioners can also use a range of behavioural methods to try to in1prove adherence. Burke, Dunbar-Jacob & Hill (1997) highlighted four techniques that \\'Ork: ;. Tailor the regimen - that is, ensure that the treatn1ent programme is compatible 1vith the lives of the patients. For example, if exercise is part of patients' treatment then n1ake sure it can fit into their lives if they work full tin1e. ;. Provide prornpts and ren1inders to serve as cues so patients are rerninded of the 1reatn1ent - one exan1ple is having the day printed on the drug packaging so patients kno1v 1'/hether they have taken the pill on the correct day. ;. Arrange self-n1onitoring - ask patients to keep a 1vritten record of 1vhat they do. These records act as prompts; also, patients are more likely to stick to the treatment if they have to keep a record. ;. Establish a behaviour contract - a "contract" can be dra1\111 up bet1veen practitioner and patient for

the patient to reach certain treatrnent goals, 1vith rewards given when this happens.

USE OF TEXT MESSAGING As the nun1ber of mobile phones increasingly gro1vs,

healthcare providers may be able to use simple text reminders to in1prove adherence to treatment. Lew·is et al (2013) reported on a scheme that sent tailored text 1nessages to people currently undergoing HIV treatment. After being assessed prior to receiving text messages, patients received ren1inder texts, answered weekly adherence texts and those who adhered to treatment received tailored messages such as "He shoots! He scores! Perfect med adherence. Great job!' (2013: 250). Patients found to be non-adherent were sent reminder texts such as "Stop, drop and pop. Take your meds now!" (20 13: 250). Patients reported being very receptive to the text- rnessaging system and appreciated the messages. The adherence to medication (which was self-reported) improved significantly during the three months receiving the texts especially among those 1vho had begun the study not adhering to treatment. Objective measures of adherence such as viral load confirmed that these patients had been adhering to treatment.

LETTERS Even 1vitl1 IT don1inating people's lives, Zhang & Pish (20 12) examined whether a sin1ple letter received by post might improve adl1erence to a variety of treatments in a healthcare selling. They also 1vanted to investigate whether different types of treatn1ent were affected in the san1e 1vay using a ren1inder leller. Adult patients were followed to check for adherence rates to a variety of health issues (e.g. colonoscopies, general x-rays, vaccines and general eye tests for diabetics). A first reminder letter 1vas sent out one month after the appropriate time fran1e for treatn1ent fo r urgent cases and after t\vo n1onths for non-urgent cases. If these \Vere not responded to then a second letter 1vas sent out one month after the first. Table 9.2. I sho1vs the adherence rates for a variety of treatments follo\ved in the study.

Colonoscopy

35

11

14

45

Mammogram

57

16

5

34

Cardiac testing

11

5

0

4

Ultrasound

55

7

1

5

Nole: Numbers refer to number of patients £. Table 9.2.1 Adherenc e rates (Zang & Fish, 2012)

We can see that no reminder \Vas necessary for some of the treat1nents in Table 9.2. 1. Ho\vever, for all of the treatn1ents listed, people did respond to a letter re1ni nding them of the in1portance of the treatment \Vhich led to lhen1 attending the relevant health clinic. Fron1 lhe data in Table 9.2.l, those sent a second letter about the need for a colonoscopy responded well, \vith another 14 people corning forward. 111e high levels of non-adherence to both the colonoscopy and man1mogran1 highlight that some people simply do not respond to rein inders. Research into \vhy these people do not respond needs to be conducted.

MEMORY INTERVENTION A recent development has been created by lnsel et al (2013) to aid adherence to antihypertensive drugs. Previous studies had been noted by this research team to focus on just one aspect of adherence (e.g. just understanding hO\\' many pills to take). lnsel et al have proposed a multifaceted approach to improving adherence through cognitive tasks (note the plural). The follo\ving is part of the model that they believe \viii improve adherence: ~

E1nphasise routine - have niedication in the san1e place and san1e tin1e ead1 day or each lime it has to be taken.

~

Develop cues (e.g. have a pill pot on the breakfast table in full view rather than in a box in a dra\ver).

~

Elaborate the action (e.g. get patients to shake the bottle before taking the pills to make it niore men1orable so they do not take a repeat dose immediately).

~

Do it now - as soon as a cue is present take the pills there and then. Even a five-second delay can cause forgetting and non-adherence.

~

Introduce imple111entatio11 intentions - n1ake it all specific, so rather than patients thinklng ·~round breakfasl tin1e I will take 1ny pills" gel tJ1en1 to tJlink "Wilh my first cup of tea of the day I will Lake 1ny pills''.

~

Teach - ask - \Vail - ask again - wait - ask again. This allows patients to rehearse intentions and, according to lnsel et al, leaving a sufficient gap at the second '\vait" (as long as 15 minutes) can help improve memory for intention.

It \vill be intriguing to see if the system does improve adherence rates to anti hypertensive drugs.

@

EVALUATION useflll

valid

cognitive

ind vs sit

CHALLENGE YOURSELF Create a training programme for a prac titioner that alms to help the practitioner to make patients adhere more to medical advice.

CHAPTER 9: PSYCHOLOGY AND HEALTH

9.3 PAIN TYPES AND THEORIES OF PAIN People can experience a variety of types of pain and there are theories as to \vhy \Ve experience pain outside of a physiological cause. All of these are covered below. ASK YOURSELF

Why do we feel pain? Lisi as many possible reasons as you can.

One controversial element of pain perception has been phanton1 limb pain. This is a condition \vhereby a patient who is an amputee still experiences pain in a limb that is not longer physically there or in a lirnb that has no functioning nerves in it. Yet, the pain is described in the same \vay as any other ache or pain that people experience daily. It does not al\vays centre around the pain element as some amputees still feel as if they can move their phantom limb as they please. The pain symptoms can last for several months or even years and can be quite severe in nature. It is often described as shooting or burning pain or like cramp. ~ TEST YOURSELF

V

Whal is pain? Outline one type of pain.

Definitions of pain

Specificity theory of pain

According to Sarafino (2006), pain can be a sensory and/or emotional discomfort which tends to be associated \Vith actual tissue damage or threatened tissue dan1age including irritation. People's experiences of pain differ markedly but virtually every human being does experience pain in some form.

This was an early model of pain. It was predicted that we have a sensory system that is dedicated to pain. A series of neurons forn1 a path\vay to a dedicated pain centre in the brain. The more this path\vay is used, the more intense is the pain experienced by the person. Therefore, according to this theory, pain is purely physiological and there are nerve centres in the brain that exclusively process this information. Son1e psychologists believe that they have evidence for certain fibres being exclusive to pain but others state that they cannot find them. There are sensory fibres in our skin that can detect heat, cold and certain pressures but these can aJso detect pain so the exclusivity argument is nO\V a weak one. A n1ore co1nprehensive theory is gate control.

Acute and chronic organic pain Acute pain refers to tin1es \vhen people experience temporary pain for about six months or less. They experience anxiety \vhile the pain is there but this dissipates quickly once the pain begins to disappear. When pain lasts continually for more than a few months, it is referred to as chronic pain. People experiencing this will have high levels of anxiety and may \veil develop a sense of helplessness and depression. This is especially true iftreatn1ent is not helping. The pain interferes with daily life, though ts and sleep patterns. For both of these types, the cause of the pain is physiological.

Psychogenic pain Not all pain stems fron1 physiological mechanisms. Ps)•chogenic pain refers to episodes \vhere there is no organic (physiological) cause of pain but the person is experiencing pain.

Gate control theory of pain Melzack & Wall ( 1965) proposed the idea of a gate control theory of pain. Pain is detected and still picked up by sensory signals but the spinal cord plays a key role in the experience of the actual pain. The spinal cord has a mechanism in it that acts just like a gate: it is either open or dosed. If it is open the pain is experienced but the spinal cord can modulate the pain level by having th.e gate slightly open rather than fully open. There are three main factors involved in the gate-opening process: ~

One factor is the amount of activity in pain fibres. The niore "noxious" the pain stimulus is, the more

likely the gate will be opened (e.g. in someone \\lith a severe cut). ~

~

Another factor is the an1ount of activity in other peripheral fibres. These are called A-beta fibres. They carry information about "lo\,•-level pain" (e.g. a scratch or a touch). When there is activity in these fibres the gale lends to close as the pain is IO\\I level and not dangerous.

~

rest and relaxation

~

distraction from the pain.

@

EVALUATION userul

valid

reduct

•

TEST YOU ~SEL,

t.lessages fron1 the brain are also a factor. lnfonnation such as excitement and anxiety can affect ho\v much the gate is opened or closed.

Outline one theory of pain

Sarafino (2006) noted conditions that can open or close the gate in the spinal cord. The gate can be opened by:

MEASURING PAIN

~

severe injury

~

anxiety, \\lorry, depression, etc.

~

focusing too niuch on the pain, plus boredon1.

This next section will exarnine the different ways in 11•hich pain can be n1easured by a practitioner or psychologist.

The gate can be closed by:

ASK YOURSELF

~

medication

~

Whal do you think 1s the besl way to measure pain?

positive emotions (e.g. laughing through happiness)

Self-report measures These are usually questionnaire-based methods that aJIO\\I the person experiencing the pain to rate ho\v severe it is. Common exan1ples arc the use of a box scale, a verbal rating scale or a Like rt-type scale. Examples of these are given in Figure 9.3.1. Box scale:

No pain

I0 I1

2

3

4

5

6

7

8

I9

j 10 I

Worst pain possible

Verbal rati ng scale: No pain

Son1e pain

Considerable pain

Worst pain possible

Likert-type scale: The exan1plc questions below would be answered using the options of: Strongly agree, Agree, Don't kno1v, Disagree, Strongly disagree.

1. The pain usually gets 1\lorse at night. 2. Pain relief helps me control my pain. A Figure 9.3.1 Scales for recording pain - box rating, verbal raltng and Likert-type scales

Patients ma)' also be asked to keep a pain diary, as sho\vn in Figure 9.3.2, so the practitioner can monitor when the pain is happening and ho1v the patient feels.

CHAPTER 9 : PSYCHOLOGY AND HEALTH

PAI N DIARY FOR:

Did you change your medication today? lf yes, describe:

DATE:

Pain rating scale:

No pain

Time

~

..

0

l

2

p.m.

4

5

Unbearable pain

Pain rating and body position

Activity at start of pain

What medication Pain rating after did you take and 1 or 2 hours how much?

Comments/other problems

51 lower ball:

Leaned over and drag9ed d1nin9 lhair awai from table

~1rin

Gould f>tand up better

L'f in9 flat on balK in tile bed

Ibuprofen (2.)

pain

11.00

3

2/ lower ball:

dull alne

(2.)

4 - nelped a little

I-

ne\ped

lroub\e 9ettin9 to f>leep: 9ot to £>1eep at around i .oo a.m.

.A. Figure 9.3.2 Example of a pain diary

Psychometric measures and visual rating scales One standardised psychometric measure of pain is the McGill Pain Questionnaire (M PQ). This questionnaire co111es in four parts:

1. A diagran1 of a body is presented to the patient, \vho sin1ply has to mark 1vhere the pain is localed around the body.

2. There are 20 sub-classes of descriptive 1vords fro1n 1vhich the patient has to choose a n1axi1num of one

per class. The further do\vn the list in each sub-class the 1vord is, the more points it scores so that an overall pai11 rati ng index can be calculated.

3. The patient has to describe the pattern of pain from three sub-classes of words and then produce son1e qualitative data aboul 1vhat things relieve but also increase the pain.

4. The final parl asks Lhe pal ient to rate the strength of the pain via six questions. 111e scores fo r th e questions are added up to create a present pain intensity score.

Where Is Your Parn?

Part I.

Part 2.

Please 1Park on lhe drawing below the areas where you reel pain. Put E ii external. or I if internal. rear Lile areas \Vhich you mark. Put El ii both external and internal.

What Does Your Pain feel Like?

Some or lhe words below describe your present pain. Circle ONLY lhose words that best describe il. Leave out any category that is not suitable. Use only a single word in each appropriate category - the one that applies best.

1

2

Flickering Quivering Pwlsirg Throbbing Beating Pourding

Jumping Flashing Shooting

5

\ I

Tugging Pulling Wrencl1rng

9

10

Dull Sore Hurting Aching Heavy

l ender Taul Rasping Splilling

13

17 Spreading Radiating Penetrating Piercirg

Part 3.

How Does Your Pain Chanae Wilh Time?

1. Which word or words would you use lo describe the oatlern or your pain?

1 Continuous Steady Constant

2 Rhythmic Periodic Intermittent

2. What kind of things reljeve your pain?

3. Whal kind of things increase your pain?

_.. Figure 9.3.3 The MPQ So..irce: Melzack. 1975

3 Brief Momentary Transient

Ting ling Itchy Smarting Slinging

11

12

Exhausling

15 Wretched Blinding

18

8

Hot Burning Scalding Searing

l iring

14 Punistung Gruelling Cruel Vicious Killing

Fearful Frightful Terrifying

4 srarp Culling Lacerating

7

6

Pinching Pressing Gnawing Cramping Crushing

•

3 Pncking Bonng Drilling Slabbing Lancinating

Sickening 8ullocating

16 Annoying Troublesome Miserable Intense Unbearable

19

Tight Numb Drawing Squeezing Tearing

Coot Cold Freezing

20 Nagging Nauseating Agonizing Dreadful Torturing

I-tow Strong Is Your Pam?

Part 4 .

People ag ree that the following 5 words represent pain of increasing intensity. They are:

1 Mild

4 5 Discomtorllng Distressing Horrible Excruciating

2

3

To answer each question below. write lhe number of the most appropriate word in the space beside the ql1estion.

1. Which word describes your pain right now? _ _ _ 2. Which word describes il al its worst? 3. Which word describes il when it is least? 4. Which word describes the worst toothache you ever had? 5. Which word describes the worst headache you ever had? 6. Which word descnbes the worst stomachache you ever had?

CHAPTER 9: PSYCHOLOGY AND HEALTH

Visual rating scales can come in the form of visual analogue scales as shown in Figure 9.3.4.

simiJar to the MPQ, a picture of a person so they can indicate where the pain is (see Figure 9.3.6).

No pain {----------------------------/ Worst pain possible

A Figure 9.3.4 Visual analogue scale ror recording pain The physician can rneasure (\vith a ruler) the distance along the scale to get a numeric measure ofho\v intense the pain is - other questions and bi-polar adjecthres can be used on these scales too.

Behavioural or observational scale The University of Alabama at Biriningham (UAB) Pain Behavior Scale can be used by nurses to assess the degree of pain patients are in through observing their behaviour. The patient \viii be asked to perforrn several activities such as \Valking around, sitting down then standing up and the nurse rates each of these to give a total score of ho\v n1uch the pain is affecting the patient's behaviour. Figure 9.3.5 lists the parameters and shows the method of scoring some of them.

The UAB Pain Behavior Scale Parameters ( 1) vocal complaints verbal (2) verbal complaints non-

verbal (groans, nioans, gasps, etc.) (3) do\vntime (time spend lying do\''n because of pain per day from 8.00 a.m. to 8.00 p.m.) (4) facial grimaces (5) standing posture (6) mobility (7) body language (clutching or rubbing site) (8) use of visible support equipment (brace, crutches, can, leaning on furniture, etc.) (9) stationary movement (ability to stay still) (IO) medication use. Total score = SUM for all 10 itenis Interpretation: minimum score= O; niaxinium score = 10 The higher the score the rnore n1arked the pain-associated behaviour and the greater the level of inipairnient. Parameter

Points

verbal complaints none

Finding

0

ln addition, structured clinical sessions can also be

occasional

0.5

used and these can be tailored to the pain condition a patient has. The patient can be asked to perform a series of tasks linked to their pain (e.g. if it is lo\ver back pain one of the tasks may be to tie their shoe laces). All of the tasks are recorded for observation. A trained observer then \Yatches the recording and scores the patient so an overall pain score can be calculated.

frequent

1

none

0

occasional

0.5

frequent

1

none

0

0 to 60 minutes

0.5

> 60 minutes

1

none

0

mild andfor Infrequent

0.5

severe andfor frequent

1

normal

0

mildly impaired

0.5

distorted

1

non-verbal complaints

down time

Pain measures in children Some of the self-report scales rnentioned earlier can be used \vith children. 111e visual analogue scale has been particularly successful. The box scales and verbal rating scales can also be used as long as they are written in children's language so they can easily understand them. 1:-lowever, one questionnaire has been developed that can be used just with children the Pediatric Pain Questionnaire. Children have to describe their pain i11 their 011111 words then, to help describe their pain some more, they choose as many adjectives as they \Vant to. There is a visual analogue scale used \Vith faces as the bi-polar ends and then,

facial grimaces

standing posture

A Figure 9.3.5 The UAB Pain Behavior Scale

.&. Figure 9.3.6 The Ped ialnc Pain Questionnaire

@

Medical techniques

EVALUATION quest '

reliable

psycho

valid

useful

'

One of the n1ain medical techniques used to control pain is tl1e use of chemicals. Sarafino (2006) highlighted four main types available to patients: ~

CHALLENGE YOURSELF Devise whal you feel is Lhe best way to measure pain in children.

MANAGING AND CONTROLLING PAIN Patients can manage and control their pain levels in a variety of 'vays. These range from biological to cognitive and alternative techniques.

Peripherally active analgesics - these inhibit the production of certain neurochemicals that are produced as a result, for exan1ple, of tissue dan1age. Con1mon exan1plcs of these drugs arc aspirin and ibuprofen. Aspirin, for instance, reduces the experience of pain but also reduces inflatnmation that could be causing the pain.

~ CentTaUy acting analgesics - these are good at

reducing acute pain in the short term as they act directly on the central nervous syslern. Examples of these drugs are codeine and 1norpl1i ne. ~

Local anaesilietics - these can be applied locally to the site of pain (or be injected) to give almost

CHAPTER 9: PSYCHOLOGY AND HEALTH

immediate relie£ They block the nerve cells at the site of damage. An exan1ple of this type of drug is novocaine. ,. Indirectly acting drugs - these are used [or other conditions but can also help in pain n1anagen1ent. For exan1ple, antidepressants can help reduce psychological aspects of depression but they can also help relieve pain.

Psychological techniques: cognitive strategies A variety of cognitive strategies can be used to help alleviate and manage pain in patients. Cognitive behavioural therapy (CBT) can be used. The therapist needs to tackle the thinking behind the pain, the e1notions involved V>'ith the pain and the behaviour seen as a result of it. The therapist can use a variety of techniques for this. These include heJping patients to reduce counterproductive strategies (e.g. changing strategies that are actually making the pain \vorse rather than better), giving them some skills training on ho\v to cope and training the1n to change their cognitions from negative to positive in ternlS of successful pain management. Sarafino (2006) noted a range of other cognitive strategies that can be used with patients. These include the following: ,. Distraction - this technique gets the patient to focus on something that is not linked to the pain in any \\•ay. This can include looking at a picture. singing a song, playing on a video console or having to focus on someone's voice. Distractors have to be relevant to the patient and be engrossing enough for that person. Hence, they have to be individually tailored. ,. Iinagery - th is can be called guided in1agery and involves patients creating a 111ental scene "far ren1oved" fro1n the current state of pain. 'TI1is could be a place that is pleasant (e.g. a beadi) and the therapist has to guide patients through the scene to distract then1 from the pain. The therapist may ask about sights and sounds, for instance. The aim is to create a "place" that cannot be linked to the pain being experienced

TEST YO RSELF Outline one medical technique or one psychological technique for controlling pain.

Alternative techniques A variety of alternative techniques can be used \\lith a patient experiencing any degree of pain, including the follo\ving:

1. Hypnosis - patients \Vho are good hypnotic subjects could benefit from using hypnosis as part of their pain management. The hypnotist can use suggestions and imagery to help the patient cope with pain. It is common for the suggestion of analgesia (pain relief) to \Vork on hypnotic patients as a result of their high levels of suggestibility. The hypnotist could also teach patients self-hypnosis skills so they can use hypnosis to reduce their pain \vhen at hon1e.

2. Transcutaneous electrical nerve stimulation (TENS) n1achines - these madiines have electrodes \Vhich are placed either side of the source of pain. The TENS machine then sends a mild electrical current bet\veen the electrodes \Vhich, in theory, reduces the sensation of pain. 3. Acupuncture - this is an ancient Chinese practice of inserting special fine metal needles under the skin of the patient in areas chosen depending on the source of the pain. Once inserted, the needles are "twirled" or stin1ulated electrically. There are reportedly hundreds of insertion points for the needles depending on \vhat could be causing the pain or \vhich area of the body is experiencing it.

® ~

EVALUATION '

useful

valid

ethics

physio

ind vs sit

cognitive

CHALLENGE YOURSELF A local pain dinic has approached you to produce a poster that highftghls at least two W<1'fS in which people can control pain. Your poster must also stale the advantages of using your chosen techmques.

V

9.4STRESS CAUSES OR SOURCES OF STRESS Stress could be defined as our emotional and physiological reactions to situations in 'vhich 've feel in conflict or threatened beyond our capacity to cope or endure. ASK YOURSELF

Whal makes you feel stressed? How do you try lo conlrol the amount of stress in your Iife?

Physiology of stress and effects on health The physiological response to stress is controUed by t\vo body systenls: ~

~

The autonomic nervous system is composed of t\vo approximately antagonistic sub-systems, the sympathetic and parasympathetic branches. The autonon1ic nervous system acts rapidly to stimulate physiological changes such as breathing and heart rate as '"ell as affecting the second element, the endocrine system. The endocrine systen1 provides a slo,ver communjcation route through the body using hormones released in response to signals fro111 nerves or fro1n other glands. In an emergency, the syinpathetic branch of the autonomic nervous system responds quickly, preparing for ~fight or flight''. 1lle syn1pathe1ic nervous system also sends impulses to the endocrine systen1, \vhich responds by releasing horn1ones that enhance the preparation for action. 111is 1nechanisn1, \vhich links the sy111pathetic nervous system to the ad renal medulla. is called the sympathetic adrenal medullary system.

Stress has a range of effects on health including the follo,ving:

~

Cardiovascular problems - these can include hypertension (high blood pressure) and atherosclerosis (the build up of fat deposits in blood vessels), both of \vhich increase the risk of having a heart attack.

~

Gastrointestinal disorders - an increase in stomach acids can lead to ulcers and digestive problems; also, conditions such as irritable bo,vel syndrome can be made worse by stress.

The GAS model Selye ( 1947) described the body's response to st ress and began to explore the links bct\veen stress and illness. He induced stress in rats using stressors such as heat and fatigue. The rats showed the san1e physiological responses regardless of the nature of the stressor; they had enlarged adrenal glands and they developed stomach ulcers. Selye proposed that the body responded to any stressor by getting itself ready for action. This response has evolved to help the individual to deal \vith emergency situation~ such as Oeeing physical danger. Selye identified three phases to the body's response to stress through \\lhich an individual passes if a stressor persists over time:

1. Alarm reaction: the body's mechanisn1s for dealing \Vith danger are activated. This reaction is based around the fight or Aight mechanism in animals. Physiological reactions include respiration rate increasing. heart rate increasing and blood pressure ns1ng. 2. Resistance stage: Lhe person struggles to cope \Vith the stress and the body attempts to return to its previous physiological state. This happens if no more stress is experienced. Ho\vever, the person is n1ore vulnerable than before so if stress is experienced before returning to the previous state, the person \\!ill struggle to cope. 3. Exhaustion stage: if the stressor persists and the body cannot return to its previous state, physical resources beco1ne depleted, eventually leading to collapse.

CHAPTER 9: PSYCHOLOGY AND HEALTH

Perceived stressor

Alarm reaction

Stage of resistance

Stage of exhaustion

Body IS mobilised to defend against the stressor

Arousal remains high. as body tries to defend against and adapt to the stressor

Resources

N0<mal level or arousal and resistance

are very limrted: ability to resist may collapse.

A Figure 9.4.1 General adapta~on syndrome wrth three phases

®

individual may believe "No matter \vhat I do, if I am going to get stressed, I \viii get stressed'.'

EVALUATION

physio

reduct

valid

Work ind vs sit

TEST YOURSELF Outline phys101oglca1 mechanisms involved 1n stress.

Johannson et al (1978) aimed to study Lhe physiological and psychological stress responses in the t\VO categories of high-risk and low-risk 1vorkers. There were two groups: ~

The high-risk group 1va~ made up of 14 'vorkers who had a complex job and 1vorked at a set pace governed by the production line.

~

The low-risk group contained I0 workers 1vho worked at their O\Vll pace as cleaners or maintenance staff.

Causes of stress Lack of control Rotter (1966) identified a personality variable he called the locus of control. People \vho attribute control to factors they cannot govern, such as chance or the behaviour of other people, are described as having an external locus of control. 1hose \vho believe that they are responsible for themselves have an internal locus of control. Wallston et al (1978) developed the health locus of control scale. lhis measure, \Vhich looks specifically at individuals' beliefs about the factors that determine their health outcomes, assesses three di1nensions: ~

~

~

Internal health locus of control - this is the extent to which individuals feel able to be responsible for their own stress levels. For example, a person may state "My O\Vn lifestyle choices are \vhat 1vill affect my stress levels:· Po\verful others' control over health - this refers to individuals' belief that other, in1portant, people (such as doctors, fan1ily and friends) play an important role in their experience of stress. For example, a person may hold vie\VS such as "Whenever I feel stressed, I should consult a trained professional:' Chance health locus of control - this refers to the role that individuals assign to pure "luck~ An

The research team measured adrenaline (through urine samples) and body temperature checks on arrival at \VOrk and at four other times throughout the day, self-rating of mood and alertness and caffeine and njcotine consumption. Baseline measurements \\'ere taken at the sai11e times of the day '"hen the \vorkers were at home. The following resultl> were reported: ~

It \vas found that 1vorkers in the high-risk group bad adrenaline levels t1vice as high on arrival at work than when they \Vere at home and their levels conti nued to rise throughou t the day. In contrast, the low-risk group had adrenaline levels 1.5 times the amount recorded at ho1ne and their levels lowered thro ughout the day.

~

From the self-report it \Vas 1nade apparent that the high-risk group felt more rushed and irritated and also rated themselves lo1ver on a scale of 1vellbeing.

Life events Holmes & Rahe (1967} constructed a questionnaire called the Social Readjustment Rating Scale (SRRS) sho\m in Figure 9.4.2. The questionnaire is used to measure the amount of stress a person experiences over

a certain amount of ti1ne (usually one year). Holmes & Rahe initially conducted research into ho\v different life events are perceived in tern1s ofho\v stressful they are. Each of the 43 life events \vere given a score out of 100, \\'hich '"ere called the life change units (LCUs). People simply had to add up all the LCUs they had

scored over oae year. Th is generated a total of LC Us that could be used as an indicator of the level of stress ex-perienced Holn1es & Rahe noted that people \vho scored more than 300 LCUs in a given year \\!ere much n1ore likely to become ill due to the amount of stress they experienced.

Death of spouse

Son or daughter leaving home

29

Trouble with in-laws

29

Outstanding personal achievement

28 26 26

73 65

24 25

63 63

26 27

Spouse begins or stops work

Personal injury or lllness

53

Change in living conditions

Marriage

50

Fired at work Marital reconclhatton

47 45

28 29 30 31

10 11

Retirement

45

Change in residence

Change In health of family member

44

32 33

12 13 14 15

Pregnancy

40

34

Change 1n recreation

Sex d1ff1cult1es

39 39 39

35 36 37

Change 1n church act1v1t1es

2 3

Divorce

4 5

Jail term

6 7 8 9

Marital separation

Death of close family member

Gain of new family member Business re-adjustment

Beg1nn1ng or ending school

Revision of personal habits Trouble with boss Change 1n work hours or conditions Change in schools

Change 1n social activities Mortgage or loan less than

25 24 23 20 20 20 19 19 18 17

$10 000 16 17

Change 1n financial state

18

16 15

38 37

38 39

Change 1n sleeping habits

Change to a different line or work

36

40

Change in eating habits

15

19

Change 1n number or arguments with spouse

35

41

Vacation

13

20 21

Mortgage over $10 000

31 30

42 43

Christmas

12 11

22

Death or a close friend

Foreclosure on mortgage or loan Change in responsibilities at work

£. Figure 9.4.2 The SRRS quest10nnaire Source. Holmes & Rahe. 1967

29

Change in number of family get-togethers

Minor violations of the law

CHAPTER 9: PSYCHOLOGY AND HEALTH

Personality

Daily hassles

Friedman & Rosenman (1974) observed that their coronary patients tended to sit on the edge of their seat, leaping up frequently to enquire how much longer they would be kept waiting for their appointments. The possibility of a connection behveen the heart conditions and the tense, frenetic behaviour of these individuals led to the proposal of"hurry sickness", later renamed "type A behaviour" (Friedman & Rosen man, 1974).

Everyday events can also be a legitimate source of stress: \Ve do not have to experience major lifechanging events to experience stress. Activities such as losing your keys, spilling milk \Vhen in a rush or having lo give a presentation at school can cause high levels of stress. Lazarus (I 98 I) developed a scale called the Hassles Scale that lists over I 15 different daily events. People rate each event on a set scale. The higher tlie score, the more stress they have experienced and this in turn increases the chance of ill health.

Type A individuals tend to be highly co1npetitive, aggressive, in1patient and hostile, with a strong urge for success. Their behaviour tends to be goal-directed and performed at speed. In contrast, people with type B behaviour are relatively "laid back': lacking tlie urgency and drive typical of lype A individuals. Some individuals do not fall clearly into either category and are termed type X. 'I he risk of stress-related illnesses, such as coronary heart disease, is greater for type A individuals tlian for type B due to the physiological strains placed on the body.

The research tea1n also created an Uplifts Scale (recording events that are positive and happy) to see if tliese can offset tl1e potential stress caused by daily hassles. Figure 9.4.3 is an excerpt from their questionnaire to assess hassles and uplifts.

Please fill out this questionnaire just before you go to bed. HASSLES

UPLIFTS

How much or a hassle was this item for you today? O = None or not applicable 1 =Somewhat 2 = Quite a bit 3 - A great deal

How much of an uplift was this item for you today? O = None or not applicable 1 =Somewhat 2 = Quite a bit 3 = A great deal

Please circle one number on the left-hand side (hassles) and one number on the right-hand side (uplifts) 0123 0123 1. Your chlld(ren) 0123 0123 2. Your parents or parents-in-law 0123 0123 3. Other relative( s) 0123 0123 4. Your spouse 0123 0123 5. Time spent with family 0123 0123 6. Health or wellbeing of a family member 0123 0123 7. Sex 0123 0123 8. Intimacy 0123 0123 9. Family-related obligations 0123 0123 10. Your frlend(s) 0 123 0 123 11 . Fellow workers 0123 0123 12. Clients, customers, patients, etc. 0123 0123 13. Your supervisor or employer 0 123 0 123 14. The nature of your work 0123 0123 15. Your workload 0 123 0 123 16. Your job security 0123 0 1 2 3 17. Meeting deadlines or goals on the job 0123 18. Enough money for necessities (e.g. food. clothing, housing, healthcare. taxes. insurance) 0123 A Figure 9.4.3 Excerpt from the Hassles and Uplifts Scale questionnaire

Source. Delongis, Folkman & Lazurus (1988)

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Self-report questionnaires People can complete questionnaires that give a numerical measure of stress (e.g. the SRRS and the Hassles and Uplifts Scale shown in Figures 9.4.2 and 9.4.3).

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EVALUATION quest

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TEST YOURSELF OuU1ne at least two differenl psychological causes or stress. In your answer use examples from everyday hfe.

MANAGEMENT OF STRESS MEASURES OF STRESS 1l1ere are various physiological and psychological n1easures that psychologists can use to assess the levels of stress a person is experiencing.

Physiological measures: recording devices and sample tests

People can manage their stress using a variety of techniques, ranglJ1g froin n1edical to psychological.

Medical techniques These may focus around the use of medication to reduce the body's automatic response to stressors. There are l:\vo main types of drug that can be prescribed to people who are suffering from stress: ~ Benzodiazapines - these are a group of drugs

(including valium) that directly affect stress reactions in the central nervous systen1.

The following are so1ne of the techniques used to n1easure stress physiologically in people: ~

Blood pressure monitors are used to measure both systolic and diastolic pressure. Each pressure is given a number and the result is \Vritten as 115/75 for example (this is an ideal reading). lfa person has a reading of 185/ 125 then this indicates severe hypertension likely to be caused by extreme stress.

~

Blood and urine tests can be used to measure levels of cortisol in our body. Cortisol is a slress honnone. Higher levels indicate tht1t the body is physiologically stressed.

~

Galvanic skin response devices have electrodes that are attached to a person's ti nger tips. They 111easure the amount of electrical resistance in the skin. Higher levels of skin response can be an indicator of autono111ic nervous system arousal \Vhich is linked to stress.

~

Beta-blockers - these are a group of drugs that reduce the anxiety and blood pressure linked to stress. They act on the peripheral nervous syste1n and block activity from ephinephrine and norepinephrine.

Drugs should only be used as a short-term, temporary measure for dealing \vith stress. For longer-term control, it is better to use psychological techniques to teach people ne1v 1vays of coping.

Psychological techniques: biofeedback and imagery Biofeedback is a technique that attempts to get people to take control of their own physiological

CHAPTER 9: PSYCHOLOGY AND HEALTH

state. Usually, people arc connected to devices that nieasure key physiological processes such as heart rate, blood pressure, muscle tension, etc. The equip1nent gives individuals instant and continuous readings of these key physiological measures. The idea is that individuals take vo/1111tary control of their physiology using the idea of re\\lards. If people are attempting to reduce their resting heart rate and they can see that deeper breathing and relaxation is doing this instantly then they are more likely to 'vant to do the same next time. Sarafino (2006) noted that there is a lot of evidence for the usefulness of biofeedback techniques for stress-related illnesses such as tension headaches, even \vith children. lmagery can also be used to reduce stress in people: 1nental i111agery is used to distract people fron1 thinking about any stressors they have. In addition, the y n1ay be taught relaxation techniques to help with tJ1e distrac tion. 'I hese may include visual imagery to take then1 "a,vay from their stressors" and deep-breathing exercises or even yoga and n1editation. People using 1nental imagery \viii have to i1nagine a variety of situations that have nothing to do \vith the stresses they are CLLrrently experiencing. Ensuring that people are not focusing on current stressors aLIO\\IS them to calm do\vn and take control of their O\\l'n physiological state. CHALLENGE YOURSELF

Produce a leaflet that can be displayed 1n a local surgery that tells people ways 1n which they can try to control stress.

Preventing stress Some techniques can be used that allow people not to be affected by stress and stressors. These are called preventive measures. One that has generated a great deal of research and follo,ving by therapists is stress inoculation therapy (Meichenbaun1, 1996). There are three stages involved in Lhe process:

1 . Conceptualisation phase - this is when a relationship is built bet\veen the trainer and clients. The trainer will educate clients about the nature and impact that stress has on their lives. The trainer may even sho'v ho\v clients n1ay be currently making their stress \VOrse \vithout them even kno\ving

they are doing it. Clients are then encouraged to see perceived stressors as being problems to be solved rather than as a negative experience. They are introduced to different coping mechanisms and strategies they can then use. They are also taught to break do'"n stressors into short-term, intermediate and long-term coping goals.

2. Skill acquisition and rehearsal phase - this is \vhen the elements from stage I have been taught and clients have to put them into practice. The skills are initially practised \vith the trainer in the clinic but then clients are encouraged to try then1 in the real \vorld. Some of the coping n1echanisms could include relaxation training, cognitive restructuring, interpersonal communication skills and using social support to help clients in lin1es of need.

3. Application and follow-through phase - this is when there are opportunities for clients to apply all of the coping skills to increasing levels of stressors. Additional techniques, such as iinage ry, rnodelling, role playing and rehearsal, are used in the fonn of "personal experiments" so that clients can show that they can cope \vith any level of stressor. These help to consolidate the skills they have already learned. They are also given follo\v-up booster sessions to ensure that the entire process is \VOrking. The \Vhole technique is flexible and can be a simple 20-minute session for people \vho are just about to go into surgery, or 40 one-hour " 'eekly sessions for people who cannot cope '"ith any level of stress.

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TEST YOURSELF

Describe and evaluate stress lnoculalion therapy.

9.5 HEALTH PROMOTION METHODS FOR PROMOTING HEALTH There are many \vays in which health psychologists can try to promote healthy living. This section looks at three in particular. ASI\ YOURSELF

Can you think of any health promotion campaigns that have been run in your country recently? Have they been successful? If so. why?

Fear arousal The idea behind fear arousal is that if you "scare people enough" they 1vill change their thoughts and behaviour. Roberts & Russell (2002) noted that while fear-arousing methods n1ay be effective, there are certain factors that can affect 1vhether the person the message is aimed at does follow its advice. These are: ~

the unpleasantness of the fear-arousing message

~

the probability that 1vhatever the n1essage is 1varning about \viii occur if the person does not follo1v the advice given

~

the perceived effectiveness of the recon1mended action portrayed in the 1nessage.

Therefore, idealJy, the 1nessage should be relatively unpleasant; people must believe that 1vhat it is warning about \vilJ happen to them and that any "evasive" action will be effective. Janis & Feshbach (1953) reported that only n1 in imal fear is effective. They showed participants a filin about dental hygiene and each group either got a strong fear rnessage, a 1nodcratc or a minimal fear message. The group who got the minin1al fear message shO\\'Cd the highest level of agreement 1vith the advice (36 per cent) con1pared to the strong fear group (8 per cent).

Yale model of communication Hovland el al ( 1953) conducted many studies at Yale University 1vhich helped to form a model of persuasive communication. There are three main stages in the process:

1. Attention - the 1nessage must grab people's attention. Sound and visual stimuli are the most effective so using television might be better than using leaflets or the radio. 2. Comprehension - for a message to be successful it must be understood by the recipient. Messages need to be clear and concise. 3 . Acceptance - the overall niessage has to be accepted by the recipient for behaviour change to occur. The person does not have to believe the 1nessage but must accept it and behave according to it for it to be persuasive con1n1u 1ticalion. There are several factors that can affect any or all of the three stages above. These include the follo,ving: ~

The communicator - a 1nessage is 1nore persuasive if the com n1unicator is attractive, is similar to the recipient and is likeable.

~

The content - it is best to cause n1ild fear and it is best \vhen the message is presented verbally and visually. A one-sided or t\\•o-sided argument needs to be considered too.

~

The n1edium - for example, the comn1unicator needs to choose \vhether a television campaign 1vould work better than a radio or leaOct campaign. If the message is simple and straightfor\vard then conveying it via television is best; if it is complicated it is best co1nmunicated via 1vrillen n1edia.

Providing information Sarafino (2006) noted that one 1vay in which people can engage in healthy behaviour is through information. This helps people make decisions about their O\vn lifestyles. There are three main 1vays in which information can be provided: ~

It can be provided using n1ass media (e.g. television, radio, magazines and ne1vspapers). One popular

CHAPTER 9: PSYCHOLOGY AND HEALTH

approach is for health services and the government to inforn1 the general population about the negative consequences of certain health-related behaviours such as smoking and drinking alcohol. Ho1vever, this appeari. to have limited success as many people misunderstand the messages. This is especially true if people are not all that motivated to change their behaviour any\vay. Ho1vever, if a person is motivated 10 change behaviour then it can be useful. Sarafino (2006) gave the example of Cable Quit, a TV sho1v that helped people to prepare to quit unhealthy behaviours by giving out infom1ation fron1 the first day they decided to quit. Around 17 per cent of people had still quit a year after •vatching the programmes. ~

~

The Internet - there are no1v literally thousands of websites that promote healthy behaviour and allow people to track their own progress and 1neel others online to help 1notivate then1 to change. An advantage is that there is a 1vealth of information for people to look at to see how they can change. Ho1vever, not all information 1vill be correct or checked by health professionals. Medical settings - having information displayed in a doctor's surgery or office might make people believe the messages more. As the information is in a professional setting it could receive instant respect.

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EVALUATION usefUI

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TEST YOURSELF

Outline one psychological method of promoting health.

HEALTH PROMOTION IN SCHOOLS, WORKSITES AND COMMUNITIES Health psychology has 10 be applied to real life for it to 1vork. Belo1v 1ve look at attempts to promote healthy behaviour in schools, at the 1vorkplace and in the community.

Schools Schools have a good opportunity to promote healthy living to students. Lessons where students are taught about the benefits of healthy living can be part of any curriculum. Walter et al ( 1985) reported on an US study of22 elen1entary schools. They introduced a curriculum that had a focus on physical fitness and nutrition. The schools \\ ere randomly assigned either to the programme or to act as a control. The children 1vho received the programn1e curriculum had 101ver blood pressure and cholesterol levels compared to the control children after one year. Ho1vever, many schools cannot afford to hire specialists to teach such curricula. 1

Worksites In the company Johnson & Johnson there is an exan1ple of a strong 1vorksite health pro1notion. ln 1978 the company began the Live For Life Progra1n which covers thousands of the con1pany's employees. It educates people on health kno1vledge, ho\v to manage stress, exercising, 1veighl control and smoking cessation. Each employee 1vho takes part has an initial health screening that assesses the person's current health status. Participants then take part in a lifestyle seminar that promotes healthy living. After this, employees take part in action groups led by professionals in their fields based on the initial health screening - a group on quitting smoking or 1veight management, for example. Employees are then follo\ved for a year to see if they are follo\ving their progran1me. In addition to this, the workplace has exercise areas and nutritional food is served in its cafeterias. Studies have been conducted in the company that show e1nployees 1vho take part in the Live For Life Progran1 increase their physical activity levels, decrease in weight and are n1ore likely to quit smoking con1pared to e1nployees \vho do not take part in the progran1n1e.

Communities One dassic example of a community-based 1vellness progr=e \Vas that of a study of three comn1unities in the United States (Farquhar et al, 1977). The aim \Vl!S to get conununities to change their health-related behaviour in an attempt to reduce the risk of cardiovascular disease.

1hree communities in Northern California \vere selected for being very similar den1ographically. T\vO of them shared the same television and radio stations \vhereas the third did not (and acted as a control comparison). The hvo that shared the san1e media were subjected to a two-year can1paign about cardiovascular disease that included warnings but also information on changing diet, increasing exercise and the disadvantages of smoking. !J1 all three con1munities, a random selection of males and females were chosen to be follo,ved. The researchers interviewed them annually and also took measurements such as \veight, cholesterol level and blood pressure to be used as predictors for cardiovascular disease. The control community sample sa\v risk increase over the duration of the study \vhile the hvo communities subjected to the campaign showed so1ne moderate decreases. Longcr-tern1 follo,v-up checks we re conducted and the largest success came from those 1vho were older. 111e sn1allest levels of success ca1ne from those 1vho \Vere younger and had the least an1ount of education.

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EVALUATION I

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~

What messages \vere in the information given? (Specific examples \vould be excellent here.)

~

Was the campaign successful?

You may also wish to see if the people running the campaign used any of the methods of promoting health already covered in this chapter. One study that has exan1ined promoting a specific problen1 is Britt, Silver & Rivara ( 1998). 1l1ey 1vanted to evaluate the effectiveness of a bicycle heln1et safety pron1otion progra1n that had been set up to target children from lo1v income backgrounds. It \Vas part of a Preschool Head Start Program. There \Vere 18 different sites used in the study covering 880 children \Vith a control group of200 children who did not receive any helmet pro1notion activities. The Program comprised of the folJo,ving: ~

Classroom activities for the children abou t heltnet safety

~

Education of parents during son1e school meetings

~

Home visits to ensure everything \Vas OK

~

Fitting ofhcln1ets to ensure the children could use them effectively

~

A skills and safety event

~

Children 1vere required to wear the helmet when riding in their school grounds

ethics

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CHALLENGE YOURSELF Create a campaign (featuring leaflets, adverts, etc.) that can promote healthy lifestyles at school, 1n a works1te or in the community.

PROMOTING HEALTH OF A SPECIFIC PROBLEM For this last aspec t of health pro1notion, it is best if you find a can1paign local to you that has alte111pted to pron1ote help about a specific problen1. You must collect information about the folJowing: ~

What \\ as the aim of the campaign?

~

HO\V \vas the campaign presented in terms ofho\v information \YaS given lo the public?

1

The research team 11•ould schedule hon1e visits to observe the child riding their bicycle. These \vere conducted before and after the helmet promotion campaign. The use of a helmet n1ore than doubled in the hehnet pron1otion group from 43% to 8996. 1he control group rose too but from 42% to 60% It \VOuld appear that a targeted helmet promotion campaign works to increase bicycle safety.

CHAPTER 9: PSYCHOLOGY AND HEALTH

9.6 HEALTH AND SAFETY

Individual errors (theory A) ~

The sinking of the Titanic in 1912 could be blamed on the captain of the ship. The argun1ent is that he had an illusion of invulnerability. This tem1 actually refers to something linked to "groupthink" (see section 12.4, page 258). This is \vhen a 1node of thinking becomes so dominant in a group that realistic alternatives (and better alternatives) are overlooked, especially under stressful conditions. The men1bers of the group believe that they are immune to accidents.

~

The Pacific \<'le~iern Airline crash ( 1978) \Vas blamed on human error. 'll1e airplane attempted to land early on a run\vay due to n1iscon1munication bet\veen the pilots and the air traffic controllers. It all happened in a sno1v storn1. 1 he pilots noticed a sno1v plough and tried to abort the landing but· the plane hit it before they managed this. The estimated time of arrival for the flight 1vas miscommunicated and several safety procedures were not followed by the pilots.

DEFINITIONS, CAUSES AND EXAMPLES This section looks at health and safety at " 'ork from a psrchological perspective. The first sub-section looks at how to define an accident, \vhat could potentially cause an accident and then some brief examples of specific cases that you can research some 1nore. ASK YOURSELF Why do you think there are accidents at work? Whal do you reel are the main causes?

Definitions of accidents One definition of an accident could be a misfortune or a rnishap especially if it causes an injury or even death.

Causes: theory A and theory B

System errors (theory B) ~

Both the Three Mile Island ( 1976) and Chernobyl ( 1986) nuclear plant accidents could be blan1ed on the rapid rotation of shifts for the \Yorkers in both plants, plus some poor designs and layout of safety equipment and procedures \vhich meant that \vorkers found it very difficult to cope \vith the situation.

~

When the HeraJd of Free Enterprise (1987) ferry sank the accident \vas blamed on poor systen1s and safety procedures that were difficult 10 follO\V.

Reason (2000) differentiated behveen nvo main types of errors in the \vorkplace that can cause accidents: ~

Theory A is \vhen an individual niay be to blame. Accidents at \vork are pri1narily caused by the unsafe behaviour of an individual.

~

Theory B is \vhen \vork systems may be to blame. Accidents at \vork are primarily caused by unsafe \vork systen1s and procedures.

However, it niay be that theory A factors and theory B factors co111bi11e to cause accidents rather than it being one or the other.

®

EVALUATION useful

Examples of individual and system errors We \Viii cover the main features of each of the accidents below. You may \Vant to investigate one or t\VO of these further, so you have examples ofho\v the accidents 1vere researched.

ind vs sit

valid

TEST YOURSELF USlng examples from real accidents, outline the differences between theory A and theory B factors.

ACCIDENT PRONENESS AND PERSONALITY

Human error and the illusion of invulnerability

It may be that some of the theory A factors that are predicted to cause accidents could be do\vn to certain personality types.

Human error and the illusion of invulnerability have been covered earlier; there may be other causes of accidents that can be used to argue against both of them. These causes include:

>-

Cognitive overload - this is \Vhen a person cannot cope \vith the psychological demands of a work situation. This is usually when there are con1peting tasks that need psychological attention and the person cannot process all ofihc information simultaneously.

>-

Shift work patterns (see section 12.5, page 262). People \VOrking on the night shift are n1ore likely to have accidents as bet v1ee11 3 a. 111. and 6 a.m. we are in a "cognilive lo,v" and our reaction times and dexterity are at our lowest performance level.

Personality factors in accident proneness It \vould appear that there are certain individuals 'vho have more accidents than others and some believe it is because they have an accident-prone personality. Farn1er & Cha1nbers ( 1926) defined it as follov.•s: "accident proneness is a personal idiosyncrasy of relative pern1anence predisposing the individual to a higher ra te of accidents" ( 1926: 3). Research up until the 1970s attempted to test whether such a personality exists, whether it is inherited and \Vhether it is stable over ti me. Research failed to uncover an actual accident-prone personality but it did unearth other personality traits that could contribute to accidents. A recent revie'v of research (e.g. Clarke & Robertson, 2006) revealed the follo\ving: JI;

People lo\v in conscientiousness appeared to be involved in 1nore accidents. That is, people \vho are low in social responsibilities and/or thoroughness in their job tend to have more accidents.

>-

People Jo,v in agreeableness appeared to be involved in more accidents. That is, people \vho are lo'v in pleasantness, tolerance and helpfulness tend to have 111ore accidents.

>-

People high in extraversion appeared to be involved in more accidents. This is slightly different as it appears that people who are outgoing and boisterous do get involved in 111ore traffic accidents but no 111ore occupational accidents than introverts.

Another recent finding about accidents showed that it may not be personality as such that causes accidents but handedness (Bhusham & Khan, 2006). They investigated 80 locon1otive drivers and their accident records. There appeared to be a higher accident rate among those \vho \Vere left-handed and left-footed. Ho,vever, it may be that the design of locomotive cabs nlakes it more difficult for left-handers and left-footers to use them effectively.

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REDUCING ACCIDENTS AND PROMOTING SAFETY BEHAVIOURS Psychologists may be able to help reduce the number of accidents and promote safer behaviour in the \vorkplace in a number of ways. So1ne of these are covered belo'"·

Reducing accidents at work: token economy Token economies are an exan1ple of behaviour modification using rewards to increase the likelihood that someone ,vilJ perform a desired behaviour. These can be conducted in a variety of 1vays as long as there is an incentive to perform \vell. In classic token econon1y scenarios, plastic tokens or points are given for desired behaviour and these can be exchanged for a reward of some form. Haynes, Pine & Fitch ( 1982) reported on one such programme that attempted to reduce the number of

CHAPTER 9: PSYCHOLOGY AND HEALTH

accidents by bus drivers. Reports were posted daily in the drivers' restroon1, sho,ving \Vhat had been happening. Drivers \Vere placed in tean1s to compete against others to have the best safety record. This \Vas used to promote group safety as \vell as individual safety. The teams scored points for ho\v \vell they did and the \Vinning tean1 could convert those points into cash or other prizes at the end of the con1petition period. There \Vas a 25 per cent reduction in accidents and the saving that made on insurance claims paid for the \Vinning prizes. Fox et nl (1987) also sho\ved bo\v a token-economy system can be effective with open-cast miners. individuals earned points for safe behaviour and not damaging equip1nent but could Jose points for dangerous behaviour. There was a large decrease in accidents and days lost through injury.

Reorganising shift work The best option here is to move to\vards a slow rotation of shifts rather than a quick rotation of shifts so that the \Yorkers' circadian rhythms have a chance to alter to the ne\v shift pattern. This is covered in section 12.5 on page 264.

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CHALLENGE YOURSELF

A local company has asked you to help ii reduce the number of accidents at work. II also wants advice on ways to improve safe behaviours al work. Devise a programme for the company to follow based on psychology.

EXAMPLES OF HOW TO EVALUATE For the 12 mark question in Paper 3, you \vill be asked to evaluate one of the topics covered in this section. You 1vill have noticed that after each topic in this chapter there are the icons for the different issues, debates, approaches, perspectives and research methods that could be used to help you ans\\•er the 12 mark question in the examination. Below are three exan1ples of the types of things you could 1vrite in the examination. You should ain1 to make at least four different evaluation points for the 12 mark question. Our accompanying Revision Guide has a series of student answers 1vith marks and examiner co1nn1enls attached to them.

Improving adherence There is evidence lo suggest that using techniques like simple text messaging is usefttf. Le1vis et al (2013) reported on a scheme that sent tailored text messages to people currently undergoing HIV treatment. After being assessed prior to receiving text messages, the patients received reminder texts, answered 1\•eekly adherence texts and for those who adhered to treatment they received tailored messages. The adherence to medication (self-reported) improved significantly during the three n1onths receiving the texts. Objective n1easures of adherence like viral load confirmed that these patients had been adhering to treatn1ent. Therefore, this technique is very useful at improving adherence to HIV treatment. However, using cognitive techniques like n1emory intervention could be seen as reductionist. Con1paring the hu1nan information processing syste1n to that of a con1puter is reductionist. lt ignores the role of e111otional and social factors on ho\v we process infonnation. lnsel's six stage technique to help people adhere to blood pressure treatn1ent does

not take into account the en1otional side of a patient. By getting patients to go through the teach - ask - 1vait ask again - 1vail - ask again, it 1n ight have the opposite effect as the patient is having to con~lantly think about their blood pressure which might be upsetting and as they are focusing on the einotional side they then forget to take their pill!

Measuring pain One 1vay of measuring pain is via questionnaires. This niay i111prove validity as people niay be more likely to reveal truthful answers in a questionnaire as it does not involve talking face -to-face \vith someone. Therefore, a patient using the McGill questionnaire may give niore accurate results on where the pain is located on a picture (especially if it is in a sensitive part of the body) rather th:in in front of a doctor. Therefore, this could lead Lo quicker and 1nore effective treatment. .Ho1vcver, patients n1ay give socially desirable ans\vers as they \Vant to look good rather than giving truthful ans\vers. Some people may \Vant to appear stronger and more resistant to pain than they actually are so again on the McGill questionnaire a person may choose descriptors that do not truly describe their actual pain feelings instead choosing descriptors that are not 'as strong'. This could have an effect on getting the most appropriate treatment.

Management of stress Using just n1edical treatment is reductio11ist. They assun1e that the stress is caused by biological problems and it ignores the psychological and e1nolional aspects of stress. Sin1ply 'n1asking' the biological syn1ptoms ofstress does not help lo solve the cause of the stress and this is what needs managing. Taking pills 1vill not get rid of a n1ajor life event that is actually causing the stress in the first place. Psychological 1reatn1ent is better for directly dealing \vi th the problen1 that is causing stress.

CHAPTER 9: PSYCHOLOGY AND HEALTH

Exam centre (d) Evaluate \Vhat psychologists have discovered about methods of promoting health and include a discussion on ethics.

Try the following exa1n-type questions.

Section A (a) Explain, in your O\\'n \\'Ords, \vhat is meant by the term "non-verbal , , n commun1cat1on.

(2 marks)

Section C (a) Describe one \vay to introduce a

(2 marks)

health campaign about a specific problem that you have studied.

(b) Explain, in your 0\\111 \vords, \vhat is meant by the ter111 "pain".

(c) Describe two \vays in which you could 1neasure adherence to medical advice. (4 marks) (d) Outline one theory of accidents in the (4 n1arks) \vorkplace.

Section B (a) Describe '"hat psychologists have discovered about the managen1ent of stress.

(8 marks)

(b) Describe \vhat psychologists have discovered about 1nisusing health services.

(8 marks)

(c) Evaluate what psychologists have discovered about measuring pain and include a discussion on quantitatjve and quaJjtative data. ( 12 marks)

(12 marks)

(6 marks)

(b) Suggest how you \\'Ould i1nprove the health campaign described in question (a). On \vhat psychology is your suggestion based?

(8 marks)

(c) Describe two non-verbal communication skills that a practitioner n1ay have.

(6 n1arks)

(d) Suggest how you \vould in1prove the verbal communication skills of practitioners. On \vhat psychology is your suggestion based?

(8 marks)

PSYCHOLOGY

AND ENVIRONMENT •

I

DEFINITIONS AND SOURCES ASK YOURSELF How would yo<J define noise? Think about times when a noise has annoyed you. Why did it annoy you? Also think about times where noises have been pleasant. Why were they pleasant?

140

Pain' ully loud

130

Mach irie gun fi re at close range

120

Maximum vocal effort

110

Music at a concer t

100

Chainsaw

90

Lawn mower

80

Underground train

70

Fast traffic

60

Busy office

50

Conversation

40

Residen tial area at night

30

Clock ticking

20

Leaves rustling

10

Normal breathing

0

•

n

A siJnple definition for noise is an " un1van ted sound". Ho\vever, as we 1vill see in this section, not all noise is un1vanted. It could be said tha t noise is a sound that has a psychological component (1vhether it is 1vanted or not) and a physical component (processed via the ear and brain). Also, a noise has to be detectable and this can va ry bet1veen individuals. Noise can be measured in decibels (dB) and Figure I 0. 1.1 shows the decibel levels of va rious objects and scenarios.

Painfully loud

I

c

~

I leering damage after 8 hours

Quiel

Very quiet

I fearing threshold

Figure 10.1.1 The decibel scale

•

CHAPTER 10: PSYCHOLOGY AND ENVIRONMENT

Transportation noise

-

•

Transportation noise refers 10 unpleasant sounds that are generated by motor vehides, trains, planes, etc. One of the main reasons it is unpleasant is because it can be very loud. Mace, Bell & Loomis ( 1999) \vanted to see if transportation noise from an aircraft \vould affect how much people enjoyed a natural landscape. They used a laboratory sin1ulation in which helicopter noise \Vas played at 40d B or 80dB \vhile the participants were \Vatching slides of tranquil vie\YS of natural landscapes. Participants \Vere asked to record their feelings \Yhile \Vatching and listening and they also rated the slides for beauty. The louder the noise the n1o re annoyed the participants beca1ne and it also had a negative impact on tranquillity and freedom. Even the rati ngs of the slides for beauty \vere IO\Vered \vhen the 80dB noise was played. Therefore, it would appear that aircraft noise is a source of annoya nce and it reduces the pleasure of vie\vi ng nalural landscapes. Occupational noise refers to u11pleasant sounds that are generated in the work environn1ent (e.g. from niachinery and even \\•Ork colleagues). It can be disruptive for t\YO reasons: People may be trying to concentrate but the noise demands attention and also increases physiological arousal 1naking concentration much 1nore difficult. The noise can be what psychologists call "\videband», i.e. it is coming from a variety of sources and is constant. Roberts & RusselJ (2002) noted that \vorkers can be exposed to longer-term noises due to machinery such as aircraft mechanics (up to 120dB), coal miners (IOSdB) and even pig farmers (I IOdb especially at feeding time). Look at Figure 10.1.1. to see where these would be placed on the decibel scale. Riggio (2000) noted how occupational noise n1ay have an irnpact on 1vorkers: It would appear that noise does nol affect

performance if ii is belo1v 90d13 unless sonJeone is carrying out a con1plex verbal 1vork task. Unpredictable and intermittent noises are much more disruptive than a constant, steady noise. High-pi1dled noises interfere more \Vith performance on a \VOrk task than lo\v-pitched noises.

•

Noise, in general, appears lo affect the level o( \VOrk errors rather than overall rates o( performance.

@

EVALUATION useful

ind vs sit

Factors that make noise There are three n1ain factors that can make noise annoying according to Roberts & Russell (2002): Volume - higher intensity sounds are 1nore disruptive and anything over 90dB can be perceived as disturbing. There is an interaction here bet1,veen volun1e and loudness. Volurne is the actual physical level of noise as measured in decibels whereas loudness is the subjective experience of the sound. Therefore, the context o( the sound can affect annoyance (sounds appear louder 1,vith a quiel background environment), as can habituation (people can get used to a repetitive, monotonous sound - for instance, people living near a raihvay track). Predictability - if a noise is predictable and expected then \Ve are less likely to find it annoying compared to a noise that is unpredictable and not expected. It is easier to ignore or get used to something that is predictable. Corali & Boffa ( 1970) exposed participants 10 a loud noise either with or without prior \Varning. Those \vho did not get the warning found the noise mud1 more annoying than those who had been 1,varned - in the first group the noise 1vas unpredictable whereas in the second group it was predictable. Perceived control - if we arc able lo control a noise then this reduces the an1ount of annoyance we feel. An y strategy that puts us "in control" lessens the effect of annoyance so, for instance, if \Ve can close a window to reduce a noise we find ii less annoying. However, i( a s trategy fails to reduce the annoyance \VC are n1ore likely to be even more annoyed by the noise. TEST YOURSELF

Oulline. using examples, lwo factors lhal make noises annoying.

NEGATIVE EFFECTS NO\Y 11'e will examine \vhether noise can have a negative effect on the social behaviours of adults and the educational performance of children. •

i I

h

One anti-social behaviour that could be affected by noise is aggression. It has been predicted that as noise increases arousal, any behaviour that requires arousal \viii becorne more intense when noise is present. Geen & O'Neal ( 1969) tested this by sho,ving participants either a violent boxing film or a non-violent sports filrn. After watching either film, participants were given an opportunity to be aggressive towards a confederate "victirn" using an electric shock apparatus. They \vere told that the higher-nw11bered buttons gave a larger shock and that the shock would last for as long as they held the switch do\vn. Jn reality, no one was actually shocked. During this shock phase the participants \Vere either exposed to \vhatever noises \vere naturally in the laboratory or a two-minute blast of 60dB \Vhite noise. The participants exposed to the \vhite noise delivered more shocks to the confederate. In addition, those \vho had watched the violent boxing film and \vere exposed to the white noise gave the highest number of shocks and for the longest duration.

@

In the field study a confederate would drop a box of books \vhile getting out of a car. In half of the trials, he \VOre a cast on his arm. Noise was also manipulated so that half of the trials were under "norn1al background levels" which were measured to be 50dB whereas in the other half a confederate used a .lawnmo\ver that generated 87dB of noise. 'TI1e a1nount of passers-by that helped \Vas nieasured in four conditions. 111e results sho\ved that noise had little in1pact on passers-by when the person \vas not \vearing a cast - around 15 per cent of people helped out. Ho\vever, noise had an impact on helping behaviour \vhen the person \Vore a cast. When the noise \vas at background levels, 80 per cent of passers-by helped out. Ho\vever, \vhen the noise \Vas loud (from the la\vnn10\ver), helping behaviour decreased to 15 per cent. It would appear that loud noises lead people to not pay attention to cues that indicate a person may need help.

@

EVALUATION usefUI

in a laboratory for a fe\v minutes. During this time the confederate sat and read a journal in the same roorn, with other papers and materials balanced on his or her lap. 'IVhen the experimenter came into the roo111 to get the participant, the confederate got up and accidentally dropped the 1l1aterials right in fron t of the participant. The frequency of helping behaviour was recorded. A total of72 per cent of the participants helped when the noise was of a normal level. ln contrast, 67 per cent helped \vhen the noise \vas 65dB and only 37 per cent helped \Yhen the noise \vas 85dB.

ethics

EVALUAT ION lab exp

validity

lab exp useful

i I

field exp

h

r

Mathews & Canon (1975) ran two studies to test \vhether noise affects pro-social behaviour (behaviours that include, for example, helping others). One study \vas in a laboratory and one \Vas in the field. For the laboratory study participants were split into three groups. They \\'ere exposed to either 48dB of norrnal noise or 65dB or 85dB of white noise played through a speaker. When they arrived for the study they \Yere greeted by a confederate \vho asked then1 to \vait

reliable

TEST YOURSELF

How does noise affect anti-social or pro-social behaviour? Evaluate the evidence you use in your answer.

•

There have been studies examining \vhether noise can affect the educational performance of children. Cohen, Glass & Singer {1973) examined children living in a high-rise apartment block that \Yas directly above a

•

high\vay. 1 hose \vho lived on the lower floors were obviously exposed to a higher level of noise than those on the upper floors. Unsurprisingly, the children on the lower floors had poorer hearing discrimination than the children on the upper floors. This could have had a direct effect on their reading skiJls - the children on the lower floors had significantly poorer reading skiUs for their age. Also, Bronzaft & McCarthy ( L975) tested the reading ability of two sets of children from the same school. One class \Vas situated near a railroad track 1vhile the other class \vas on the opposite, quieter, side of the school. Around 11 per cent of teaching time \Vas lost due to noise in the railroad class and the children here had significantly poorer reading ability than the children in the class on the quiet side of the school.

POSITIVE USES OF SOUND (MUSIC) So far 1ve have looked at noise being un1vanted and a nuisance, but have psychologists found ways of using sound and noise in a more positive \vay?

-

Frenchw1ne

40

12

German wine

8

22

Table 10.1.1 Wine purchases by type

of music p layed

As can be clearly seen, more \vine was purchased from the country fro1n 1vhich rnusic 1vas being played. Ho\vever, only one participant actually noted that the music had influenced the person's choice of wine purchased. A further five people did say that the music could have affected their decision. Therefore, it 1vould appear that music can affect ho'v "'e think, 1vhich in turn affects our consumer behaviour. Yeah & North (20 10) examined the role of"musical fit" on the ability of consu n1ers to recall products. By "musical fit" the researchers nieant that the niusic fits in with the product (as above \vith the wines). A total of 144 students fro1n Malaysia (24 each of Malay, Indian and Chinese) 1vere played either tvlalay music or Indian music. They 1vere then asked to list as many Malay and Indian foods as they could and were given as much time as they needed to do this. The niean amount of food items recalled can be seen in Table 10.1.2.

•

North, liargreaves & McKendrick (I 999) exan1ined whether in-store music affected 1vine selections. During a two-week period, a display was set up at the end of an aisle in a supennarket that had four French 1vines and four German wines displayed in it, matched for affordability and S\veetness. Stereotypical French music (played on an accordion) or German music (featuring brass instruments) 1vas played on alternate days from a tape deck on the top shelf of the display. The music could be heard up to J metre a1vay. Once customers had placed a bottle of 1vi ne from the display in their trolley or basket an experin1enter approached then1 and asked then1 questions about their purchase. They were asked about their usual preference for \vine (French or German) and to rate how much the music made them think of the appropriate country. A total of 82 shoppers purchased \vine from the display and 44 of these completed the questionnaire. Table I0. 1. J sho\vS the amount of bottles sold by the type of music being played.

•

•

.. ••

••

.

: I

•

Chinese

5.12

3.96

4.67

5.54

Malay

7.87

4 .1 2

9.50

4.92

Indian

7.00

7.96

10.29

12.38

Table 10.1.2 Type

of music played and food rtems recalled

Table 10.1.2 shows that the Chinese participants recalled more food ite1ns when the iten1s \Vere linked to the music playing, i.e. they recalled 111ore Malay foods than Indian foods 1vhen Malay music 1vas being played, and so on. However, this was not true for the other ethnic groups. l\l!alay students recalled more Malay foods irrespective of the music being played and Indian students recalled more Indian food irrespective of the music being played. This sho1vs that music can affect consun1ers' ability to recall food items but only if the context is not based on one's O\vn culture.

®

EVALUATION useful

reduct

CHALLENGE YOURSELF

A supermarket has approached you to help

1110 use music to make consumers buy more products. Wnte a report, based on evidence, that you can present to the manager of the supermarket.

•

Han et al (20 I0) reported on the effects that music intervention had on stress responses in patients who \Vere undergoing n1echanical ventilation in hospital. A total of 137 patients were randomly assigned to either a group listening to music without headphones, a group \vearing headphones or a control group. Physiological 1neasures of heart rate, respiratory rate, oxygen levels and blood pressure were taken pre- and post[ntervenlion. There 1vas a significant reduction in heart rate and respiratory rate in the group listening to music \vithout headphones con1pared to a significant increase in the control group. There \Vere no significant changes in the groups \vearing headphones. This sho1\1S that music can be used as a short-term "therapy" for patients undergoing mechanical ventilation. Carr et al (20 12) examined the role of music therapy for patients \Vho had persistent post-traun1atic stress disorder (PTSD). They used a sa1nple of patients \'•ith PTSD \vho had not responded positively to :·------------------· Testing attention :' ; performance in a : ; quiet environment !

.

N

=102

®

EVALUATION

valid

Ind

V5

i;lt

U5eful

Shih, Huang & Chiang (2012) examined \vhether music with or \vithout lyrics affected attention perfom1ance. A total of 102 parlicipants fron1 Taipei County University took part in the study. They \Vere randornly allocated to one ofhvo conditions as shown in Figure 10.1.2.

Testing attention ' performance in a :' voice environment : (music with lyrics) :'

Group 1 ...,_.___ _ _ _ ___._--i 49)

Finally, Kushnir et al (20 12) noted that if \VOn1en \Vere allo\ved to choose their favourite rnusic to listen to prior to a caesarean section, their experience was n1ore positive, they perceived less th real from the situation and their blood pressure reduced compared to the control group.

~---·-····------·-·· ·

•

(n

cognitive behavioural therapy (CBT). A total of 17 patients formed the sample. Nine of these received group music therapy and the remaini ng eight 1\lere the control group (but ii should be no ted that they 1vere offered the music therapy after completing the study). All patients had previously not responded to CBT. Participants' PTSD sy1nptoms \Vere assessed using the Events ScaJe (revised version) pre- and posl-inlervenlion. Tue group \vho underwent music therapy had a significant reduction in the severity of their PTSD symptoms ten \Veeks after starting the therapy. The patients vie\\led the music tJ1erapy as being very helpful.

Analysis of the difference between two conditions (no background music at alVbacKground music with lyrics)

..'' '

··--·--··---·----···' ..---------- -------·

! Testing attenuon ! ! performance in a !

Group 2 ...,_.,.._______,.__,: voice environment ,...:_ (n = 53) : (music without i i lyrics) :

___,~

Analysis of the difference between two conditions (no background music at all/background music without lyrics)

Belween groups analysis of d1trerences 1n attention scores (between no music and background)

·------~--------·

Figure 10.1.2 Participants In one of two test conditions: group 1 (music with lyrics), group 2 (music without lyncs Source: Based on Shih, Huang & Chiang (2012)

•

CHAPTER .10: i:"SYCHOLOGY-AN.D ENVl~ONMEt.JT.

All parlicipants had to con1plete lhe Chu Attention Test, a psychometric measure of attentional performance. This is a 100-item test where participants are asked to indicate the number of times an asterisk(") appears in a series of scrambled codes. Participants \Vere given ten minutes to go through as many codes as possible. At baseline, lhe l\vo groups did not differ significantly on their attentional performances. Table l 0.1.3 sho1vs the comparison of scores at baseline and 1vith music and also that there 1vas a greater reduction in attentional perfonnance 1vhen music 1vas played that contained lyrics than 1vhen music \vitl1 no lyrics was played .

•

• • • Music wrth lyrics

105.5

98.4

Music without lyrics

109.3

106.7

Table 10.1.3 Mean scores baseline and With background music

Cohesive or spectator cro1vds consist of people 1vith shared interests (e.g. supporting the same team or attending a pop concert).

10.2 DENSITY AND CROWDIN,G

Participatory cro1vds are cro1vds of people 1vho are all involved in an event (e.g. a charity run). Escape or trampling cro1vds occur 1vhen people are trying to get a1vay from danger (e.g. 1vhen there is an emergency evacuation).

DEFINITIONS, MEASUREMENTS AND ANIMAL STUDIES

Violent cro1vds are cro1vds attacking other groups or individuals (e.g. during riots).

AS YOURSELF Think about a lime when you were part of a crowd . Whal did you like about It? What did you d islike about 1t?

Social and spatial •

I

Psychologists are interested in t\vo types of density: Social density - this refers to \vhen the amount of individuals in a set space is varied. For example, 1ve could study the behaviour of rats by having a 20 square-foot cage for them lo live in but one condition has 20 rats in the cage and the second condition has 40. The population changes but the physical space does not. Spatial density - this refers to 1vhen the amount of space is varied but not the group size. For example, 1ve could study colonies of 20 rats; one group gets 20 square feet of cage but the second group gets 40 square feet of cage. The physical space changes but not the population size. Both social and spatial density can be researched using laboratory conditions to help monitor and alter the densities or via naturalistic observations to assess density in real-life settings.

A cro1vd is a gathering of people (usually a large amount) that forms a cohesive group. The term cro1vding refers lo situations 1vhen people come together to form a group - so it is the act of becoming a cro1vcl There are many different types of crowd including the f0Uo1ving:

TEST YOURSELF Using examples. explain th e difference between crowding and density.

A

•

I

I

Calhoun (1962) examined the role of crowding and social density on the behaviour of rats. He placed a small nuniber of male and female rates into a "universe" or "rat city". (See Figure 10.2.I on page 184.) Calhoun allowed the rats to reproduce al their 01vn rate and soon the rat city becanie overpopulated. The apparatus had been designed to house 48 rats quite comfortably but the population gre1v to be much larger than that. As Figure I0.2.1 shows, there 1vere four quadrants to the city 1vith ramps bel\veen them, except numbers l and 4 1vere not connected. These were labelled "end pens". When the population 1vas less than 48, males easily established their 01vn harems, mating with then1 and defending their pen successfully. The females tended to their young and built nests for them. There was very little aggression in the colony. Ho1vever, as the social density continued to increase there was a dramatic change in the rats' behaviours. Jn pens I and 4 the rats still attempted to continue their usual social behaviours and \Vere successful to an extent because there 1vas only one entrance to these pens. The niales who lived in pens 2 and 3 bccanie very aggressive, no harems \Vere successfu lly defended and n1ales 1vould mate 1vith any fernale. The fen1a le rats became ineffective at nurturing their young by fa iling to provide suitable nests or move them out of danger. The infant mortality rate becan1e as high as 96 per cent in these pens. Calhoun called this area a "behavioural sink". Therefore, as social density increased, usual social behaviours decreased especially in the behavioural sink.

•

• 1

4

3

_;J

•

Figure 10.2.1 The "rat city" used to study the effects of high density on rats

®

EVALUATION ' ethics

animals

'

lab exp

TEST YOURSELF Describe and evaluate one animal s tudy Into d ensity.

useful '

Cro,vcroft & Ro,ve (1958) examined the role ofsocial density on the reproductive capabilities of the \vild house-mouse. They created seven colonies of one adult n1ale and t\VO adult females. Each colony had a pen 1neas uring six square feet. When the pens became cro,vded the n1ouse population tended lo level off as the reproductive capabilities of the fen1ales declined rapidly (e.g. due to inactive ovaries). 111is could not be down lo stress as there \V3S no aggression sho1vn in the pens. Some of the colonies \\•ere then transferred lo very large pens (100 square feet ) and it did not take Jong for the reproductive capabilities of the females to return to norrnal levels and the populat ion increased as a result. It 'vould appear that it1 this species of mouse a self-regulatory mechanism bas evolved for lintiting the population 1vhen social density gets too high.

•

EFFECTS ON HUMAN HEALTH, PRO-SOCIAL BEHAVIOUR AND PERFORMANCE So far 1ve have examined how cro1vding affects nonhu1nan anilnals. Arc humans affected in the same \vays? Belo1v \ VC look at how cro,vds affect hu1nan behaviour.

•

•

Bickman et al ( 1973) assessed \Vhether crowding affected pro-social behaviour in students. Experimenters accidentally dropped envelopes that had an address and a stamp on the1n into tl1ree di fTerent

dormitories to see \Vhether students would help out by placing them in a mail box. One dormitory \vas of fo,v-density population, one of mediun1 density and one of high density. The amount of envelopes placed in a mailbox was n1easured. Table J 0.2.1 sho,vs the results. It would appear that \vhen density is high, pro-social behaviour decreases.

••

•• 79

88

58

Table 10.2.1 Envelopes mailed by students hVlng different density conditions

in

th There have been studies that have exan1ined how cro\vding affects our physical and psychological health. One such study into physical health was conducted by Lundberg (1976). Participants \vere 1nale passengers on a commuter train and Lundberg \\•anted to compare them 1vhen the train had high density of people con1pared to lo1v density. Ln the high-density condition, 1vhen there 1vere many commuters but interestingly everyone could still find a seal, negative physiological arousal reactions \vere noted. It was discovered, through urine samples, that the commuters in the high-density trains had elevated levels of epinephrine, an indicator of stress. McCain, Cox & Paulus ( 1976) reported that prisoners 1vho lived in conditions of lo'" spatial density and lo1v social density reported less sickness con1pared to those in high-density prisons. In tenns of psychological health, aggression can be a reliable indicator of psychological stress. Baum & Koman ( 1976) noted that there are gender differences in aggression depending on social and spatial densities. Nlales put into in small rooms who expected the room to be crowded behaved n1uch more aggressively than females did. Hov•ever, any increase in social density did 1101 produce an increase in aggression. When participants expected large numbers of people at a venue they tended to withdraw rather than be aggressive.

@

Paulus et al ( 1976) examined the perforn1ance of participants in solving a maze 1vhile the researchers manipulated either spatial density or social density. 1be nun1ber of errors per participant was recorded and the results are shown in Table l 0.2.2.

EVALUATION ,' useful

reduct

ind vs sit

Low

34.20

High

37.44

32.13

I

39.50

Table 10.2.2 Performance 111 solving a maze as affected by spallal and social density

It 1vould appear that in situations of high social density, performance 1vas at its worst whereas situations of IO\V social density brought about the lo\vest an1ount of errors.

PREVENTING AND COPING WITH EFFECTS OF CROWDING •

•

McCarthy & Saegert (1979) suggested that one 1vay in which \ve can reduce our feelings of being cro\vded in accon11nodation is to live in a lo1v-rise rather than a high-rise building. They noted that high-rise buildings are associated \vi th greater feelings of being cro1vded, including having less perceived control '''ithin the building and feeling less safe. Ho\\•ever, people living on the upper floors in high-rise buildings appear to experience less "cro\vded" feelings than those on the lower floors, presumably because fewer people venture up to the highest floors and the lo1vest floor has the entrance for all occupants. Halls of residence (or dorn1itories) for students can be designed in such a way to prevent feelings of cro\vding by their occupants. Baun1 & Valins (1977) exan1ined ho1v students felt in t\vo different types of architectural layouts, sho1vn in Figure 10.2.2. Those in the smaller suites ofbet\veen four and six people 1vith a central lounge felt much less crowded than those on the corridor-style, \vhere students felt

•

CHAPTER .1 0: i:"SYCHOLOGY-AN.D ENVl~ONMEt.JT.

I Bedrooms

r

Bathroom

Bedrooms

DI

-.

T'

r

I

I

,

Bedrooms .

....

...

-

-

_

,,.._ _

Lounge ~~

L---,

TT ... -

•

•

-

IP

_,Bedroom

Lounge Bathroom

Figure 10.2.2 Student accommodation in corridor-style layout and as a small suite Source: Based on Baum & Valins (1977)

they were forced into un1vanted interactions which increased their sense of being cro1vded. Therefore, dorm itories need to be designed to contai n smaller amounts of students 1vho share facilities. Other aspects are as follov1s: Positioning furniture around lhe edge of a room rather than in the centre deceases the sense of cro1,1ding (Sinha et al, 1995). Having bright colours on the wall or enhanced lighting can reduce the feeling of being cro1vded (Nasar & Min, 1984).

®

EVALUATION usefUI

valid

ind vs sit

CHALLENGE YOURSELF Design a living space that can accommodate six people with a bedroom each, some communal space and a dining area. Using psychological research, wrile a brief report justifying your design.

Vi

I

Baun1 et al ( 1976) noted that having types of visual escape can reduce the feelings of being cro1vded. These include having a 1vindow in every room so there is the opportunity to look out, pictures that can help people "escape from their roo1n" and mirrors that can help to

•

increase the perceived size of the room. Evans & Wener (2007) noted tbat people use window seats as a visual escape on buses and trai ns so a better design is to have two seats rather than th ree scats so everyone has a clear vie1v of a 1vindo1v. If the vie1v is partially blocked, having a series of televisions for people to watch \vould help as it distracts people from feeling overcrowded. •

One \vay in 1vhich people may be able to cope 1vith overcro1vding is via cognitive control. This, according to Bell et al (2001), is 1vhen there is an "increased sense of predictability or controllability that people gain 1vhen given prior 1varning or information about a situation" (2001: 329). Langer & Saegart (1977) researched whether this is actually the case. Participants 1vere either given inforn1ation about levels of cro1vding in a grocery store and bow they would feel before entering it, or given no such inforination. Prior to cnteri ng the store they 1vere also given a task of findi ng their \vay around it to locate a nun1bcr of iten1s. In high-density conditions, perforn1a11ce was poor on the task but those who had been given inforn1ation so they 1vere expecting the store to be busy did pcrforn1 better on the task and reported more positive emotions co1npared to those who \Vere not given any cognitive control. Another 1vay of coping 1vas highlighted by Karlin, Rosen & Epstein (1979) in the form of cognitive reappraisal Participants \Vere people 1vho 1vanted to

reduce their anxiety related to feeli ng crowded on public transport. They \Vere split into four groups: Group I participants 1vere given musde relaxation Lraining. Group 2 participants 1vere given cognitive reappraisal. Th is involved them being told they could improve their mood and anxiety levels by focusing on positive aspects of the situation.

Group 4 participants were simply told to "relax" without any further instructions. Participants in group 2 (cognitive reappraisal) reported the most success and positive responses to crowded transportation situations.

@

EVALUATION useful

reduct

'

Group 3 participants 1vere given imagery training. This involved the111 being told to engage in mental imagery using pleasant distracting thoughts.

•

CHAPTER .10: PSYCHOLOGY-AND . . . ... ENVIRONMENT . - . . .... '

-

I

BEHAVIOURS DURING EVENTS, AND METHODOLOGY

During this chapter there \\rill be son1e real life examples of both natural disasters and technological catastrophes, \\•ith some focus on the exan1ples of behaviours seen during and after the event.

DEFINITIONS, CHARACTERISTICS AND EXAMPLES ASK YOURSELF Make a list or any natural disasters of technological catastrophes that have happened within the last five years.

Natural disaster and technological There is a key difference bet\veen a natural (environmentaJ) disaster and a technological disaster. The former is an occasion \vhen nature takes control and causes large amounts of damage or even death. Tue latter refers to an incident due to human factors (usually errors or mishaps) although it too may cause large-scaJe destruction. A disaster appears to have two n1ain factors:

•

Le Bon {1879) suggested that the behaviour of individuals within a cro,vd is irrational and uncritical; an individual within a cro\vd loses the measure of the norms that usually govern that person's behaviour and the individual becomes "primitive" and acts strangely as a result Contagion theory suggests that behaviour spreads like a contagious disease. Le Bon proposed four situational detenninants of"contagious" behaviour within a crO\vd: Suggestibility- individuals beco1ne more inclined to respond to the ideas of others, especially when proposed in an authoritati ve n1anner and in the absence of a clear leader. SociaJ contagion - individuals arouse and respond to one another thereby amplifying the intensity of their interactions. ImpersonaJity- individuals lose their appreciation of the1nselves and 01 hers as people. Anony1nity - each individual loses his or her sense of individuality.

A script in this context is \vhen people have a mentaJ representation of \Yhat to do in an emergency situation. \Ve have schen1ata (\vhich are 1ncntal representations) that allo\v us to "cope" \vith an en1ergency by following the steps in a logical order to get to safety (Shank & Abelson, 1977).

destruction that requires some forrn of help or aid disruption of the usual daily events in people's lives. CHALLENGE YOURSELF Research your own examples of natural disasters and technological catastrophes. Examples could be:

;> natural disasters: the eruption of Mount St Helens in ;>

•

•

1980; The Hansh1n-Awaji earthquake technological disasters the Chernobyl nuclear power plant accident, The Exxon Valdez oil spill.

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r

Look at the information in Chapter I, page I about laboratory experiments. Ho'v can you apply laboratory experiments to en1ergency behaviour research?

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EVALUATION lab exp

· valid

useful

CHALLENGE YOURSELF

Research one or two natural disasters and technological catastrophes and see whether elements such as contagion and scnpts were reported by surv1110rs or witnesses.

PSYCHOLOGICAL INTERVENTION BEFORE AND AFTER EVENTS Balluz et al (2000) examined the predictors for people's responses lo a tornado \Varni ng. A total of 146 participants \Vere questioned about their actions during the tornado \\!arning. Demographic details \Vere also taken. A total of 64 participants responded positively to the warning by seeking shelter, \vi th 58 of those doing so \Vi thin five minutes of the siren. Balluz et al discovered that four factors were associated with seeking shelter: having graduated from high school having a basement in one's house hearing the siren having prepared a plan of response once a siren is heard. Fro1n this study it is clear that a pre-plan of action is necessary for increased safery in a tornado-prone area. Also, local public health officials should educate people more about \vhat to do \Vhen a siren is heard as only 45 per cent of this sample responded positively to it. Finally, emergency-management officials should plan some form of protection measures for vulnerable areas as people have limited time to respond to the siren. Officials could strategically erect shelters to reduce the time taken bm\!een people starting to respond to their reaching a place ofsafety.

Sattler, Kaiser & Hittner (2000) examined disaster preparedness at the peak of the hurricane season in the United States. In one of their studies, they gave questionnaires to 257 participants who \Vere preparing for "Hurricane En1ily''. Questions were asked about demographics, the extent of property dan1age from a previous hurricane, the a111ount of distress felt after a previous hurricane and preparedness for the irnpending Hurricane Emily. The questionnaires were completed one or two days before Hurricane Emily was due to hit Charleston, where the survey "'as taking place. One of the measures taken \\laS people's preparation for the hurricane. About half of the participants (59 per cent) had fuel for the car , 57 per cent bad flashlights, 52 per cent had bottled water, 51 per cent had candles and matches, 51 per cent had batteries and 49 per cent had canned or dried food. The researchers also correlated demographics and previous hurricane experience \Vi th the degree of preparation for Hurricane Emily. lhc following factors correlated strongly \vi th preparation in th is sample of US residents: Age - the older the participants, the niore prepared they \\•ere. Income - the higher their income, the more prepared participants \Vere. Participants had follo\ved the news broadcasts on the television as part of their preparation. Participants had prepared for the situation by maki11g sure they kne\v the evacuation rou te. The distress level from a previous hurricane \vas a factor - the more distress experienced, the more prepared people \Vere.

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EVALUATION useful

ind vs sit

-

I

Loftus ( 1972) examined a sub,vay systen1 after a fire to assess the evacuation plans that \vere in place. It would appear that the best evacuation plans should include these features: There hould be a 'vay of gaining people's allention without causing panic.

Figure 10.3.1 Tornado damage

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CHAPTER .10: i:"SYCHOLOGY-AN.D ENVl~ONMEt.JT.

Messages should be short and to the point so that they are quick to read in an emergency. Any unportant messages should be repeated. The plans must give people trying to escape some confidence. If any of the plans are presented orally then the accent n1ust make all instructions clear. Tamima & Chouinard (2012) reported on "in progress" evacuation plans in Montreal, Canada, shouJd an earthquake occur. They noted that the follo,ving are crucial for success: Assess the vulnerability of the built environment to kno\v \vhat could happen to buildings and then plan the evacuation aro und these potential eventualities. Assess the den1ographics of the population which would be affected by an earthquake and then plan the evacuation aro und 1his inforniation. Plan sensible routes out of an affected area to shelters for those 1vorst affected. Get the communily involved in evacuation planning so the first time people know about it is not \vhen the earthquake is happening. Have clear maps for evacuation routes that are easy to fo1Jo1v.

Figure 10.3.2 Eanhquake damage to a freeway CHALLENGE YOURSELF

A local authority has asked you to help 1t prepare the local community for any potential natural disaster. Justify your choices using psychological research 1n your report.

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After: treating posttraumatic stress •

Chemtob et al ( 1997) examined the effectiveness of psychological intervention after Hurricane lniki in Ha,vaii. T'vo groups of participants (n= 43 overall) who had been exposed to the hurricane \Vere assessed before and after being involved in a "multihour debriefing group''. This allowed participants to discuss their feelings about the hurricane and to be educated about the norn1al psychological reactions to disasters. To provide son1e control for the passage ofti1ne, the two groups overlapped their debriefing, so the assessment before the debriefing of the second group took place at the same tin1e as the assessn1ent after the debriefing of the first group. Irrespective of 1vhich group the pa11icipants \Vere in, the debriefing reduced psychological distress, lending support for the vie\Vthat psychological debriefing is useful after disasters. Carmichael (2000) reported on a rather novel approach to post-disaster psychological intervention. A counsellor used the story of the \>Vizard of Oz as a rocal point for a group ofsurvivors after a tornado in a small US community. During the last hour of a 3-hour meeting attended by 30 residents, the counsellor used aspects of the Wi7.ard of Oz story as metaphors to help alleviate the stress of the disaster. The counsellor used Dorothy's shoes as a metaphor for inner strength, the dog as significant people and the ye!Jo,v brick road as the traurna recovery process. After thls introduction the residents began to discuss their O\vn experiences in the Light of the Wizard of Oz. Tue common focaJ point of the story appeared to be effective in aiding the recovery process of the residents. Finally, Lcsaca (1996) noted a do,vnside to post-disaster counselling for the cou nsellors then1selves. He con1pared 21 counsellors who provided their services after a 1najor air disaster 1vith counsellors 1vho provided a generaJ counselling service. Bet1veen then1, the disaster counsellors had co1npleted 38 hours \Vith the victin1s' families and 58 hours 1vith airline eniployees. rn both groups, Lesa ca took n1easu res or PTSD and depression 4, 8 and 12 \\leeks arter the disaster. At 4 and 8 \veeks, the disaster counsellors reported significantly more PTSD symptoms and depressive sympton1s compared to the general counselJors. The most com nion symptoms included feeling emotionally nurnbed, feeling as if in a

daze or dream and niemory problen1s such as forgetting to do important things. Other differences included difficuJty in sleeping, having poor concentration, feeling agitated and restless, and lacking energy. HO\\lever, these differences had disappeared at the 12-\veek assessment.

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EVALUATION

usefld

ind vs sit

ethics

TEST YOURSELF Outline ways in which psychologists have helped people who ha~ survived d1sastec

Herald of Free • Ent This disaster occurred when a ferry capsized and sank off Belgiun1 killing l 97 people. Survivors were exan1ined for PTSO. Joseph et al ( 1997) discovered that there \\las a relationship between emotional expression

three years after the event and PTSD five years after the event. Those \\!ho believed, e1notionally, that having negative attitudes \Vas a sign of \veakness \Vere more likeJy to sho\v PTSD syrnptoms. A!so, Joseph et al (1996) noted that those \vho scored high on a nieasure of"have intrusive and avoidanl activities" tended to sho\v higher levels of depression and anxiety three years after the sinking.

Bon1bings were carried out in London on 7 July 2005. Rubin et al (2007) telephoned 1 OJ 0 Londoners 11- 13 days after the bombings occurred. The researchers wanted to assess stress levels, perceived threats and travel intentions. Seven months after this, 574 respondents \\!ere contacted again and asked silnilar questions. Around I J per cent· of people in the san1ple were still feeling "substantial stress" and over 40 per cent still felt personally threatened by the events. Around 20 per cent had reduced their travelling around London as a result. Rubin et al (2007) also reported on data from the first phase of the study (ans\vers lo questions 11-13 days after the bombin~). Around one-third of the sample al this time felt substantial stress and intended to travel less as a result of the bombings. Those \vho felt the substanliaJ stress tended to be people \Vho wouJd find it difficult to contact friends and family, those '"ho thought that they could have been killed or injured and those \\lho \Vere Muslin1. Only I per cent of people in the sample felt they needed psychologicaJ intervention post-bombings. FinaJJy, Wilson et al (2012) examined the transcripts of 18 people \vho received cognitive behavioural therapy (CBT) after the bombings lo help them \vilh PTSD. The clients tended to focus on recollection of direct experiences during the bombings, the horror of il all and reconnecting with the outside world on the day of the event plus feelings of P'rSO and depression the day after the bombings.

Figure 10.3.3 Herald of Free Enterpnse

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CHAPTER ' .10: PSYCHOLOGY-AND ,· . . ... ENVIRONMENT . -' . . .... -

Altman (1975) noted that \\le have three different types of territory. These are shown in Table I0.4.2 .

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DEFINITIONS, TYPES AND MEASURES ASK 'I OURSELF

In what situatJons do you not like your personal space being invaded? Are there times and situabons when 1t is gOOd to invade someone's personal space?

Bell et al (1996) define personal space as a "... portable, invisible boundary surrounding us, into \vhich others may not trespass. It regulates how closely \Ve interact \vith others, moves \vith us, and expands and contracts according to the situation in \vhich \Ve find ourselves"

High degree or occupation and perception or ownership: we believe that we permanently own the territory and others believe this too.

Secondary territory (e.g. classroom)

Medium

Personalisation occurs to some extent degree of occupation and but only when the occupancy of the perception of territory is legitimate ownership: we (e.g. within a bout one believe that month of a new class, we a re o ne or only a limited each person may numb er of stick wrth the same users of the seat for the rest of the year. That person territory. legl!Jmately owns that seat every lesson).

Public territory (e_g. area on a beach, seat on a bus)

Low degree of occupation and perception of ownership: we believe we are one or many people who use this territory.

( 1996: 275).

HaU (1963) distinguished bel\veen zones of personal space, which he called spatial zones, based around interpersonal relationships \\le n1ay have. This is shown in Table 10.4.1.

Contact is intimate (e.g. comforting lntJmate (0 to 1Y2 reet) another or having sex). Physical sports such as judo and wrestling allow invasion of the intimate zone. Friends are allowed lo get into this Personal ( 1Y2 to 4 feet) zo ne. especially those who are close to us. Your usual everyday interactions will trespass Into this zone too. Social (4 feet to 12 feet)

People we do not really know personally, but whom we meet quite regularly, are allowed into this zone. Business-like contacts are also allowed here.

This zone is for formal contact (e.g. Public (more than someone giving a public speech). 12 reet away) Tabl e 10.4 .1 Spatial zones

Source. Hall (1963)

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The territory 1s personalised 1n great detail so that the owner has complete control and others recogrnse this almost immediately arter entering it. Uninvited intrusion can have serious consequences.

Primary territory (e.g. own home, office space. bedroom)

Defining space and

v

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Personalisatton tends to be temporary as we may not revisit the territory for some time. We tend not to defend this territory in the way we would if it were primary or secondary territory.

A Table 10.4.2 Three types of territory

Source: Allman (1975) Bell et al ( 1996) define territoriality as follo\\fS: ·: .. (it)

can be vie\\fed as a set of behaviours and cognitions a person or group exhibits, based on perceived ownership of physical space" ( 1996: 304). This may be permanent, as in o\ming a house, or temporary, as in controlling your office space but not directly O\\fning it.

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Alpha space and beta

-

-

Alpha space is the personal space that is objective and can be measured directly (e.g. the actual distance). Beta space is the personal space that is subjective and is ho\v a person feels \vhen being invaded.

This technique involves getting someone to approach a participant from a variety of angles and getting the participant to say "Stop" when the participant begins to feel uncomfortable. The actual distance is measures so that a "picture" of the amount and shape of personal space can be generated. This can then be re-assessed in different situations.

Measuring space:

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•

Little ( 1968) exan1ined cultural differences over 19 different social situations in a sample of A1nericans, Swedes, Scots, Greeks and Italians. 111ey had to place dolls at djs tances that re0ected where they \VOUld stand in real social situations. The situations they had to assess included two good friends talking abo ut a pleasant topic, a shop owner discussing the weather \ Vi th his assistant, two people talking about the best place to shop and t\vO strangers talking about an unpleasant topic.

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EVALUATION

"'cB

g .!!! "O Q)

30

-

-

,_

reliable

ethics

TEST YOURSELF Outline and evaluate two ways 1n which personal space can be measured

0

-

-

valid

useful

-

-

•

These types of measurements involve directly invarung the space of other people and noting ho\v they react or asking then1 how they fell. 111e "Invading space and terrritory" section out Ii nes son1e studies that have used this method.

The average distances at \vhich participants placed the dolls over the 19 different social situations are sho\vn in Figure 10.4.1.

40

,,, ____ __

20 -

Males

~

-

0Females

-

O>

~

~

10 -

0

American

Swede

Scot

Greek

Italian

Average of all nations

Nationality Figure 10.4.1 Results from the Little (1968) study

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INVADING SPACE AND TERRITORY •

ns

Middle1nist el al (1976) 1vanted to investigate the proposal that invasion of personal space produces arousal. The setting was a men's public lavatory. According to the researchers this 1vas an ideal place as "norms for privacy" are already set up (space betlveen the urinals), so the effect that distance had on arousal could be easily measured. The men's public lavatory had three urinals in it. Sixty participants 1vere randomly assigned to one of three conditions: (I) the experin1enter stood immediately next to the participant, (2) the experimenter stood at the other end of the three urinals to the participant or (3) the experirnenter 1vas absent. ·rwo key rneasures were taken. The first 1vas a measure of how quickly the participant began to urinate. The second measure 1vas ho"' nluch time the participant took to urinate. 'rhe closer the experimenter stood, the longer it took for the participant to begin urination. Also, the closer the experimenter stood, the less time it took the participant to complete urination. The evidence suggests that invasion of personal space in men produces physiological changes associated with arousal. The nlore the personal space was invaded, the nlore aroused the men became.

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participants to complete a questionnaire about the experience. It asked questions about ho1v participants felt during the invasion of their personal space (e.g. how happy they felt, ho1v attracted they were to the confederate, their perceived level of cro\vding). For the second a.in1, a different researcher was used who was not told the aim of the research (this is caUed the single-blind technique). This researcher had to observe 33 males and 33 fen1ales and record where they placed their personal belongings on a library table. Fro1n the first study, distinct gender differences emerged. Nlales disliked being invaded by someone approaching fron1 opposite them but did not 1nind son1eone invading the space next to the111. For females, the opposite results arose; they did not mind people invading the space opposite them but disliked the invasion when son1eone sat next to the n1. Table 10.4.3 shO\VS averages that highlight this t1·end across all measures taken on the questionnaire. Happiness rating - the higher the score, the more happy participants 1vere:

Male Female

I

29.15 23.46

Attractiveness rating - the higher the score, the 1nore attracted participants vvere to an opposite-sex confederate:

EVALUATION

ethics

valid

•

In 1975 Fisher & Byrne carried out a study 1vith t1vo main aims:

Male Female

10.99

Perceived level of cro1vding - the higher the score, the more participants felt cro1vded:

personal space.

2. To examine how gender affects the putting up of barriers to indicate to others 1vhere our personal space is. For the first aim, Fisher & Byrne's confederates invaded the personal space of 62 males and 63 fen1ales in a university library in a number of 1vays. They either sat neX1 to the participant, sat one seat a1vay from the participant or sat opposite the participant. After the invasion had taken place, Fisher & Byrne asked

9.14 10.14

9 .87

1. To examine gender differences in the invasion of

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I

23.57 26.79

;

Male

11 .48

Female

16.60

.

I

17.04 14.76

Table 10.4.3 Ratings for happiness, attractiveness and perce1Ved level or crowding

For the second study, the results backed up those reported in the first study. Males were more likely to place their personal belongings in front ofthe1n 1vhile fen1a les 1vere nlore likely lo place personal belongings

next to them - both males and ferna les were placing barriers to defend their least favourite direction from which they could be invaded. Table 10.4.4 sho1vs the nun1ber of"barrier placements" observed on the table participants 1vere sitting at. [: filjljifj.J'j • • • •

• Male

9

15

Female

17

6

Table 10.4.4 Barner placements

Fron1 this study it is clear to see that males do not like to have Lheir space in front ofthen1 invaded. Females do not like to have their space invaded next to them. Both genders defend this invasion by placing barriers to stop people getting too close.

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EVALUATION

ethics

valid

•

TEST YOURSELF Describe and evaluate one study that has invaded someone's personal space.

DEFENDING TERRITORY AND SPACE

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Defending primary Ne\vrnan (1972) introduced the concept of defensible space to psychology. 111e term refers to an area of physical space that can be perceived as clearly belonging to someone. Any visitors to this space would quickly realise that it is son1eone else's territory. The idea of defensible space 1vas generated because Newn1an had noted that many ne1v, high-rise residential developn1ents of his tirne had failed due to rapid decay and high crime rates. Ne1vman proposed that this 1vas the case because people had no control over the secondary territory 1vithin or around the buildings (e.g. stair cases, lifts and parking areas). Residents 1vere not

able to feel any 01vnership of territory in or around the location of their home. Ne1vman (1972) then argued that if defensible spaces were deliberately designed into ne1v multi-d1velling buildings, residents would feel more 01vnership over certain areas. People 1vould be more likely to "look out for one another and their properties". As a result, crime should decrease and a sense of community 1vould be introduced. For example, Ne1vn1an recommended that certain features in the design of buildings could easily increase the amount of defensible space. These included using boundary rnarkers that sho1v others 1vhere the territory is and that it is defended (e.g. path1vays. fences and hedgero1vs). Ham-Ro1vbotton1, Gilford & Sha1v (1999) exan1ined defensible space theory by assessing police officers' judgn1ents about 1vhether a house would be burgled. A series of 50 photographs of detached houses were sho1vn to 41 police officers. Each house had been scored on cues that 1vere believed to be good indicators of defensible space. A total of ten physical cues 1vere correlated with less vulnerability to burglary: At least three-quarters of the house is visible from the road. At least three-quarters of the yard is visible from the road. There is a garage. The back yard is separated from the front yard by an actual barrier. More windows are visible from the road. A glass panel is not located next to the front door. The front door is solid with no glass. The front door is visible from the road. The distance frorn the road is less than 20 feet. A neighbour's house is visible in the photograph. It would appear police officers believed that the more physical barriers and surveillance points a ho use had (e.g. 1vindo1vs at the front of the house), the less likely it 1vas to be burgled. This agrees 1vith defensible space theory. The more physical barriers there are around a house, the less likely it 1vill be a target for burglaries and other crimes.

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CHAPTER ENVl~ON MEt.JT. . .10: PSYCHOLOGY-AN.D . .

Figure 10.4.2 Examples of defensible space around properties

Ho\vever, MacDonald & Gifford (1989) had discovered that defensible space did not deter burglars. They surveyed 43 n1alcs who had been convicted of breaking and entering by showing then1 50 photographs of houses. Each participant had to rale every photograph on a seven-point scale of vulnerability to burglary. The houses which had easy surveillance \Vere rated as the ones least likely to be burgled. Ho,vever, those with territorial displays (e.g. fences) actually had an increased likelihood they \YOuld be burgled. It was argued that having these displays, designed to deter burglars as Ne\vman stated, actually indicated that the house may be of value as the occupants \Vere choosing to defend their space and sho'vi ng everyone \vhat they 0\\'11. Also, barriers help rather than hinder burglars, presumably as they make it easier to climb into the property and they are easy to hide behind.

liP.:\ ~

EVALUATION useful

reduct

CHALLENGE YOURSELF

Based on all of the Information above. design a house lhal should never be burgled and then design a second house that would be easy to burgle.

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Defending public territory using

-,,

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Smith (1983) noted that there were cul tural differences in the \vay people defend their area on a beach. Germans sho,ved a much more striking sense of territoriality compared to the French. The Germans sho,ved n1any more actions linked to territorial behaviour. For example, they \vere much more likely to erect sandcastles to indicate that the particular area of the beach \YaS reserved for them. Hoppe, Greene & Kenny ( 1972) exan1ined the effectiveness of territorial markers in libraries and pubs. lo libraries, leaving a territorial 1narker such as a notebook \YaS no more effective than leaving no territorial marker \Yhen people asked a neighbour on a desk to defend the space for them \vhile they went a\vay to do something. However, about half of the neighbours in the no territorial marker group subsequently placed their 0 \ \111 territorial markers in the space they had just been asked to save! In the pub study, a half-fulJ glass of beer was found to be more effective at marking territory than a personal marker such as a sweater.

may feel they have no control over their actions and become depressed. •

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I

THEORIES AND EFFECTS OF URBAN LIVING ON HEALTH AND SOCIAL BEHAVIOUR

The idea behind environ1nental stress is that specific stirnuli in urban areas have negative effects on our lives. For exa1nple, crowding and noise have been sho1vn to affect humans negatively. As we may feel threatened by such stimuli, a stress response niay be elicited, either emotionally, behaviourally or physiologically (or any combination of the three). Prolonged exposure to these stressful stimuli can have negative long-term effects.

ASK YOURSELF

Do you think living in an urt:>an area affects people's

health and social behaviour? If so, why do you think that?

This theory stales that any stimuli that are intense, complex or novel can lead to either a positive or negative effect depending on the past experience of the individual concerned. Due to the differing levels of stin1ulation in a city or urban area (e.g. you n1ay find a quiet park or a busy shopping n1aU) everyone can find their optimal level of stin1ulation. Those people who initially find urban life too complex or intense usually adapt over time and tolerate such stirnulation. Similarly, those \vho are bored \\Tith the country life find pockets of cosn1opolitan life \vithin it. •

Behaviour constraint states that people living iJ1 urban areas feel their behaviour is constrained in so1ne way con1pared to people living in rural areas. For example, people nlay feel niore fearful of crirne in urban areas; they may dislike cro\vds and, for instance \vhen they need to go shopping, they \,·iJI have to use a cro\vded shopping centre. Issues such as these of course, may lead to people experiencing negative effects and, as a consequence, they may \Visb to try to reassert their freedom from these constraints. In the long term, this n1ay have stronger negative effects, especially if the reassertion continually fai ls. In this case, people

This theory states that people living in urban areas are bombarded 1vith so many stimuli lhat all of them cannot be processed. The stimuli can co1ne fron1 a variety of sources (e.g. other humans Living in the urban area, noise, too 1nany people being around, even trying to find the correct amount of money for the car park). AU of these overload our senses and lead u~ to try to cope with the overload. Porlonged overload can have negative effects such as exhaustion and illness. ~ TEST YOURSELF ~

Outline two theories of urban living.

Fisher et nl ( 1994) examined any potential differences in atliludes tO\vards eating and \veight concern in urban and suburban adolescents. Another aim was to examine whether there \\<ere differences in self-esteem between urban and suburban d\vellers. Two groups of participants completed a series of questionnaires that nieasured attitudes towards eating and self-esteen1, among others. A total of 268 suburban females (n1ean age 16.2 years), 389 urban females and 281 urban males (combined mean age of 16.0 years) completed the questionnaires. One of the main factors examined \vaS the relationship between perceived \veight and actual \veight. Table 10.5.1 sho\1 s the relationship in the san1ple studied. 1

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CHAPTER ' .10: PSYCHOLOGY-AND . . . ... ENVIRONMENT . -' . . .... -

or semi-urban areas, non-farmers fron1 urban areas and unmarried people. There is a high rate of HI V-1 infection in this region of Tanzania. I lo\vever, the highest rates are seen in urban areas. Soderberg et al stated that this is consistent \\ ith people exhibiting more risky behaviour in urban con1munities.

• •

1

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14

Suburban females

63

Urban females

35

45

Urban males

19

39

EVALUATION U5eful

valid

ethics

reduct

Table 10.5.1 Relationship between perceived weight and actual weight Also, self-esteem was significantly higher in the urban group compared to the suburban group. Abnormal eating attitudes are present an1ong urban and suburban adolescents. Suburban adolescents are n1ore likely to perceive themselves as being over\veight 1vhen in fact they are not. Urban adolescents are more likely not to perceive the1nselves as being over\veight 1vhen in fact they are. Another area of research that has interested environn1ental psychologists with respect to urban living is human immunodeficiency virus (HIV) prevalence rates. Soderberg et al ( 1994) examined the difference~ in prevalence rates in rural, semi-urban and urban areas in Tanzania. During the period from ~larch 1988 to April 1991 all blood donors at the llembuJa Luteran Hospital (Tanzania) 1vere asked about their home village, occupation, age and marital status. They 1vere also tested for the prevalence of HlV antibodies in their blood sample. A total of 3 474 males and I 287 females participated in the study. Table 10.5.2 shows the prevalence rate of HIV- I infection split by gender and where participants Jived. •

•

The study by Bickman in section I 0.2 (see page J84) can be used here to show ho1v pro-social behaviour is affected by urban Jiving - this is because urban living is ofa higher population density. In addition, Altman (1969) found that in 95 per cent of rural homes a woman 1vas al101ved to use her telephone to call a friend (the "'oman '"as a confederate in the study). This 1vas allo1ved in just 40 per cent of homes in urban areas. \\Then the confederate 1vas male, in 40 per cent of rural homes he 1vas allo1ved to use the telephone 1vhereas this 1vas allo1ved in only I 4 per cent of urban homes. TEST YOUkS L Describe and evaluate

one study that has tested how urban living affects our health or behaviour.

URBAN RENEWAL AND HOUSING DESIGN Renewal and building

Male

6.6

13.6

7.2

3.7

Female

7.0

15.0

7.9

3_0

Table 10.5.2 Prevalence rate or HIV-1 split by gender and place of residence Four high-risk groups emerged from the study: males fron1 urban or ~emi-urban areas, females from urban

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Effects on social I

One examination of defensible space theory looked into two adjacent housing estates in New York City. The two estates 1vere called Van Dyke and Bro\vnsville. The Van Dyke estate consisted of a series of 14-storey buildings separated by small spaces that had little or no defensible space. The Brownsville estate, on the other hand, consisted of six X-shaped buildings only three stories

high. As a result, the entrances were less frequently used and were easy to \Vatch over as non-residents could be more easily spotted than in the Van Dyke estate. Within the Brownsville buildings, children played in the halhvays and stainvells and it \Vas common for residents to leave their doors open. Again, it \Vas easier to watch over the immediate space compared to the Van Dyke estate. Due to the greater levels of defensible space in the Bro\vnsville estate, there \Vere stronger bonds bet\veen the residents; there \Vas less crime and maintenance costs \Vere lo,ver. Another example that is used to sho'v bad design is the Pruitt-Igoe project in St LOLLis, l\ilissouri (Bell et al, 1996). The estate \vas built in 1954 with the ethos of"no \Vasted space''. The project was constructed to relocate 12 000 people into 43 buildings, each 11 stories high. The entire con1plex had 2 762 apartn1ents. The main features of the building were as folJo,vs: Narro1v halhvays led to the apartments. There were no sen1 i-private areas for people to meet up in (so no areas to oversee). The project was expensive to build. The \Vall tiles \vere designed so that graffiti could be easily removed. The light fittings \\ ere indestructible. 1

The radiators and lifts \vere vandal-resistant It appears strange that the project managers appeared to

be expecting trouble by introducing many of the above features. Ho\vever, they "'ere correct. After a fe,v years the entire project \Vas in disarray. \.Yithin the buildings there was broken glass, rubbish and destruction of the "indestructible" features. Many 1vindows were boarded up or smashed, the lifts had been repeatedly used as a toilet and the top floors \Vere not lived in. Crime and vandalism \Vere commonplace with the car park littered \vith sen1i-destroycd cars and the children's playground covered in broken glass. By 1970, of the 43 buildings only 16 were still lived in. ln 1972 the entire project \Vas demolished. Many people believed that the lack of defensible space had caused the do,vnfall of the PruittIgoe dream.

®

EVALUATION usefUI

ind vs sit

The Pruitt-Igoe research Lhat had sho1vn Lhat defensible space \vas necessary for the reduction of crime \Vas backed up by a study conducted by Sommer ( 1987). He compared the crime rates in university high-rise halls of residence compared to cluster halls \Vhich have more defensible space. The latter "'ere seen Lo have much lo,ver rates of crinle and vandalism. Brunson (2000) examined the Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD) in the United States as it had recently invested millions of dollars into regenerating urban areas using defensible space theory. Brunson noted that some regenerations had \vorked, Jo,vering crime levels and bringing abou t a more cohesive con1muni ty. However, not all had been so successful. Therefore, Brunson exa n1i ned \vhether defensible space was linked to residents' experiences of safety and sense of co111111unity in public housing. A total of91 residents were surveyed. All 1vere living in an area 1vith moderate defensible space. TI1ose who defended their near-home space reported that the neighbourhood felt safer and that there 1\1as a more cohesive co1nmunity compared to residents who did not defend Lheir near-hon1e space. Also, those 1vho spent time outside reported more often that the neighbourhood was a safe place. Those \vho participated in "greening" activities believed that the community \Vl!S 1nore cohesive. All of this tends to back up Ne1vman's ( 1972) idea that defensible space makes the community niore cohesive and safer to live in.

COMMUNITY ENVIRONMENTAL DESIGN Shopping mall h r• 1n l\ilalaysia, Ali (2013) researched factors that affect a

shopping nlall's attractiveness and influence consun1ers to visit it - the research 'va11ted to examine what attracts people to shopping malls. ln tern1S of choosing a shopping mall to visit, the folJo,ving factors \Vere important: Entertainment had to be part of the experience. There had to be a variety if shopping outlets (e.g. outlets should 1101 all be clothes stores).

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CHAPTER .10: PSYCHOLOGY-AND . . . ... ENVIRONMENT . - . . .... '

-

Mall essence \Vas a factor - ensuring that the place "felt" as if it wou Id provide a good "mall experience". Design of the mall \vas also important (e.g. ease of passage throughout, parking. signage). In addition, having the variety of outlets and a non-

cro\vded physical environment \Vere the t\'10 key factors that brought people to a shopping mall. Runyan, Kin1 & Baker (2012) exan1ined the role of kiosks in shopping mall atn1ospherics. They \vanted see if kiosks and kiosk salespeople affected people's perceptions towards a shopping nlall When smaller kiosks \Vere present it had a negative effect on shoppers' perceptions of the n1all. However, it did not make any difference ifthe salespeople \Vere aggressively selling or being passive; people still did not see them as adding anything to the mall Aggressive salespeople did get consw11ers n1ore aroused but in a JJegative way. Swan1ynathan, Mansurali & Chandrasekhar (20 13) examined people's preferences for a new shopping mall. Four main factors ernerged that influence people's decisions on choice of shopping mall via its atmospherics: Lifestyle - people are more likely to visit if the mall is a status symbol, having high-quality goods in it and fashionable shops. "Infotainment" - having entertainment, being able to 'vindo'v shop and having a place sin1ply to "hang out" \Vere also important. Customer retreat - this involved feeling safe in the mall and having visible hospitality. Retail atmospherics - 1J1is included having vaJueadded co1nforts in the mall as well as it being a "single stop shop" and dean.

@

EVALUATION useful

•

'

reduct

CHALLENGE YOURSELF

Local developers have asked you to design a new shopping mall that will have two noors. Design such a mall and wnte a report 1ust1fy1ng your choices based on psychological research and theory.

-

"""

.

Wan (2013) researched the casino design preferences of Chinese gan1blers. lntervie,vs ''-ere carried out ,.,ith 25 gamblers \vho visited casinos in Macau. They \Vere asked questions about what casino environments they preferred in order to see if there \vas any consistency \vithin the sample. A total of 30 preferences \Vere identified overaJJ of whid1 11 \Vere seen as being the niost in1portant. These included the casino being spacious and open, having grand ext·erior and interior designs, having certain themes within the casino itself, having clear signage and having son1e forn1 of greenery or natural landscape. Casinos may \Vish to utilise the findings of a study by Spen\vyo, Barrett & Griffiths (20 l O). They had participants playing an online version of rouJette under one of four conditions: fast ten1po music under 1vhite light fast tempo music under red light slo\v tempo music under white light slo"' tempo music under red light. Dollars spent per spin alongside speed of betting was measured. Having fast tempo music under red light made participants bet quicker. There 1vas no effect of music or lighting conditions on dollars spent per spin.

i Reread the work of Newman and research projects such as Brownsville, van Dyke and Pruitt-Igoe (page 195 onwards) to pick out good and bad practice for the design of public places.

Multidimensional scaling

DEFINITIONS, MEASURES, ERRORS AND INDIVIDUAL DIFFERENCES IN COGNITIVE MAPS A;:,K YOURSELF

Draw a map or the surrounding area of your home or school. Find a real map of the area and see how accurate you have been.

•

This is a statistical technique that can assess the "cognitive distance" people believe landmarks are separated by. Participants are asked to estimate distances behveen a nun1ber of buildings on a route. Once this is con1pleted, a computer progran1 can process the data and generate a "map" based on these estimations (so that a person's drawing skills are not alfecting ho\v the person perceives a n1ap, etc.). If these are compared among a group of participants who have all estimated the distances, if all are consistent then a relatively accurate map should be produced. Ho1vever, as Bell et al (2001) noted, people may 1vell exaggerate the distance benveen unpleasant landmarks or travel paths they do not usually take. ~

\el

•

EVALUATION

ind ditfs

valid

useful

n1 1 n .. Tolman (1948) defined cognitive maps as an internal representation that animals develop about the spatial relationships \vithin their environment.

....

TEST YOURSELF

Outhne and evaluate one way of measuring cognitive maps.

--

The follov.ring are different \vays in \vhich you can n1easure cognitive maps.

Sketch maps Lynch ( 1960) 1vas one of the first to make people simply sketch maps to see ho\v the y were representing their surroundings psychologically. He found five main categories that are used to mentally describe maps: paths: shared routes for travel (e.g. footpaths and roads) edges: boundaries that are defined (e.g. walls of buildings or coastlines) districts: large spaces \Vith a shared characteristic (e.g. The West End in London) nodes: points on a map that act as a focus for behaviour (e.g. tO\VD squares, roundabouts or major road junctions) landmarks: distinctive features used as reference points \vhich are generally visible fron1 a distance (e.g. a place of \vorship or a tall skyscraper).

Lloyd and Patton (20 11) asked participants to learn locations on one of three cartographic 1naps that contained true or novel location nan1es. The following recall errors \Vere found: There were fe\ver cognitive distance errors for reference points that \Vere central to the map. There 1vere fe\ver errors in recall 1vhen a reference point 1vas part of a cluster. Females made fewer errors \vhen learning novel maps. Males 1nade fewer errors when learning n1aps with true nan1es and places. Steyvers & Kooji1nan (2009) exan1ined the differences in error rates using cognitive maps of a fictitious zoo benveen sighted and visually impaired participants. The participants were matched on age. gender and education. The matched pairs 1vere randon1ly assigned to one "information type": Survey-type descriptions such as "the area containing the indoor anin1al exhibits is north of the children's recreational area" (2009: 226).

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CHAPTER .10: i:"SYCHOLOGY-AN.D ENVl~ONMEt.JT.

Route-type descriptions such as "on your right is the petting zoo. Turn right and then left after passing the petting zoo. The aquarium is now on your right» (2009: 226). They listened to the tape of information t\vice and then \Vere asked questions such as "Which animals \Vill you find east of the insect house?" (survey-type) and "Standing on the path \Vith your back to the petting zoo and facing the nlonkeys, \\1hich animals are on your left?' (route-type) (2009: 226). The visually in1paired participants showed no difference in the frequency of errors bet\\een survey-type and route-type descriptions. Sighted participants made fewer errors with the survey-type descriptions. Overall, the sighted participants 111ade fewer cognitive n1ap errors. 1

@

EVALUATION lab e>Cp

valid

useful

CHALLENGE YOURSELF Design a study that would test whether there are any differences 111 errors using cognitive maps based on the age or gender of the participants. Evaluate your Idea.

carolinensis) \vas released into a 4Sm1 area to bury ten hazelnuts. The location of each food iten1 was recorded and the nuts were then removed. The squirrels were returned to the area individually 2, 4 or 12 days later. Ne1v hazelnuts had been placed at the individuals' own hiding places and at an equal number of randomly chosen sites \vhich had been used by other squirreli.. The squirrels \Vere 1nore likely to find nuts fro1n places where they had buried them even \vhen they had to pass the sites chosen by other squirrels. Although the squirrels clearly could locate buried nuts by smell a.lone, they \Vere preferentially seeking the ones they had hidden on the basis of recalling each location.

Capaldi & Dyer ( 1999) exan1incd the role of orientation flights on the hon1ing perforn1ances of honeybees. Previous research had shown that bees do use visual references to help them niove from foraging site to foraging site. Ho,vever, the niajority of research had exan1ined bees that were experienced. Capaldi & Dyer \vanted to investigate this in na·ive bees. The bees were all from the Michigan State University Research Farms. There 1vere three groups of bees:

1. Resident bees - they already lived in the test location. In terms of sketch n1aps, there appears to be gender difference in \Vhat is included in them. Huynh, Doherty & Sharpe (2010) noted that when asked to dra\V a map. n1ales and females tend not to differ with the initial dra\ving. Ho\11ever, as the map got more elaborate and detailed, fen1ales dre\I' n1ore land1narks on their maps \11hile males dre\11 more path1vays. The Steyers & Koojin1an (2009) study can also be used to sho"' individual differences.

COGNITIVE MAPS IN ANIMALS i Jacobs & LiJnan ( 1991) investigated the role of the cognitive map in allo1ving animals to search for food they had stored themselves. Each grey squirrel (sciurus

•

2. First-flight bees - they had never been outside the nest. 3. Reorienting bees - these \Vere \\Porker bees that had foraging experience at a different site from the test site. Bees in groups and 3 \vere allo\11ed on an "orientation" flight that typically lasted less than ten minutes. On the experimental trials after this, homing ability was n1easured via vanishing bearings and ho1ning speed. When the first-fl ight bees were tested after the orientation flight, they returned to the hive faster than the reorienting bees. 'lhey also had faster ho1ning rates than resident bees. When they were released at a distance, resident bees tended lo outperforn1 the other two groups. When there \\lere landmarks near to the target hive, all groups tended to head to\vards the hive (vanishing bearings \Vere similar). However, when they \Vere released out of sight of any landrnarks (and they had to rely on route memory), the first-flight bees

performed poorly, whereas the resident bees could still find their 1vay hon1e. Resident

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Figure 10.6.1 Bees' homing ability measured via vanishing bearings - site A landmarks were near to lhe target hives: for site E the bees had no route memory

.

It 1\louJd appear that landn1arks are used as part of a cognitive n1ap of foraging sites in bees.

-

Figure 10.6.3 Pigeon wearing on Its head a device that generates a magnetic field

•

Walcott has researched the homing abilities of pigeons for many years. ll 1vould appear that magnetic fields help pigeons to find their 1vay hon1e. Early studies drugged pigeons and drove then1 to a place of release (so they could not see any landmarks on their outward journey). Once released, virtually all pigeons found their 1vay home and it was hypothesised that pigeons may use 1nagnetism to way-find (via a substance called magnetite in their brains). \Valcott ( 1977) noted that applying a magnetic field of 0.1 gauss to the heads ofhon1ing pigeons increased the scatter of the pigeons as they left their release site. Thjs is shown in Figure 10.6.2.

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TEST YOURSEL

OuUine and evaluate one study that has looked tnto cogrnt1ve maps tn arnmals.

DESIGNING BETTER MAPS; WAY-FINDING

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Therefore, it "'ould appear that changes in the magnetic fields that a pigeon experiences affects its ability to 1vay-find.

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Figure 10.6.2 Scatter of pigeons from the release site

i n

Levine ( 1982) and Levine et al ( 1984) have suggested strategies for irnproving the usefulness of "you are here" maps. To aid their navigation users need to know where they are in relation to the map. This can be achieved if they can correctly identify a 1ninin1un1 of t1vo features both on the map and in the environment TI1is is called structure matching and enables users to place themselves accurately on the map. For example, a "you are here" dot may pinpoint your position along a road running do1vn the map. Ho\vever, 1vithout indicators of direction, such

•

CHAPTER ' .10: PSYCHOLOGY-AND ,· . . ... ENVIRONMENT . -' . . .... -

as buildings that are both visible in the environment and appear on the n1ap, it would be impossible to decide whether your side of the pavement \Vas to the left or right of the map - you \vould be unable to navigate. passengers travelling from north to south prefer to bold their map upside do\vn to assist navigation. This restores the map to its correct orientation, that is, it achieves direct correspondence bet\\•een the map and the real \vorld - \vhat is ahead on the road is "up on the map
other experience or information to help us to find our \vay. ln the absence of these, or an ability to understand them, \Ve may become lost. In reality this is relatively rare. We may indeed "lose ourselves" but this tends to be short-lived. By keeping moving until \Ve find somewhere familiar or by returning to a kno\vn location we can re-establish effective \Vay-finding: Determine the location.

0

Figure 10.6.4 An example of a "you are here" map CHALLENGE YOURSELF

Localise the destination. Select a route. Decide ho\V to travel. Way-finding is also facilitated by a high degree of visual access, i.e. being visible fron1 different perspectives. Jn a hilly to\vn we are likely to be able to obtain different views of buildings and streets, increasing visual access. Conversely, underground, such as in car parks or particularly on tube trains, our visual access is li1nited and so assimilating inforniation about the relationships between locations is difficult. How difficult an area is to understand in terms of the amount of detail and its intricacy is referred to as the co1riplexity of spatinl layout. Way-finding is han1pered in environments \Vith a very complicated spatial layout. Within a building this may result from having several floors, unpredjctable interconnections both across and benveen Aoors and having a different floor plan at each level. Complex spatial layouts such as this n1ay be encountered in large shopping centres. Since it may also be difficult to gain a high degree of visual access and because store fronts are all essentially sin1ilar, lo\vering differentiation, it 1nay be very difficult to learn the \vay around.

®

EVALUATION useful

Find a map of your school and identify features that could be Improved.

valid

reduct

ind diffs

•

Possession of a cognitive map may neither be necessary for nor guarantee successful \vay-finding, the process of navigating through an environment. We may use published maps. ask others for directions or obtain

•

Revisit Core study 6.3 for AS level on page 78. The researchers used virtual \Vay-finding in I his study \vhere taxi drivers had to mentally (virtually) plan a rou te fron1 location A to location B.

EXAMPLES OF HOW TO EVALUATE For the 12 mark question in Paper 3, you \viii be asked to evaluate one of the topics covered in this section. You \\till have noticed that after each topic in this chapter there are the icons for the different issues, debates, approaches, perspectives and research methods that could be used to help you ans\ver the 12 mark question in the examination. Belo\v are three examples of the types of things you could \vrite in the exan1ination. You should ain1 Lo make al least four different evaluation points for the 12 mark question. Our acco1npanying Revision Guide has a series of student answers \vilh n1arks and examiner coniments attached to them.

Effects of crowding on health Research in this area has been useful. McCain, Cox & Paulus ( 1976) reported that prisoners who lived under lo\v spatial density and social density conditions reported less sickness compared to those in high density prisons. This means that governments can use this to improve the living conditions of prisoners so that they remain healthy throughout their stay. HO\vever, studies in this area can have ethical problems. As \\'e know that cro\\•ding cannot affect health. it \viii be difficult to run controlled studies as \ve \vould have to expose people to psychological and physical stress. This should not happen in studies as participants should leave in the same physical and psychological state as they entered. This can also relate to the individual versus sit11atio11al debate. Baum and Kon1an ( 1976) noted that there are gender differences in aggression depending on social and spatial densities. Males in sn1aller roo1ns \vho expected it to be crowded behaved niuch more aggressively than fen1ales did. However, any increase is social density did not produce an increase in aggression. When participants expected large nun1bers of people at a venue they tended LO \vithdraw rather than be aggressive. This shows that the effects of cro\vding on psychological health are based more on the situation

people find then1selves (or perceive it to be) rather than their disposition (individual side of the debate) as the situation predicted their behaviour better as people did not act the same across all scenario~.

Invading space and territory Research in this area can have ethical problems. For exan1ple, in the t.liddlemist study tested personal space invasion by having participants randomly assigned to one of three conditions: ( I) the experimenter stood immediately next lo the participant, (2) the experimenter stood at the other end of the three urinals to the participant, or (3) the experirnenter 1vas absenL This caused physical and psychological stress in the participants as they did nol kno1v that they \vere part of a study. This also nleans that they did not give informed consent to take part in the study and have their space invaded nor \vere they debriefed so that they kne1v exactly why a stranger sudden Iy appeared and stood next to them at a urinal! Some nieasures of invasion are subjective and therefore n1ay not be valid. An example would be the CIDS 1vhere a person has to imagine \vhen they \vould begin to feel uncom fortablc and plot it on a lin. This n1a}' not predict ho\v they \vould behave in a real situation with someone approaching them from various angles. Therefore, findings from studies using self reports may not give valid data.

Community Environ11tental Design Research in this area can be 11sef11I for people to design successful shopping malls for instance. Ali (2013) reported that the following \vere important: Entertainment had to be part of the experience, a variety if shopping outJets (e.g. not all clothes shops), Mall Essence - ensuring the place 'felt' like it would be a good 'n1all experience' and the design of the 1nall for ease of passage throughout with parking and signage. [f a construction company took into account these factors then they are 111ore likely to have a successful n1all once it has been built.

•

CHAPTER 10: PSYCHOLOGY AND ENVIRONMENT

Try the follo\ving exam-style questions.

Section A (a) Explain, in your O\VO \vords, '"hat is meant by the term "technological catastrophe':

(2 marks)

(b) Explain, in your O\vn \vords, what is meant by the term "cognitive map':

(2 marks)

(d) Evaluate 'vhat psychologists have discovered about defending territory and personal space and include a discussion on the usefulness of research in this field. (12 marks)

(4 marks)

Section C (a) Describe one \Vay in 'vhich sound can

(c) Describe hvo factors that make noise annoying.

(d) Outline one study that has invaded someone's personal space.

be used in a positive \\lay. (4 marks)

Section B {a) Describe l'/hat psychologists have discovered about the effects of density and crowding on the health and behaviour of people. (8 marks)

{b) Describe 'vhat psychologists have discovered about con11nunity environn1ental design.

(8 marks)

(c) Evaluate what psychologists have discovered about the behaviour of people during disasters and catastrophes and include a discussion on methodology. (12 marks)

•

{b) Suggest how you \vould use sounds such as n1usic to affect consun1er behaviour. On 1vhat psychology is your suggestion based?

(6 marks)

(8 111arks)

(c) Describe one exan1ple of urban renewal and housing design. (6 niarks)

(d) Suggest how you 1vould redesign a public place to make people feel part of a comn1unity. On 1vhat psychology is your suggestion based?

(8 marks)

PSYCHOLOGY AND MODELS OF ABNORMALI mean

11.1 DEFINITIONS OF .A BNORMAL:I TY

I I

6~% I I

ASK YOURSELF Generate your own definition for abnormal behaviour and see 1f your ideas feature in the psychological definitions at the beginning of this section.

fa--9$%.---o>..

20

40

60

80

100 120 140 160 IQ

There are niany \vays in which psychologists can define \vhat abnormal behaviour is. Somelilnes this behaviour is called atypical rather than abnorn1al.

Figure 11 .1.1 Normal distribution of scores on an IQ lest

®

EVALUATION ethics

reduct

valid

Devi tion from · tical no This is an objective 'vay of defining abnormality. Anything that is statistically rare is classified as abnormal. Ho\vever, the cut-off point beyond \vhich son1ething is statistically rare has to be decided. One example of this is the distribution of scores on intelligence quotient (IQ) tests. These usually follo\v a norn1al distribution in any given population with 1nany people clustering around the average of 100 and then fewer and fewer scoring the higher or lower IQ points as dictated by the range of scores (see Figure I I.I.I). People scoring below 70 on an JQ test are in the bottom 2.5 per cent of a population so they could be classed as "abnormal". Therefore, anything that is rare in a popuJation \VOuJd be deen1ed abnormal using the statistical definition.

This definition labels people abnormal if their behaviour does not fit in \vith cultural and soda] norms. If their behaviour is not seen as being "correct" or "1noral" then we niay feel that they are acting abnorrnally. Social nornlS d1ange over time and, as a result, so will the paran1eters of this definition. For example, in the UK in the 19th century moral insanity in females was defined as "won1en who have inherited money and spend it on themselves rather than on male relatives". As a result, a female displaying this behaviour '"ould be labelled abnormal (but no,vadays this \Vould not be the case).

®

EVALUATION ethics

reduct

valid

Deviation from Ideal I I- '"I

who scores I30+ in an IQ lest is in the upper 2.5 per cent of scores but \vould be labelled gifted rather than abnormal.

This definition focuses more on \Vhat characteristics a person should have for ideal mental health rather than directly defining abnorn1al. Jahoda ( 1958) noted that people \vho have ideal mental health:

Judging social norms fails to account for subcultural differences in behaviour that could end up with an over-representation of"abnormal behaviour" in a certain group of people.

sho\v no signs of distress in everyday Life are rational and can introspect correctly are able to self-actualise cope \Vith stressful situations have a realistic outlook on the \vorld have good self-esteen1 can successfully work. Therefore, people \vho cannot sho\v the above behaviours on a regular basis are "abnorn1al''.

®

EVALUATION reduct

abnormality. valid

u

This definition slates that people \\lho cannot function or experience psychological distress (and then try to get belp) are sho\ving that they currently have some form of abnormal behaviour. Therefore, anyone \vho is showing signs of psychological distress, be it at home or work, is

MODELS OF ABNORMALITY There are four main n1odels of abnormality that need covering in this section. It looks at some of the main assumptions that each n1odel is based on.

I a A medical professional \vould believe the follo\\ling

"abnorn1al~

about abnormality: EVALUATION ethics

reduct

Problems with defining and diagnosing a n I The following are problems associated \vi th each of the definitions noted above: Statistical norm fails to take into account the social context of behaviour. For example, someone

•

Reread Core Study 7.1 for AS level (page 87) and use this as an exa1nple of how there are problen1s defining what is abnor n1al behaviour.

Describe and evaluate one definition of

Failure to function

®

Focusing on failure to function adequately is too reductionist. There are other factors involved in the diagnosis of abnormal behaviour as well as si1uply suffering.

CHALLENGE YOURSELF

ethics

d

People may not fulfil one of Jahoda's criteria yet still have ideal mental health.

Psychological abnonnality is an illness just like one based on physical conditions. It can be diagnosed and treated in the same 1vay. The focus is on the physiological natu re of the problen1 behaviour rather than behavioural or emotional factors. Something biological is the cause. Symptoms sho\vn can be understood in terms of some malfunction or disruption of the person's biological systems. Mental illness can be treated in the sanle \vay as any physical illness (\vith drugs, surgery, etc.).

un: I A behaviourist \\·ould believe the following about abnormality:

®

EVALUATION the approach

Dysfunctional behaviour is learned in the same way as any other behaviour.

reduct

valid

useful

tvlental health issues occur due to the principles of classical conditioning and operant conditioning. TI1e focus is on observable behaviour tl1at can be seen directly rather then internal mechanil.ms such as biology or emotions.

TREATMENTS OF ABNORMALITY

tvlental illness can be treated using behavioural techniques (e.g. re\vards to change dysfunctional behaviours into functional behaviours).

This section briefly outlines different treatments that are linked to the models of abnormality. All of them will feature in the rest of the chapter \vhen we focus on different mental health illnesses so more information about each \viii be introduced ilien.

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ml

A psychodynainic psychologist \l'Ould believe the follo\ving about abnon11ality: The quality of relationships " 'e have \l'ith our parents in early childhood is of critical importance to mental health in adulthood.

i I

i al

rme i

The main biological and medical treatments used are as follO\VS: Drugs - these can help control neurotransmitter levels in the brain \vhich could be causing the mental healtll issue.

Any early traumatic experiences that may disrupt our relationships are more likely to cause mental health issues later in life. Our early experiences (especially the negative ones) are stored in our w1conscious mind and this affects our n1ental health.

Electroconvulsive therapy (ECT) - electrodes are placed on specific areas of the persons skull and a very brief electrical current is passed through then1.

Mental illness is an en1otional response to trauma, any unmet childhood needs and unsatisfied biological instincts.

Psychosurgery - people 'vith certain mental health issues could have a section of brain removed, lesioned or ablated.

.

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A cognitive psychologist would believe the follo\ving about abnorn1ality: Dysfunctional behaviours are caused by faulty inforination processing and thought processes, usually as a result of some early experiences. tvlental health issues are caused by purely cognitive factors (e.g. memory systems or irrational beliefs). Mental health issues can be dealt \vith by restructuring the cognitions of people (e.g. helping the1n to think n1ore positively or restructure the \vay they process the infonnation they receive day to day).

•

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The n1ain psychotherapy used is psychoanalysis. There are many techniques that can be used here: ~

Free association - this is \vhen the patient is allo,ved si111ply to talk about a11ything and the therapist has to pick out what is causing the issue. Dream analysis - this involves looking at dream content for hidden meanings. Hypnosis - this is used to access unconscious conflict.

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See page 162 for a description ofho\v cognitive behavioural therapy (CBT) \Yorks. These are the main forms of CST and behavioural therapies: Rational emotive behaviour therapy (REBT) involves the therapist continually challenging any irrational thought (see more details in section 1L3). Systematic desensitisation is when a person constructs a hierarchy of fear and \Yorks up the hierarchy using relaxation techniques to overcome a phobia. Flooding is a process during which people confront a fear directly and cannot escape until they have calmed down.

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EVALUATION the approach

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Effectiveness and appropriat n ss of

a Each of the therapies listed above \viii feature across the five disorders that you need to study: schizophrenia abnormal affect addiction and impulse control disorders phobias obsessive-com pu lsi ve disorders. Effectiveness studies and the appropriateness of certain treatments \Vill be covered in the treatment section of all five disorders.

11.2 SCHIZOPHRENIA TYPES, SYMPTOMS AND CHARACTERISTICS A"'K 0 R ELF How would you diagnose schizophrenia in someone? What behaviours and characteristics would you look for?

lhe person shows two of the follo\ving for at least one nionth: delusions. hallucinations, disorganised speech, disorganised or catatonic behaviour, flattening of emotions; or continual voices in the head giving a running comn1entary of 1vhat is happening. The person must sbO\Y social and/or occupational functioning that has declined. There n1ust be no evidence that medical factors are causing the behaviours. Symptoms can be split into positive and negative:

Schizophrenia was first called "dementia praecox" (premature dementia) as it affects people's thoughts, emotions and behaviours. Bclo\v are the types of schizophrenia currently rccogn ised and the characteristics that need to be sho,vn for people to be diagnosed.

Schizophrenia is an un1brella tern1 used to outline a range of different psychotic disorders that affect thoughts, emotions and behaviours. These are the main diagnostic types: Simple - \Vhen people gradually \Vithdra\v then1selves from reality. Paranoid - \Vhen people have delusional thoughts and hallucinations and may experience delusions of grandeur. Catatonic - 1vhen people have niotor activity disturbances that may involve then1 sitting or standing in the srune position for hours. Disorganised - when people have disorganised behaviour, thoughts and speech patterns. They n1ay also experience auditory hallucinations. Undifferentiated - when an individual does not fit into one of the types above but is still experiencing affected thoughts and behaviours.

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For a diagnosis of schizophrenia, the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM) outlines the following:

Positive refers to the addition of certain behaviours. For example, hallucinations, delusions of grandeur or control and insertion of thoughts are all positive. Negative refers to the re1noval of certain behaviours. For exainple, poverty of speech, withdrawal fron1 society and flattening of n1ood are all negalive.

Case studies CHALLENGE YOURSELF Find two real-life case studies of people being either diagnosed with schizophrenia or living with schizophrenia.

EXPLANATIONS OF SCHIZOPHRENIA Belo1v we vvill examine a range of potential causes of schizophrenia, giving evidence.

lhis idea states that there is a link bet 1veen schizophrenia and inherited genetic 1naterial. lf this is the case then the closer our genetic link is to son1eone diagnosed with schizophrenia, the more likely we are to be diagnosed ourselves. Gottesman ( 1991) examined over 40 studies conducted in Eu rope to pool data on research focused on genetics and schizophrenia. The results are sho1vn in Table 11.2.1.

Percenta

Nephews or nieces Children Non-identical (dyzgollc) twins Identical (monozygotic) twins In contras t: general population

risk 4

13

17 48 1

Table 11 .2.1 Link between genetics and schizophrenia (Gottesman, 1991)

It seems that the data support the idea of schizophrenia being inherited because the more genetic material people shared, the more likely they \Vere to be diagnosed too. Ho\vever, the highest risk \Vas 48 per cent (not 100 per cent, indicating a \vholly genetic trait) so it looks as if people may be born \Vi th a predisposition to develop schizophrenia and it is some environinental influence that ultin1ately causes it. Yang et al (20 13) analysed ten "candidate" genes that could be responsible for schizophrenia in a san1ple of I 512 participants. While there \Vas no single gene that appeared to be associated \Vith schizophrenia, the DAO gene was strongly associated \Vith schizophrenia in comparison to all of the other candidate genes. In addition, Roofeh et al (2013) noted that the human leukocY1e antigen region of a genon1e could well be a plausible cause for some types of schizophrenia. It is interesting to note in the Yang et al (20 13) study the DAO gene n1ay interact with another called RASD2 \Vhich n1ay affec t dopamine production (the next cause \Ve will look at).

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Biochemical (dopamin hesis This idea is based around the idea that schizophrenia is caused by an excess of dopamine in the brain. This involves two n1ain ideas: When people experience amphetan1ine psychosis it rese1nbles certain types of schizophrenia. This is caused by an excess of dopamine.

•

Linstroem et al (1999) used a PET scan to test out the dopamine hypothesis. Ten schizophrenics and ten healthy controls were injected \vith a radioactively labelled chemical called L-DOPA. This is used in the production of dopamine. The PET scan could trace its usage in all participants. The L-DOPA \Vas taken up significantly faster in the schizophrenics, pointing to\vards them producing more dopamine. Also, Araka\va et al (20 10) noted that a drug called perospirone, which has a high affinity to 02 dopan1ine receptors, had an average 75 per cent usage rate 'vhich then blocked the furLher production of dopan1ine in schizophrenics. Scen1an (2011) revie\ved the field and noted that ani1nal models of schizophrenia pointed to\vard elevation in levels of 02 receptors and that antipsycholics do reverse the elevation in D2 receptors but should only be used in the short tern1 to stop other side effects. ~ EVALUATION

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Drug treatment (e.g. prescribing phenothiazines) does help to t real some of the symptoms of schizophrenia but these drugs can bring about syn1pto111s sin1ilar to Parkinson's disease which is cause by low levels of dopami11e.

This idea stales that schizophrenia is caused by faulty information processing. Frith (1992) noted that schizophrenia. n1ight have a deficient "n1etarepresentalion" system - the systen1 that makes people able to reflect on thoughts, emotions and behaviours. It could also be linked to theory of n1ind (see Core study 3.3 for AS level on page 21) as it controls self-awareness iu1d ho\v we interpret the actions of others. These are characteristics that are lacking in some schizophrenics. Also, those sho\ving more negative syn1ptoms might have a dysfunctional supervisory attention system. This system is responsible for generating self-initiated actions. Frith & Done ( 1986) reported that \vhen participants \vere asked to do things sud1 as nan1e as many different fruits as possible, or generate as 111any designs for son1ething as pos.~ible,

those \vith schiwphrenia ('vilh negative symptoms predominant) had great difficulty in managing this. Frith ( 1992) also examined a central monitoring system. This allo,vs us to be able to understand and label actions that \Ye do as being controlled by ourselves. Frith had noticed that in some schizophrenics inner speech may not be recognised as being self-generated. Therefore, \\•hen they hear "voices" it is their O\\•n voice but they are unaware that it is themselves producing inner speech and believe it is someone else. Finally, Johnson et al (2013) tested the cognitive abilities of 99 schizophrenics and 77 healthy controls on a battery of cognitive tests. It \Yas seen that the schizophren ics performed worse across all cognitive tests including those for \vorking memory (which involves tasks such as dealing \vi th inner speech) and that this might be the core detern1inant of overall cognitive in1pairment in schizophrenics.

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CHALLENGE YOURSELF

Argue that the cognitive theory 1s either a cause of schizophrenia or an effect of the condition.

TREATMENTS FOR SCHIZOPHRENIA There are four different treat111ents that ,viJI be covered belo\v.

m·-al 111is treatment centres on using drugs to alleviate the symptorns of schizophrenia. Davison & Neale (1997) noted that, from the 1950s onwards, drugs classed as phenothiazines \vere con1monly used to treat schizophrenia. They \YCrc effective as they block dopamine receptors in the brain. Ho\vever, many had "extrapyran1idal side effects" \Yhich resemble symptoms

of neurological diseases such as Parkinsonian-type tremors. dystonia ( n1uscular rigidity), dyskinesia (che,ving movements) and akasthesia (the inability to keep still). Second-generation antipsychotics \Yere developed to also block dopan1ine receptors but produce fe,ver side effects and there are no\Y thi rdgeneration antipsychotics that reportedly produce even fe,ver side effects. Contemporary research still sho\vs the effectiveness of antipsychotics in treating schizophrenia. Sarkar & Grover (2013) conducted a meta-analysis on 15 randon1ised controlled studies testi ng the effectiveness of antipsychotics on children and adolescents diagnosed with schizophrenia. It \Yas seen that both first- and second-generation antipsychotic drugs \Yere superior to the placebo in alleviating symptoms. Second-generation drugs were superior overall \vith chlozapine being the n1ost effective of all drugs. Extrapyran1idaJ side effects were seen nlore in first-generation ant ipsychotics 1vhile side effects Lhat affected metabolism were seen rnore often in second-generation drugs. Ehret, Sopko & Lemieux (20 10) noted that a thirdgeneration drug called lurasidone had been shown to be effective in four separate clinical trials, reducing both positive and negative syrnpton1s. Noted side effects had only been nausea, vomiting and dizziness (they noted that drugs like dozapine \Yere nO\Y sho,ving more metabolic dysfunction side effects plus bone marro\Y toxicity so ne\ver drugs needed to be developed). Keating (20 13) noted that a first-generation drug called loxapine was no\Y being used again as an effective treatment for agitation in schizophrenic patients by getting them to inhale it as a powder. This meant a rapid onset of effect (usually around JO minutes) by using a non-invasive method that showed fe\v side effects. Finally, Mothvala, Siscoe & El-Mallakh (2013) reported on the use of depot aripiprazolc for schizophrenia. Depot injections arc usually given deep into a muscle and allo\v the ad minislration of a sustained-action drug forn1ulation for slo'v release and gradual absorption, so that the active agent can act for much longer periods than is possible \Vith standard injections. Only one study had been published in a peer revie'v journal but it "'as positive in terms of effectiveness and safety so in the future this n1elhod of antipsychotic drug delivery may gain momentum.

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EVALUATION

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Electro-convulsive th PY (E T) ECT is basically a procedure where a person receives a brief application of electricity to induce a seizure. Early attempts al this '''ere not pleasant but no\vadays patients are anaesthetised and given muscle relaxants. Electrodes are fitted lo specific areas of the head and a small electrical current is passed through them for no longer than l second. The seizure n1ay last up to 1 niinute and the patient regains consciousness in around 1S minutes. ahvays be debate about whether ECT should There be used for any rnental health issue as clinicians and psychologists are divided on the severity of the therapy itself and the longer-term side effects. ECT is no\v niainly used for depression (we \Viii come back to its effectiveness 1vitl1 this on page 220), but there has been research conducted on the use of ECT \Vith schizophrenics.

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Zervas, Theleritis & Soldatos (2012) conducted a review of the use of ECT in schizophrenia. They looked at four issues: sympton1 response, technical application, continuation/n1aintenance ECT and its con1bination with medication. IL would appear that ECT can be quite effective with catatonic schizophrenics and in reducing paranoid delusions. There \Vas also evidence that it may improve a person's responsivity to medication. Lengthier courses \VOrked \veil 1vith catatonic schizophrenics. When combined \Vith medication, ECT "'orked better than 1vhen only ECT 1vas used. Phutane et al (201 I) also noted that in a sample of202 schizophrenics 1vho had undergone ECT, the common reason 1vhy they had the ECT was to "augment pharn1achotherapy" and that the n1ain target was catatonia. Thirthal li el nl (2009) reported that in a sarnple of sd1izophrenics split into catatonic and non-catatonic people, those who were catatonic required fewer ECT sessions to help control their syn1ptoms. Finally, Flamarique el al (2012) reported that adolescents \vho received ECT in conjunction \vith clozapine had a lower re-hospitalisation rate (7 .1 per cent) compared to a group \vho received ECT and a different antipsychotic (S8.3 per cent).

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EVALUATION

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onomy As we saw in sections 8.S and 9.6, token econon1ies are based on the idea of operant conditioning (rewards and learning by consequence). Behaviour is shaped lO\vards something desired by giving out tokens (e.g. plastic chips or a stamp) every time a relevant behaviour is sho,vn. Patients can accrue these tokens and exchange them for son1ething they \vould Like (e.g. money or food vouchers). Therefore, patients continue to sho'" desired behaviours as they \Vant to earn tokens to exchange for primary reinforcer'S that fulfil a direct biological need such as hunger or enjoyn1ent. AyUon & Azrin ( 1968) introduced a token economy to a psychiatric hospital in a \'lard for long-s tay female patients. Patients \vere re'"arded for behaviours such as brushing their hair, making their bed and having a neat appearance. Their behaviour rapidly in1proved and staff morale '"as raised as staff "'ere seeing more positive behaviours. Gholipour el al (2012) tested out the effectiveness of a token econon1y versus an exercise progran1n1e in helping people \Vith schizophrenia. A total of 45 patients were randomly split into three groups two trealn1ents and a control - (therefore, there \vere IS patients per group). All participants '"ere male, had been diagnosed for at least 3 years, \Vere bet\veen 20 and SO years old and had no other mental health illness. Negative symptoms of schizophrenia \Vere mea&ured pre- and post-treatment. The average symptorn scores pre- and post-treatment are sho1vn in Table 11.2.2. I

I

Exercise

71.07

Token economy

76.73

Control

84.67

50.47

j

41.20 84.87

Table 11.2.2 Average symptom scores p re- and

post·treatment

(Ghohpour e l at. 2012)

As Table 1 1.2.2 sho1vs, the largest reduction on negative syn1ptom scores 1vas in the token economy group. Prior to this study, Dickerson, Tenhula & GreenPaden (2005) conducted a revie1v of the field. They found 13 studies and it appeared that there 1vas evidence for the effectiveness of a token economy in increasing the adaptive behaviours of patients 1vith schizophrenia. They noted that many studies had methodological issues that could cast doubt on findings and that Jong-term follo1v ups 1vere rare.

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EVALUATION le•rning

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CT This type of therapy aims to change or modify people's thoughts and beliefs and also change the 1vay that they process information. A therapist 1vill challenge irrational and faulty thoughts as well as behaviours that are not helping. Patients may be set tasks outside the face-to-face therapy to help challenge faulty thoughts and beliefs. For schizophrenia, the intention of CBT \\'ould be to help patients make sense of the psychotic experiences and reduce the negative effects of the condition plus any distress they may be feeling. Patients n1ay also be given help to understand that vie1vs, thoughts and interpretations are not facts, then given help to deal 1vilh assessing them. Bechdolf el al (2005) assessed the effectiveness of CBT versus group psychoeducation on re-hospitalisation and 1nedication compliance up to 24 months after treatment. A total of 88 patients 1vere randon1ly assigned to either group and they received 8 1veeks' therapy. When fol101ved up six n1onths later, the CBT group were less likely to be hospitalised and be taking their medication. At 24 n1onths post-treatment, the CBT group had 71 days fewer in hospital. In a further study, Bechdolf et al (2010) analysed the data collected from their first

study but on quality of life measures taken at six months post-treatment. Both groups reported improved quality of life but there 1vas no significant difference betlveen the tlvo treatment groups. Ng, Hui & Pau (2008) assessed the introduction of a CBT programme in a hostel for people who had become treatment-resistant to schizophrenia (drug therapy) in Hong Kong. Measurei. of schizophrenic symptoms, mood, insight and self-esteem 1vere taken pre- and post-treatment. Six months after treatment there 1'>'as a significant reduction in the symptoms of schizophrenia alongside an increase in self-esteen1. Mood and insight remained unchanged. Davis et al (2008) noted that there had been little research into patients evaluating CBT for schizophrenia. Their study used 44 patients 1vith schizophrenia 1vho either undenvent CBT or a support-group progran1me. 'TI1e study lasted for six n1onths. Irrespective of group, all patients were satisfied with the intervention they had taken part in, rating it either good or excellent. However, those in the CBT group reported higher levels of satisfaction overall especially with the quality of service and the assistance given for problem solving. Finally, Sarin, Wallin & Widerlov (2011) conducted a meta-analysis on the use of CBT 1vith schizophrenics. They concluded that there 1vas strong evidence for CBT affecting positive, negative and general sympton1s of schizophrenia compared to all other therapies. They also stated that the effects of CBT can be delayed and having 20 sessions or more is better than shorter programmes that are available.

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CHALLENGE YOURSELF

You have been asked to choose the most effective programme for dealing w1lh schizophrenia at a local clinic. Which therapy would you choose and how would you run the programme? Justify your choices.

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'1 1.3 ABNORMAL AFFECT TYPES, CHARACTERISTICS, EXAMPLES AND SEX DIFFERENCES ~

V

AS

YOURSELF

How would you diagnose depression 1n someone? What behCl\llours and charactenstics would you look for?

There are tlvo main types of depression: Unipolar - this is son1etimes caUed a nlajor depressive episode. Syn1pto1ns for this type include having a depressed mood for most of the day, diminished pleasure in most activities undertaken, son1e \veight loss, insomnia or hypersomnia, some psychomotor agitation, fatigue, feelings of \vorthlessness and a reduced ability to concentrate on tasks. Bipolar - this used to be referred to as n1anic depression. Syrnptorns for this type include having episodes of n1anic behaviour that cannot be accounted for by a physical condition, having sorne episode that is similar to unipolar depression (although this is not necessary for a diagnosis) and having some change in polarity of behaviour bet1veen mania and depression.

1vhose mother also had bipolar disorder. Muscular dystrophy is transmitted by the X-chromosome hence the link to bipolar disorder. Also, Chang el al (2013) reported on initial work on a BD gene project to try to pinpoint the genetic cause of bipolar disorder. Currently there are 43 BD core genes that require further investigation. Another possible cause is brain structure. Nery, Monkul & Lafer (2013) revie1ved the field and reported on isolated cases 1vhere people 1vith bipolar disorder had decreased grey nlatter in the left thalamus and left hippocan1pal regions of the brain. Ho\\•ever, findings are currently inconsistent. In terms of treating bipolar disorder, drug therapy appears to be the main n1ethod used. In a recent review Malhi et nl (2013) noted that lithium has bee11 used for over 50 years as an effective treatn1ent. It 1vorks well at stabilising n1anic moods but does not affect depression much. It also possesses anti-suicidal properties that no other drug has managed to achieve yet. Joshi et al (2013) noted that a drug called paliperidone \"35 effective in treating acute bipolar disorder in children and adolescents after an eight-\\1eek randomised trial \vhere all participants took the drug. The only side effect seen '"as significant \veight gain (average 4.1 lbs). Finally, Katagiri et al (2013) conducted a study to test the efficacy and safety of using olanzapine for bipolar disorder. 'TI1ere were 156 participants of which 104 were allocated to the olanzapine group and 52 to the placebo (it 1vas a double-bUnd study). Patients in the drug group sho1ved greater improvement in symptoms across a range of questionnaire measures but also sho\ved greater 1veight gain and cholesterol levels compared to the placebo.

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EVALUATION

C uses and treabnents • f t nic de r I Causes of depression tend to be all biological. The current main ones are as follows: There may be a genetic cause. Edgunlu, Duvarci & Cetin (2013) noted that bipolar disorder may be caused by a defect on the X-cliromosome after examining a case study of a 35-year-old male 1vho had muscular dystrophy and bipolar disorder and

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Sex differences In •

Nolen-1-loeksema ( 1987) conducted a revie1v of sex differences in depression in terms of prevalence and potential explanations. Virtually all studie reported a gender bias. Fen1ales \Vere up to 4.6 times n1ore likely to

be diagnosed \Vilh depression compared to n1ales and this was seen across many nationalities and cultures. Also. these figures were across a range of different types of depression. There \vere three potential explanations for the gender differences reported: lt is about income not gender. Ho\vever, hvo studies in the revie\v did look at income differences and found no significant effect. There may be reporting bias. lhere had been an idea that females are more likely to reveal symptoms and therefore more likely to be diagnosed. Studies did not appear to support this idea. The kind of sympton1s shown might provide an explanation. Depression in 111en usually takes a fonn of acting out behaviours such as sadness and crying. Males act in ways to da1npen Lheir 111ood when depressed whereas \V0111en are 1nuch n1ore likely to an1plify their n1ood by "thinking things over too n1uch''. As a result of the last point above, men's reactions tend to be more active, 111aking theirs a more adaptive response compared to women's reactions \Vhich tend to be less active and more cognitive. This could go some \vay to explain sex differences in rates of depression as men actively \vork through their depression and tend not to seek help compared to females.

a diagnosis of depression. This hints at a part-genetic component for depression but a dra,vback is that nvins tend lo be brought up together and treated in the same \vay so \Ve cannot rule out environmental inOuences. FolJo,ving on from this, Silberg et al ( 1999) \vanted to assess '''hether it \Vas genetics, the environment or a combination of the t \VO that could be causing depression. A total of902 pairs ofnvins completed psychiatric interviews to assess levels of depression alongside data about life events and from parents. ln general, females \Vere diagnosed more often \vith depression than 111ales. This \vas n1ore marked "'hen Ii fe events \Vere negative. Ho\vever, there \vere individual differences seen among the fe1nales, and those '"ho \vere diagnosed with depression aft.er a negative life event were more Ii kely to have a t•vi n \vho \Vas also diagnosed with depression. Therefore, it \vould seen1 both genetics and the environn1ent interact to cause depression. Earlier studies had also sho,vn a part-genetic component of depressio11. Bertelsen, Harvald & Hauge (1977) reported that the genetic component varied depending on the type of depression. Table 11.3. L records this.

• Bipolar disorder

80

16

EXPLANATIONS OF DEPRESSION

Severe depression (three or more episodes or depression)

59

30

BeJO\V w·e look at at ho\v three different approaches attempt to explain the causes of unipolar depression.

Depression (fewer than three episodes of depression)

36

17

Biological: genetic and n o h mlc I The genetic argun1ent follo\vS the idea that depression may well run in fan1ilies and be encoded in genetics. One \vay of testing this is to conduct l\vin studies using monozygotic (MZ: identical) and dizygotic (DZ: non-identical) twins. NlcGuffin et al (1996) examined 214 pairs of t\vins \Vhere at least one of them \Vas being treated for depression. They reported that 46 per cent of MZ and 20 per cent of DZ hvins of the patients also had

Table 11 .3.1 Genetic component and type or depression

Therefore, the strongest evidence for a genetic component comes fron1 bipolar disorder, then severe depression, follo\ved by depression. Finally, Kendler et al (1993) estimated that the heritability rate for depression falls in the range of 41-46 per cent. ln terms of a neurochemical cause, there are l\VO

neurotransmitteri. that have been investigated: norepinephrine and serotonin. Lo\v levels of both of these may \veil be a cause of depression. Davison & Neale (1998) highlighted ho"' certain drugs block the

•

re-uptake of these neurotransntitters so that more of t he1n can be used in the postsynaptic neuron. This is shown in Figure 11.3.l. Presynaptic neuron

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Beck ( L976) 1vas interested in examining the irrational thought processes involved in depression. He believed that there 1vere th ree factors which make people cognitively v11lnemble to depression. These are called the cognitive triad and are: negative vic1v of self negative vie1v of the world negative vie1v of the future.

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These three factors can interact 1vith each other to make a person depressed. They 11eriences and/or overly critical parents, peers or teachers. AlJ ne1v information that is processed ,vilJ become negative as the mechanisms are all negative. As a result, depression develops.

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Figure 11.3.1 (a) Vvhen a neuron releases norepinephrine or serotonin from ils endings, a re-uplake mechanism begins lo recapture some of lhe neurolransmillers before lhe postsynaplic neuron receives them. (b) Anlidepressanl drugs called lricyclics block lhis re ·uptake process allowing more norepinephnne or serotonin lo reach lhe postsynaplic neuron

In addition, research has shown that depressed patients do have a 101\'Cr level of serotonin n1etabolites in cerebrospinal Auid (suggesting lo1ver levels of serotonin) con1pared to controls (McNeal & Ci1nbolic, J986).

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Learned helplessnes or •

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Learned helplessness is about individuals becoming passive because they feel they are not in control of their 0\\'11 life. TI1is is caused by unpleasant experiences that

they have tried lo control in the past (unsuccessfully). This gives people a sense of helplessness \Vhich in turn leads to depression. The idea \Vas based on Seligman's ( 1974) research on dogs. The dogs received electric shocks that they could not escape from (lack of control) and it did not take long for them to stop trying to escape. They all beca111e passive and appeared to accept the painful situation they \Vere in. \Vhen in future trials there \Vas an opportunity to escape, the dogs still did not try to do this. This is the sense of helplessness that depressives will feel if they cannot escape situations that are negative and out of their control. In addition, anribution theory could also explain depression. Weiner et al ( 1971) noted three levels of attribution that can affect people's views of their 0\'111 behaviour:

TEST YOURSELF

Descnbe and evaluate one explanation for the cause of depression.

r

No'v we ,yjlJ look at the effectiveness of four different

treatments for unipolar depression.

Biological: chemical

or T\vo exan1ples of antidepressants that are comn1only

used are as follows: Selective serotonergic re-uptake inhibitors (SSRis) see Figure 11.3. J on page 2l8 to see ho1\1 re-uptake inhibitors work. Possible side effects include fatigue, headaches and inso1nnia.

1. internal (personal) or external (environ111ental)

2. stable or unstable 3. global or specifi c. Table 11 .3.2 gives an exa1nple of how the different attributional sche1nata can be used to explain \vhy someone failed a psychology exam.

Global

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Monoan1ine oxidase inhibitors (MAOls) - these work by inhibiting monan1ine oxidase (this breaks do,vn neurotransn1itters such as norepineprhine and serotonin) which means more serotonin and norepinephrine is available in the synapse. Possible side effects include hypertension (\vhich is potentially fatal), dizziness and nausea.

Rucci et al (2011) tested out the effectiveness of SSRis versus interpersonal psychotherapy on suicidal thoughts in a group of29 I outpatients 1vith major depression. Participants \Vere randomly assigned to either treat:ment regime and suicidal ideation \Vas measured using a questionnaire. The 231 patients \vho had shown no suicidal ideation pre-study '"ere analysed and 32 of these did exhibit suicidal ideation during the treatment. For those on SSRls, the time taken for these thoughts to en1erge \Vas 111uch longer than in the psychotherapy group. Therefore SSR!s niay reduce suicidal thoughts in people 'vith major depression. Nakagawa et nl (2008) conducted a 111eta-analysis on the efficacy and effectiveness of a drug called milnacipraJl (a serotonin ru1d norepinephrine re-uptake inhibitor) in comparison 1vith other antidepressants. The studies selected for the analysis had to be randomised controlled trials 1vith milnacipran compared to at least one other antidepressant While there tended to be no

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differences in clinical in1prove1ncnt across all antidepressants, people taking antidepressants called tricyclics tended to \\lithdra\\I from treatn1ent sooner than any other drug group. There \Vas also evidence that milnacipran n1ay benefit patients \\lhO had adverse side effects from SSRls and MAOls.

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Biological: electro1I PY (E T} See page 2 14 in section 11 .2 for a description of the procedure for adn1inistering ECT. Nordenskjold et al (2013) tested the effectiveness of ECT with drug therapy compared to drug therapy alone. A total of 56 patients were rando111ly assigned to either 29 t reatn1ents of ECT alongside drug therapy or just drug therapy. The researchers n1easured relapse of depression \vithin one year of completing treatment. In the group of patients just on drug therapy 61 per cent relapsed \vithin the year compared to just 32 per cent \vho had ECT and drug therapy. There have been several meta-analyses testing the effectiveness of ECT. Dierckx el al (2012) revie\ved the field in terms of \vhelher response to ECT differs in bipolar disorder patients versus unipolar depressed patients. A total ofsix studies formed their analysis. The overall re1nission rate \Yas nearly 51 per cent for unipolar and over 53 per cent for bipolar disorder. The data covered over I 000 patients. Overall, the data \Yere encouraging as they showed similar efficacy rates for the L1vo types of depression. Dunne & Mcloughlin (2012) reviewed the effectiveness and side effects of three types of £CT: bifrontal (BF), bilateral (BL) and unilateral (UL). Eight studies were used in the analysis. It covered data on 6 17 patients. There \Vas no difference in the effectiveness of the three types in tern1s of efficacy - all appeared to have son1e level of effectiveness. UL ECT impaired con1plex figure recall more than BF ECr. Ho\vever, BF ECT impaired \YOrd recall more than UL ECT. Finally, Jelovac, Kolshus and Mcloughlin (2013) revie\ved relapse rates follo\Yi ng successful ECT for

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major depression. Thirty-two studies \Vere used in the analysis and all had at least a two-year follow up. Compared to relapse rates for drug therapy (5 1. I per cent 12 months follo\ving successful initial treatment \vith 37.7 per cent relapsing in the first sLx months), ECT did not fare any better, with a 37.2 per cent relapse rate in the first six months. Those who took antidepressants post-ECT had a risk of relapse half of those \vho took a placebo.

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The idea of this therapy follows Beck's cogni tive triad approach to the potential causes of depression. lt is a six-stage process as fo llo\vs:

1. The therapist explains the rationale behind the therapy and \vhat its purpose is.

2. Clients are taught ho\v to 1nonitor automatic negative thoughts and negative self-schemata.

3. Clients are taught to use behavioural techniques to challenge negative thoughts and information processing.

4. Therapist and client ex"Plore ho\v negative thoughts are responded to b)' the client.

5. Dysfunctional beliefs are identified and challenged. 6. The therapy ends \Vith clients having the necessary "cognitive tools" to repeat the process by themselves. Hans & Hiller (2013) conducted a n1eta-analysis on the effectiveness of CBT on adults \Vi th unipolar depression. A total of34 studies formed the analysis and they had to assess the effectiveness of individual or group CBT as well as drop-out rates. 'lhe studies also had to have at least a six-month follow up. It \Vould appear that outpatient CBT was effective in reducing depressive symptoms and these \Vere maintained at least six nlonths after the CBT ended. The average drop-out rate \Yas 24.63 per cent. This \Vas reported as being quite high by the researchers but they also noted that better quality effectiveness studies are needed to assess ho\Y good CBT trul y is \Yi th depressive patients.

Cuijpers et al (2013) also conducted a revie1v examining CB'f in relation to depression and comparing it to other treatments. A total of 11 5studies1vere used and they had to be a CBT study that either had a control group or a comparison other treatlnent (e.g. psychotherapy or drug therapy). CBT 1vas effective at reducing depression in adults but the effect size 1vas 101ver 1vhen the study 1vas classed as high quality. Therefore, the positive effects ofCBT may 1vell have been overestimated and more high-quality studies are needed. Bums et al (20 13) conducted a pilot study to assess the effectiveness of CBT for women 1vith antenatal depression. 'Thirty-six won1en who met the diagnostic criteria for depression were rando1nly assigned to either a CBT treatn1ent programn1e or usual care. Of those 1vho completed nine or n1ore sessions of CBT, or con1pleted their usual care, 68. 7 per cent of t he CBT group had recovered fron1 their depression 15 weeks after treatn1ent co111pared to 38.5 per cent in the usual care group.

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Ellis (1962) stated that rationality consists of thinking in 1vays that allo1v us to reach our goals; irrationality consists of thinking in ways that prevent us from reaching our goals. The idea behind the therapy follo1vs an ABC model: Activating event - this refers to a fact, behaviour, attitude or an event. Beliefs - the person holds beliefs about the activating event. Cognitive - this is the person's cognitive response to the activating event as well as emotions.

might follow could be "I an1 a failure" or "I hate it 1vhen I do not pass an exam" and then the C 1vould be depression. Szentagotai et al (2008) examined the effectiveness of REBT, CBT and drug therapy for the treatment of a major depressive episode. A range of outcome measures 1vere taken based on a questionnaire that tested three main depressive thoughts: auton1atic negative thoughts, dysfunctional attitudes and irrational beliefs. A general measure of depression ~vas also taken. There 1\lere 170 participants randomly assigned to either the REST (n=57). CBT (n=56) or drug therapy (n=57) groups. In tern1s of depressive sympton1s, there 1vere no significant differences betlveen the th rec groups but the REBT groups had an average score significantly lower than the drug therapy group. In tern1s of the three n1ain depressive thoughts, all three treatn1ents appeared to decrease these in1111ediately post-treat111ent and then at follow up. Sava et al (2008) co1npared REBT, CBT and the use of prozac in a sa111ple of depressives. The participants 1\lere split into the three treatn1ent groups and all had 14 weeks' therapy. AJI participants completed the Beck Depression Inventory (see Beck, page 218) prior to the therapy and then at 7 and 14 weeks post-therapy. There 1vere no significant differences beh,•een the three groups in terms of scores on the inventory but REBT and CBT cost less for the same outcomes so are a preferred treahnent.

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CHALLENGE YOURSELF

You have been asked by a local clinic lo choose the most effective programme for dealing with depression. Which therapy would you choose and how would you run the programme? Justify your choices.

Using the exan1ple from Table l l .3.2 (page 2 i 9) failing a psychology exam 1vould be the A. The B that

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'1 1.4 ADDICTll ON AND IMPULSE CONTROL DISORDERS DEFINITIONS, TYPES AND CHARACTERISTICS A range of addiction and impulse control disorders can be diagnosed by a psychologist. ASK YOURSELF Whal behaviours would you expect people to show if they had an Impulse control disorder?

According lo Griffiths (2005), there are six components lo any addiction disorder: Salience - 1vhen the addiction becomes the single most important activity in the persons life. It don1inates the person's behaviour, thoughts and feelings. euphoria - the subjective experience that is felt while engaging in the addictive behaviour, like a "rush" or a "buzz''. Tolerance - 1vhen the person has to do 111ore of the addictive behaviour to get the same effect. Withdra\\ral - this refers to the unpleasant thoughts and physical effects felt 1vhen the person tries to stop the addictive behaviour. Conflict - 1vhen the person with the addiction begins to have conflicts 1vith work colleagues, friends and fan1ily.

It- Relapse - the chances of the person "going back" to the addictive behaviour are high.

Alongside alcoholism (abusing the use of alcohol) there are a range of impulse control disorders. They include these disorders:

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Pyron1ania - when people deliberately start a fire because they are attracted to fires or seeing the fire

service in action. They may feel a sense of arousal and satisfaction once the fire has started. Kleptomanja - 1vhen people have the urge to collect and hoard items in their homes. They may go out and steal objects even if the items have little monetary value or they could afford to buy then1. The nlore difficult the challenge of gaining tl1e objects, the n1ore thrilling and addictive it becon1es. Compulsive gan1bling - 1vhen people feel the need to gamble lo get a sense of euphoria especially if they 1vin. They will continue to gan1ble 1vhether they 1vin or lose.

Physical and psychological

e c Physical dependence refers to times 1vhe11 the body becon1es used lo functioning 1vith the drug in its system and so "requires" the drug to maintain normal functioning. Psychological dependence is \\•hen the drug or activity becomes of great importance to the person's life to n1aintrun a "stable" mental slate.

CAUSES OF ADDICTION AND IMPULSE CONTROL DISORDERS There are several ideas about the potential causes of addiction and impulse control disorders. Son1e of the1n are covered be101v. Exan1ples of these are attempting to ingest more of a drug or gamble more as the person 'feels' they 'need' to engage in the activity to function. For exarnple, a person may go to the casino as they 'feel' being on a roulette 1vheel 'calms them down'.

n ti Could there be a genetic link to alcoholisn1? Edenberg & Foroud (2006) reported on findings fron1 the Collaborative Study on the Ge11etics ofAlcoholis111. Early researcll suggested that there are three potential candidate genes that had been found in families 1vith multiple alcoholic members: GABRA2 CH RM2 and ADH4. A further five genes 1vere noted that needed fu.rther investigation. Edenberg (2013) also noted evidence relating to t1vo variants in genes that encode t\VO enzymes involved in the

n1etabolism of alcohol: alcohol dehydrogenase (ADH I B) and aldehyde dehydrogenase (ALDH2). Agra\val & Bierut (2013) also noted that the sa111e two genes (ADH IB and ALDH2) appear to play a key role in alcoholism. They added that GABRA2 could also play a role as it encodes infom1ation about receptor sites in neurons linked to alcohol-related processing. Biernacka et al (2013) analysed 43 single nucleotjde polymorphisms in 808 alcoholics and l 248 control participants. One in particular (rsl614972) in the ADH I C gene was folmd to be a key difference bet\\leen the two groups. This \\lllS irrespective of the sex of the participant. Ducci & Goldman (2008) stated that more than 50 per cent of the variance for vulnerability to alcoholism could be accou nted for by genetics but the exact pathways were still unkno\vn.

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is follO\Yed by a positive outcon1e (e.g. feeling a sense of arousal v.•hen setting fire to a house or winn iJig on a fruit mad1ine), the person is likely to repeat the behaviour.

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There has been n1uch research examining personality differences in pyromaniacs con1pared to controls. Gannon et al (20 13) examined 68 pyron1aniacs and 68 control participants. All \Vere given a range of questionnaires to complete that 111easured a r<1ngc of personality traits. The characteristics n1ore common in the pyro1naniacs 1vere: higher anger-related cognitions interest in serious fires

rr n Dopainine has been linked to addiction and in1pulse control disorders as when it is released in the body it gives us the feelings of pleasure and satisfaction. Once these feelings become a desire, we then repeat behaviours that cause the release of dopamine and the cycle continues \Vith repetitive behaviours. Yoon el al (2010) reported that \vhen participants \Vere given a dopamine agonist (it activates dopamine receptors), in1pulsive choice increased, reaction times becan1e faster and participants showed fe\ver decision conflicts compared to a control group. One drawback is that participants had Parkinson's disease so \vhether this can be related to people \Yith impulse control disorder needs investigating.

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lo\ver levels of perceived fire safety a1vareness lo\ver general self-esteem e;rternal locus of control. Therefore, there \vere differences in the personality and cognitive mechanisms of participants iJ1 the "''O groups. Kennedy el al (2006) revie\ved the literature (six studies) and reported the follo\ving about adolescent pyromaniacs \vho set fires again after being convicted (compared to those who did not go back to fire-setting). The adolescents repeating the behaviour: had a great interest in fire-setting and showed higher levels of covert antisocial behaviours were more n1ore likely to be rnale and older

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Behavioural: positive r i This follo\vs the idea of re\vards. 'vVhen an action is follo\ved by a pleasurable outcome, the person is more likely to engage in that behaviour again. For example, if an addictive behaviour or i1npulse control behaviour

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had poorer social ski lls with a h igh level of fa111ily dysfunction.

Moore, Thon1pson-Pope & \.Yhited (1996) exan1ined the responses on the Mi11nesota Multiphasic Personality Assessment Questionnaire (MMPI) of28 adolescent boys with a history of pyron1ania compared to 96 without a history. The follo\ving subscales differentiated the hvo groups: depression, feelings of alienation, anger, conduct problems, family problems and school problenis. Cunningham et al (2011) intervie\ved nine \vomen \vho were pyromaniacs. The qualitative analysis revealed that

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they had distressing experiences and lack of support pre-pyromaniac beha\iour and conducted the firese1ting to influence others, gain help and feel a sense of achievement and control. Wedekind et al (2013) studied the personality and atlachn1enl profiles of 59 alcoholics (43 n1ale and 16 fen1aJe) . Participants completed a battery of questionnaires as \Veil as taking part in a structured intervie1v. Only one-third of participants 1vere securely attached. All had high levels of trait-anxiety and sho1ved higher levels of cognitive avoidance as 1vell as higher scores on a number of pathological measures.

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TEST YOURSELF

Describe and evaluate one cause of addiction and impulse control disorders.

COPING WITH AND REDUCING ADDICTION AND IMPULSE CONTROL DISORDERS

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One technique that has been used 1vith alcoholics is token econon1y (see page 214 for a description of token economy). Petry et al (2000) research~ 42 alcoholdependent older adults in an outpatient setting. They 1vere rando1nly assigned to t\vo groups: one to receive standard treatment only; the other to receive a standard trealrnent plus token economy (the TE group). The latter had the chance to earn tokens that could go towards prizes for submitting negative breathalyser tests and completing set steps towards desired behaviours. The treat1nent lasted eight weeks. The first measure 1vas the percentage of participants 1vho con1pleted the full treatn1ent 84 per cent in the TE group and 22 per cent receiving standard treatment only. By the end of the treatment phase, 69 per cent of the TE group 1vere still abstinent con1pared to just 29 per cent in the other group. Participants in the TE group earned, on average, about $200 worth of prizes.

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This is a therapy based on dassical conditioning. The idea is that an undesirable behaviour (e.g. 1vhen an alcoholic drinks alcohol) is paired 1vith an aversive stimulus (something unpleasant). This decreases the frequency of the behaviour as the tlvo elemen ts are associated and the undesirable behaviour is no longer enjoyable. For alcoholics this could be that whenever they smell or taste alcohol they are given an en1etic drug (this will nlake them vo1nit). 1 hey should begin to associate being sick \vith drinking alcohol and avoid drinking or drink less alcohol, so their behaviour \viii be changed. Howard (200 I) examined the effectiveness of aversion therapy using 82 hospitalised patients. The)' all 1vent through a pharmacological aversion treatment and these 1vere the results: The strength of"positive outcomes for drinking alcohol" 1vere significantly reduced. The confidence that they could avoid drinking alcohol in "high-risk situations" \Vas significantly increased. Those \Yho had a greater experience of alcoholrelated nausea pre-treatment or 1vere involved in antisocial conduct sho,ved reduced effectiveness for the treatment. Thurber ( 1985) reviewed the field and reported a moderate positive etfect for the use of en1etics 1vith alcoholics whereas Cannon, Baker & Wehl ( 1981) noted that the san1e effect was seen at 6-n1011th follo1vup sessio11s but that it had disappeared by 12 nlonths post-treatn1ent. Finally, Smith, Frawley & Polissar (1997) assessed the etfectiveness of aversion therapy compared to counselling 1vith alcoholics. A total of 249 patients 1vent through the aversion therapy and 1vere matched with participants who had the counselling. The group 1vho received aversion therapy had significantly higher rates of alcohol abstinence at 6 and 12 nlonths post-treatment.

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See page 162 for a descriplion of ho\v CBT \vorks. Hodgins & Peden (2008) reviewed the current field at the time in relation to CBT usage for kleptomania The first thing they noted \vas that there \Vas little systematic research in the area. The main CST techniques used for kleptomania tended to be as follo\vs: Covert sensilisation - this is when patients have to visualise a negative (aversive) in1age \vith the klepto1nania behaviours. The idea is to 1nake them associate the two so the behaviour decreases. lmaginal desensitisation - this is when patients are taught relaxalion techniques. They have to visualise themselves engaging in the impulsive behaviour \vh ile also engaging in relaxation. Impulsion and relaxation cannot happen at the same time and the idea is that relaxation takes over when people have the urge to involve themselves in kleptomania The revie\v concluded that CST appears to be the most effective way of controlling kleptomania.

kleptomania-related consequences are used (e.g. getting arrested and going to jail) instead of just general aversive imagery (e.g. nausea and vomiting). It is also effective \vhen the kleptomaniac describes the scenarios out loud, in as n1uch detail as possible, so that lhe anxiety continues to increase " 'ith the imaginings. This repeated pairing of aversive stimuli \Vith klepton1ania thoughts and ideas does decrease behaviour especially if patients are tllen reinforced for not engaging in kleptomania-related behaviours. CBT has been used successfully with other impulse

control disorders. As Jimenez-Murcia et al (20 11 ) reported, it \Yorked very well with male slot-machine addicts over a 16-week period and even an online CBTbased programrne for alcoholics sho\ved good levels of success (van Oeursen et al, 2013).

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CHAllENGE YOURSELF You have been asked by a local mental health

charity to choose the most effective programme for deahng with addrcbon and impulse control disorder. Which therapy would you chOose and how would you run the programme? Jusltfy your chotees.

Kohn & Antonuccio (2002) noted that CBT is very successful \Vith kleptomaniacs especially if

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11.5 ANXIETY ID IS,O RDERS (PHOBIAS} DEFINITION, TYPES AND EXAMPLES ASI< YOURSELF What types of behaviours would you expect people with a phobia to show when in the presence of lhe1r phobia or a s1tuallon relallng to 1t?

D finl I n A phobin is defined as an irrational fea r of so111ething, son1eone or some object. By irrational we mean unreasonable and illogical. There 1nay be no reason why \Ve fear the object or situation.

EXPLANATIONS OF PHOBIAS Behavioural: classical ,. . . Classical conditioning is all about learning through association. It is a forn1 of conditioning 'vhere the organism (be it human or ani1nal) associates an unconditional stunulus \Vil h a neutral stimulus. After repeated associations, the organis1n then responds to the neutral stimulus (no'v called a conditioned stimulus) \Vithout having the unconditional stimulus present anymore. Figure 11.5.1 (on the next page) sho1vs what happens in classical conditioning.

THE CASE OF LITTLE ALBERT \Vatson & Rayner ( 1920) were interested in nvo ain1s. The follo1ving is taken directly from the paper they wrote about the case of Little Albert: "I. Can 1ve condition fear in an animal (e.g. a \vhite

Agoraphobia is the intense fear of open spaces and/ or public areas. For example, a person may fear leaving the house. Social phobia is the intense fear of being in social situations. People with this phobia actively avoid social situations. They may also feel that other people are judging them and they dislike social interactions. Clinophobia is a fear of going to bed. Hippophobia is a fear of horses. ,. Pteronophobia is a fear of being tickled by feathers! CHALLENGE YOURSELF

Find the names of five more phobias that interest you. Also. find a real-life case study of someone with a phobia.

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rat by visually presenting it and simultaneously striking a steel bar)? 2. If such a conditioned emotional response can be established, \viii there be a transfer to other animals or other objects?" (Watson & Rayner, 1920.) At approximately nine months of age, Little Albert was presented with a range of stimuli (e.g. a \vhite rat, a rabbit, a dog, a n1onkey). Albert showed no fear to,vards any of the objects. v\fhen Albert reached l l 1nonths and 3 days, the experimental procedure began to test out the first ai n1. Albert was presented with a 1vhite rat again and as before he sho1\led no fear. 1-lo,vever, as Albert reached out to touch the ral, Watson struck an iron bar immediately behind the Albert's head. Albert "jun1ped violently and fell for1vard, burying his face in the mattress'.' ( 1920: 4).

Albert lried to approach the rat again but as soon as he got close the iron bar 1vas struck. After the hvo associations of the rat and loud noise the rat 1vas taken a1vay.

but not the same as the conditioned slin1ulus. For exa111ple, 1ve may produce a fear response to 1"asps. We could generalise this fear to other flying insects such as bees and hornets.

Seven days later, the researchers wanted to see 1vhether his experience 1vilh the loud noise had 1nade Alfred fearful of 1vhite rats. He 1vas very wary around the rat and did not really 1vant to play 1vith it or touch it When he did reach for it the loud noise 1vas made, the san1e as in the previous 1veek. This 1vas done five times during the session. So, in total, Albert experienced the loud noise and 1vhite rat occurring together on seven occasions. Finally, the rat 1vas presented by itself and Albert began to cry and crawled away rapidly. ·11iis 1vas the first time he had cried during the study in response to the rat.

Extinction occurs 1vhen the conditioned stimulus no longer produces the conditioned response. This could be because the conditioned stimulus has no longer been paired 1vith the unconditional stinlulus. So, for example 1vith a person 1vho fears 1vasps, over tinle the conditioned response of fear disappears in the presence of the conditioned stimulus of the wasp.

Over the nexl 1nonth Albert's reactions to a range of objects 1vere observed. He 1vas still fearful of the white rat. He sho1ved negative reactions to a rabbit being placed in fron t of hhn and a fur coat (1nade from seal skin). He did not really like cotton 1vool but the shock 1vas not the same as it 1vas with the rabbit or fur coat. He even began lo fear a Santa Claus n1ask. His experiences can be explained via the mechanisms of classical conditioning, as sho1vn in Figure 11.5.1.

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Figure 11.5.1 Classical cond1lionlng of Little Albert

Classical conditioning rnay be able to explain 1vhy 1ve form some of our phobias: Generalisation occurs 1vhen 1ve produce a conditioned response to a stimulus that is silnilar

Could it be that \ve are pre-programmed to fear certain objects that may be potentially harmful? 1hat is, are there certain objects or things that we are expected to be frightened of so we are biologically prepared to fear the1n? This theory could help us to explain fears that are not totally irrational (e.g. fear of snakes - they can be dangerous). Selign1an ( 1971) had proposed the idea that we had evolved to be frightened of fear-relevant stin1uli. So, 1ve fear objects and things that n1ight be of a survival threat in evolutionary tenns (Mineka & Ohn1an, 2002). We have fear-relevant stimuli such as snakes that 1ve may be "prepared" to fear. We also have fear-irrelevant stimuli such as flo1vers that 1ve are not "prepared" to fear.

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One study into this used rhesus ni.onkeys as the participants not humans. Cook & Mineka ( 1989) wanted to see if the monkeys could become phobic of objects such as a crocodile, a flo"•er, a snake or a rabbit even though they had never seen the object before. A group of rhesus monkeys \vas split into four groups and each group only sa\v one oft he objects. The researchers controlled \vhat the 1nonkeys sa\v as they \Yatched a video. Using the tedlnique of splicing the video, each monkey sa\v the same rhesus monkey being scared of the object that its group had been assigned. For example, one monkey 53\V another monkey on the video being scared of the crocodile. lhe next monkey sa\v the same monkey on the video but this time the 1nonkey \vas scared by the flo,ver. Each monke)' \vas then tested on its fear to\vards the object. ·1he monkeys in the crocodile and snake groups sho,ved fear towards a toy crocodile and a toy snake. However, \vhen the other two groups \Vere shown their "feared object" (e.g. the llo\ver or the rabbit), they did not shO\v any fear. 1 he researchers took this as showing that the n1onkeys were already prepared to fear the dangerous objects but not the neutral objects. Could it be that \Ve are born fearful of certain objects? This takes the idea of preparedness further by saying that certain phobias are encoded into our genetic make-up (DNA) and passed down through generations. Ost et al (1991) examined people \Vho '''ere needle-phobic 'vithin the same family. This study reported that 64 per cent of patients \Vith a blood and/or injection phobia had at least one first-degree relative (immediate family member) 'vith the san1e phobia. In the general population, 3-4 per cent of people are phobic of blood and/or needles. Fredrikson, Annas & Wik ( 1997) examined 158 phobic females who \Vere scared of snakes or spiders. The participants had to report on their fanlily history of their phobia. The researchers discovered that 37 per cent of mothers and 7 per cent of fathers also had the same phobia. This seenled to support the idea that the phobic \vomen had inherited their phobia. 1-lo\vever, the researchers asked participants another question about what had happened: they asked whether participants had experienced direct exposure to the phobic stin1ulus (they had been frightened by the phobic object directly) or had experienced indirect exposure to the phobic stimulus (they had seen someone else being phobic towards the object). Indirect exposure

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was the nlost con1n1on for snakes - 4S per cent of participants - and for spiders it \YaS 27 per cent. So, even though it looked as if the phobia \vas caused by genetics, nearly half of the snake-phobic participants could have their phobia explained via social learning. EVALUATION

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The 'rie\v of cognitive psychologists is that phobias being caused by the anxiety is linked lo the phobic: being nlore likely to attend to negative stin1uli; and to believe that negative events are n1uch n·1ore likely to happen in the future. Di Nardo et al ( 1988) reported that in a group of dog phobics, only SO per cent could report having a previous trau ma tic experience. Ho,vever, in a group of people \Vilh no phobia of dogs, SO per cent could also report a previously traun1atic experience involving a dog. The key difference \YaS that tllose who developed a phobia of dogs tended to focus on and become anxious about the possibility of having a similar experience in the future and this obviously affected the \vay they processed information about dogs. l(jndt & Brosschot ( 1997) conducted a study to test cognitive biases in people \vith arachnophobia. They created a Stroop-type test \vhere participants had to read out the colour of the ink of spider-related words or pictures. Those \vho claimed to be arachnophobic took significantly longer to nanle the ink colour of the spider-related words con1pared to a control group. This hints at phobics having an aulonlalic cognitive process of attending to phobias sti1nuli for longer than usual.

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CHALLENGE YOURSELF

Describe and evaluate the cause or phobias.

TREATING PHOBIAS

Stage 1

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Systentatic

) lf \Ve look at the case of Little Albert again (see page 226 ), it can be clearly seen that the conditioned stimulus of the \vhi te rat elicited the conditioned response of fear. The phobia had been learned. Systematic desensitisation \vorks on the idea that the phobia can then be unlearned. The end point should recondition the patient so that the conditioned stimulus (\vhich \viii be the phobic sti n1ulus) produces a conditioned response of relaxation and not fear.

First, patients are taught relaxation skills so t11at they understand what it feels like to have relaxed muscles. This should enable patients to recreate this feeling in a variety of situations including when confronted with their phobic stimulus. Second, ilie patient produces an anxiety or fear hierarchy to work through \Vith ilie therapist. A simple hierarchy, for use by a person fearful of snakes, would be as fo11o,vs:

1. This is the least anxious situation - looking at a cartoon snake in a children's book.

2. The person looks at a real snake in a book. 3. The person " 'atches a snake on a \vildli fe programme.

4. The snake is in the same room as the person but in a cage.

5. The snake is in the san1e room as the person and out of the cage. 6. TI1e person is \vithin three feet of the snake.

7 . Tue person touches the snake.

Relaxation techniQue IUCS)

Fear (CR)

I

Calmness (UCR)

Stage 2 Spider (CS)

+

Relaxation techntQue (UCS)

Calmness (UCR)

Stage 3 Spider (CS)

1 - - - -•...il

'----'---'-----'

Calmness (CR)

Figure 11.5.2 Principles of classical conditioning linked lo systematic desensitisation.

You can see from Figure 11.5.2 that in the conditioning phase there are competing responses of fear and relaxation. This is called reciprocal inhibition \Vhereby it is impossible to experience both en1otions at the same time. The idea is to promote the relaxation response more than the fear response. If the patient is feeling more fear than relaxation then that stage of the hierarchy is stopped until tlie patient feels relaxed again and is ,vilJing to have another go. There have been 111ai1y studies that support the use of systen1atic desensitisation to treat phobias and fears. For example, Capafons, Sosa & Avero ( 1998) reported that for their 20 patients \Vith a fear of flying 'vho had several sessions progressing up their anxiety hierarchy becan1e much less fearful of flying after the study ended Ho,vever, as \vith most studies in Lbis area, there was no fo11ow-up session to see 1vhether the fear reduction had lasted.

Patients can onl y 1novc to a higher stage of the hierarchy once each stage has been successfully co111pleted; that is, the patient is sho1ving signs of relaxation in relation to a specific stage on the hierarchy (e.g. for stage 2 above it \VOuld be 1vhen looking at a book; for stage 7, 1vhen touching the snake).

Zettle (2003) sho1ved that systcn1atic desensitisation can be applied lo people who fe:ir nlaths. 1\venty-four college students underwent trcatrnent for six \veeks (split between systen1atic desensitisation and a different therapy) and had to rate their anxieties towards matlls before, during and after the treatment. Anxiety decreased markedly for those who completed their systematic desensitisation even though their maths ability never changed.

Figure 11.5.2 sho1vs the principles of classical conditioning linked to systematic desensitisation.

Finally, Ventis, Higbee & Murdock (2001) found that both relaxation techniques and simply laughing at tile

8. This is ilie n1ost anxious situation - the person lets the snake go around his or her neck.

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phobic stimulus were effective in reducing the fear in arachnophobics. All participants had been n1atched on fear: some progressed up their hierarchy \vith relaxation and others by laughing. I lo1vever, no follo1v-up sessions 1vere conducted by Zettle or by Ventis, Higbee & Murdock.

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F This is another way lo I real phobias using the idea behind classical conditioning. However, it does not take the "gentle" approach of systen1atic desensitisation. The patient is exposed to the largest anxiety-provoking stin1uli straight a\vay (usually direct contact with the stimuli - this is called in vivo). Obviously, the patient is going to feel extreme levels of fear and anxiety when confronted 1vith the phobic stimulus. Ho1vever, this dies off quite rapidly as the body cannot sustain such a high level of arousal for a long time. Therefore, the fear and anxiety \Vil! diminish. As a result of the phobic stimulus not causing any more fear or anxiety, the patient quickly learns that there is no1v nothing to be fearful of. The association bet1,1een phobic stimulus and fear has been broken to forn1 a ne1v relationship of phobia stimulus producing caln1.

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Ditto el al (2003) tested out the effectiveness of applied tension 1vith people who were phobic of giving blood (having fear of needles, etc.). A total of 605 donors \Vere randomly assigned to one of three groups: applied tension, a no-treatment control or a placebo control. Participants in the applied tension group 1vatched an instructional video that taught the1n ho1v to contract and relax the main muscle groups in the arms and legs. Participants in the placebo control watched the video but they \\-ere not told to use the technique. Those in the appHed tension group reported significantly fe1ver phobic symptoms about being blood donors and actually produced more full quotas of blood than the other t1110 groups. They 1vere also more likely to recon1mend blood donation to a friend as a result Ho\vevcr. there \Vere no differences across the three groups on the probability tllat they would give blood again. Holly, Balegh & Ditto (20 1 I) exan1ined the role of applied tension on anxiety in people giving blood. Participants \Vere 70 people randon1ly assigned to either a control group or the experimental group \vho \vere taught applied tension before 1vatching a video that sho,ved sorneone giving blood. The females in the applied tension group sho1ved significant reduction in vasovagal symptoms (especially in those 1vho reported high fear of needles). This 1vas backed up \vith physiological data that sho,ved it 1vas decreased anxiety that brought about the reduction in vasovagal reactions.

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Applied 1nuscle tension is a technique developed by Ost in the 1980s. It 1vas developed to help people 1vith blood and injury phobias. They had to repeatedly contract the major muscle groups of the arms and legs to decrease vagovasal (fainting) reactions \vhen highly anxious. It has been reported to increase cerebral blood flo1v.

•

See page 162 for a description ofhO\V CBT works. There have been nun1erous studies assessing the effectiveness ofCBT in relation to phobias. For exa1nple, Lilliecreutz, josefsson & Sydsjo (201 O) tested out the effectiveness of CBT for blood and injection phobia in pregnant \V01nen. A total of 30 1vomen took part in the study and they had been diagnosed 1vith the phobia. They took part in tlvo sessions of CST. The comparison groups were 46 pregnant 1vomen who received no CBT and 70 healthy pregnant women. The CBT group showed significant reductions in their anxiety levels (measured by the

Injection Phobia Scale-Anxiety) after each CBT session. This continued after the birth of their child. Therefore, CBT is effective in these situations and appears to be sustained up to three months after childbirth. Melfsen et al (2011) exan1ined the effectiveness of using CBT for socially phobic children. A total of 44 children \vho \Vere diagnosed \vith social phobia \\•ere randomly assigned lo a CBT condition or a ",vaiting-list" condition. The main outcome measure \\las clinical inlprovement but other aspects \vere measured (e.g. coping ability, dysfunctional cognitions and frequency of interactions). There were significant differences bet\\ Cen the groups post-therapy, \Vith those in the CBT group being more likely to be free fron1 their previous diagnosis of social phobia. In addition, Andrews, Davies & Titov (20 11 ) tested out the effectiveness of face-to-face versus Internet-based CBT for people with social phobias. lhe researchers randornly assigned 70 participants to either group. Both groups n1ade "significant progress on syn1ptoms and disability measures': Ho,vever, the total amount of tinle that the therapist was required differed markedly: 18 minutes for the Internet-based CBT \vhereas it \Vas 240 minutes 1

for the usual CBT. Therefore, Internet-based CBT would be more cost-effective in areas \vhere healthcare budgets are linlited. Finally, Galvao-de Almeida et al (2013) revie,ved the impact that CBT had on people \vith phobias. Ho\vever, all studies in the revie\v had to have functional neuroimaging measures as part of them. A total of sLx studies niet the inclusion criteria for the revie\\•. It would appear that people \Vho under\vent CBT had significant deactivations" in the amygdale, thalamus and hippocampal regions of the brain. Therefore, CBT appears to directly affect brain functions linked to anxiety. 0

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CHALLENGE YOURSELF

You have been asked by a local clinic to choose the most effective programme ror dealing with phobias. Which therapy would you choose and how would you run the programme? Justify your choices.

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DEFINITIONS, MEASURES AND EXAMPLES

repeat this for about one hour. He \Vould than \\lash for about another t\\'O hours before getting dressed. His mother did discourage him to begin \vith but seeing ho"' upset Charles got began to dean iten1S in the house ''~th alcohol and then stopped people from ~iting as they have 'gern1s' and it would upset Charles. Rapoport wanted Charles to have an EEG but he refused as Charles found stickiness to be 'terrible' like a 'disease'. Charles had drug therapy and his syrnpto1ns disappeared for about a year. t-lowever, he developed a tolerance for the drug but only then engaged in this OCD behaviour in the evening so not to disrupt his day. CHALLENGE YOURSELF

ASK YOURSELF

What behaviours would you expect lo see from someone who has been diagnosed wilh obsessive-compulsive disorder (OCD)?

Find at least two real-life case studies of people with OCD. Write down what obsessions and compulsions they have plus what they lhink may have caused their OCD-related behaviours. If they are being lreated, make a note of this too.

Defining obsession m ul Obsessions are recurring and persistent thoughts (even images and thoughts) that are intrusive and inappropriate and cause high levels of anxiety. These thoughts are not just excessive '"'Orries about lifes problems. Compulsions are repetitive behaviours (e.g. hand washing or checking the order of something) or n1ental acts (e.g. counting or repeating words). The people affected feel driven to pcrforn1 these behaviours in response to an obsession. They also perform the behaviours to reduce anxiety or prevent son1e devastating event or situation from occurring.

There are a fe\v validated measures of OCD. This section covers three.

For a diagnosis of OCD, the person must recognise that the obsessions aodlor compulsions are excessive and unreasonable. Also, they may consume time (more than one hour per day) and interfere \Vith aspects of the person's life such as his or her job and relationships.

Checking: "I ask people to repeat things several times, even though I understood them the first time:'

Case studies m les

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Rapoport ( 1989) reported on Charles in his book 771e Boy who Couldn't Stop \!Vashing. At the age of 12 he began to wash obsessively. For some time he managed to keep it under control but then spent more and more of his school day '"ashing. Eventually, he did it so often he had to leave school. The ritual 'vas aJ,vays the same: he "'ould hold the soap in his right hand and out it under a running tap for one nlinute. He would then transfer the soap to his left hand a'\13Y from the tap for another n1inutc. He \vould

The Obsessive-Compulsive inventory (OCI) (f.oa et al, l 9CJ8) is a 42-itern questionnaire that patients con1plete. They ru1swer eadl statement fron10 (not at all) to 4 (extren1ely) based on the previous rnonth in their lives. There are seven sub-scores that are added together to niake a total OCI score: Washing: "I wash and clean obsessively" is a statement on the OCI that measures this. Further examples of statements on the OCI are given belo\\1•

Doubting: "Even \vhen I do something very carefully I feel that it is not quite right:' Ordering: "I feel obliged to follo\v a particular order in dressing, undressing and \vashing myself." ~

Obsessions: "Unpleasant thoughts co1ne into n1y mind against my \Vil.I and I cannot get rid of then1:' I loarding: "I collect things I don't need:' Neutralising: "I feel that [must repeat certain words or phrases in my mind in order to wipe out bad thoughts, feelings and actions."

Using the patient's scores, a clinical psychologist can see if a particular con1ponent of OCD is strong or \Veak, then an appropriate treatn1ent can be chosen. If the person scores 42 or more on the OCI it l>uggests the presence of OCD.

The Vancouver Obsessional Compulsive Inventory (VOCI) (Thordarson et al, 2004) is another validated measure of OCD. This scale has 55 ite1ns that patients con1plete and they rate each staten1ent on a scale of 0 (not at all) to 4 (very much). There are sLx sub-scales that are added together to give a total score: ~

Contamination: " I feel dirty after touching money" is a staten1ent on the VOCI that measures this. Further examples of statements on the VOCI are given belo\v.

Just right: "I feel compelled to be absolutely perfect:' Indecisiveness: "J find it difficult to make even trivial decisions~ The final scale, called the Yale-Bro\vn Obsessive Compulsive Scale (Y-BOCS), is a very popular measure used in many studies. There are two parts to the measurement and it is used as a semi-structured intervie'" technique: Symptom checklist - there is a list of 67 symptoms for OCD and the intervie\'•er notes \\•hether each symptom is current, past or ab ent (in the latter case it is not recorded). This helps the intervie\ver determine \vhether a group of clustered symptoms exists (the list is divided into groups such as aggressive obsessions, sexual obsessions, contan1ination obsessions, checking co1npulsions, ordering con1pulsions cleaning/\\lashing compulsions.) An exan1ple is shown in Figure 11.6.1.

Checking: "One of n1y n1ajor problems is repeated checking." Obsessions: "I am often upset by 1ny unwanted thoughts of using a sharp \Veapon." ~

Hoarding: "l become very tense or upset when I tbink about throwing anyth ing a\vay:'

Symptom checkli st

' Washing your hands many limes a day or for long periods of time after touching, or thinking you have touched. a contaminated object. This may include washing the entire length of your arm.

4 3. Excessive or ritualised hand washing

44. Excessive or ritualised

f

showering, bathing, tooth brushing, grooming or toilet routine

45. Excessive or ntuahsed cleaning or household items or other animate ob1ects

Taking showers or baths or performing other bathroom routines that may last for several hours. If the sequence is interrupted the entire process may have to be restarted. Excessive cleaning of faucets, toilets, noors, kitchen counters or kitchen utensils.

2. INTERFERENCE DUE TO OBSESSIVE THOUGHTS

0 =None. 1 - Mild, slight Interference with social or occ upational activities, but overall performance not Impaired. 2 = Moderate, definite interference with social or occupatio nal performance. but still manageable. 3 - Severe, causes substantial Impairment in social or occupational performance. 4 = Extreme, Incapacitating.

Q: How much do your obsessive thoughts interfere with your social or work (or role) functioning? Is there anything that you don't do because of them? [If not currently working, determine how much performance would be affected if the patient were employed.]

0 1

2 3 4

Figure 11.6.1 Excerpt from the Y-BOCS symptom checklist and an example question

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The Y-BOCS itself - there arc 19 iten1s here that the intervie\vee con1pletes during the intervie\v based on responses and observations. An example question is sho,vn in Figure 11.6.1. As you can see there is a part-script for the question outlining ho\v to score it. The scores are transferred to a grid that measures obsessions, compulsions and other aspects of the condition. A person is given an obsessions score out of 20 and a con1pulsion score out of 20. Nine other items are noted on the 1-4 scale for severity. There is also a children's version of the scale.

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EXPLANATIONS OF OCD lJ1ere are various potential causes for OCD. This section looks at three.

There is some evidence to suggest that OCD could be genetic. Ozomaro et al (2013) noted that the SLITRKI gene appears to be linked to some aspects of OCD. They examined 381 individuals 'vith OCD and 356 control participants. They discovered three novel variants on this gene present in seven of the OCD individuals and concluded that the SLITRKl and variants need more research but currently they appear linked to OCD. Taj el al (2013) researched another candidate gene called DRD4 (doparnine 04 receptor). A total of 173 individuals 1vith OCD 1vere corn pared to 20 I healthy controls. They con1pleted a range of questionnaires that measured OCD and niental health and all 1vere genolyped for the DRD4 gene and variants. It 1vas revealed that the 7R allele frequency 1vas higher in the OCD group (especially so for fe1nales), suggesting another potential genetic cause for OCD. Humble et al (2011) wanted to test whether the neuropeptide oxytocin 'vas correlated 1vith OCD sympton1s as previous studies had hinted at this. Even though the researchers 1vere testing 1vhether SSRls affect oxytocin, the main result they reported 1vas that, at baseline, levels of oxytocin were positively correlated "'ith OCD sympton1s as measured by the Y-BOCS.

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Those 1vith early onset OCD had the highest levels of oxytocin. Finally, reduced levels of serotonin may be linked to OCD and the drugs used in the studies do affect serotonin levels (see the treatment section of OCD on page 235).

asp The behavioural aspect is linked to the cornpulsions that people perforrn during OCD. Psychologists consider it lo be a learned behaviour that is being reinforced by the consequences of perforn1ing the con1pulsions. For example, if a compulsive behaviour ends in a favou1·able outcome (e.g. reductions of anxiety or hands are now free of germs) then this is positive reinforcement. As we koo1v, positive reinforcers increase the probability of repeating that behaviour again. For exan1ple, if the end goal of a compulsion is to have arranged clothes in some form of order and this reduces anxiety and also fulfils the compulsion to have things in order, then l\vo reinforcement mechanisms are 1\'ork.ing here: negative (removal of anxiety) and positive (clothes are no1v arranged in order). The cognitive aspect of this is linked to the obsessive thoughts that OCD individuals have. It 1vould appear that these thoughts increase \vith levels of stress. In an everyday situation most people can learn to control these but people with OCD tend to have thoughts that are more vivid and elicit greater concern. Psychologists believe that thjs could be due to childhood experiences that have taught these people that son1e thoughts are dangero us and unacceptable and this has affected their information-processing nct1vorks. When new information is being processed, it is affected by these processing networks and generates anxiety and stress that can only be alleviated \Vith con1pulsive behaviours.

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I OCD is caused by instinctual forces (driven by the id in the unconscious) that are not under full control due to traumatic experiences in the anal stage of psychosexual development. The person \vith OCD is therefore fixated in the anal stage. It is the battle bet\veen the id's desires and the superego's morals that can cause OCD as the ego (and its defence mechanisms) fail to control either. Obsessive thoughts may be generated by the id (e.g. to be messy and out of control) but the ego uses defence mechanisms to counteract this by making the person behave in a \Vay that is con1pletely opposite to that (e.g. being neat and tidy). This defence mechanism is called reaction formation. For example, if a child has a traumatic experience \vhile potty traini ng (e.g. if the child is harshly treated ror being n1essy) then the obsessive thoughts of being neat and tidy re-en1erge in adolescence and adulthood. 'TI1e person develops OCD as a res ul t because any thoughts of being messy cause great anxiety because or those early w1 resolved Lraun1atic experiences.

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TEST OURSELF

Describe and evaluate one cause of OCD.

TREATMENTS FOR OCD There are a range of potential treatn1ents for individuals diagnosed \Vith OCD. TI1is section looks at three.

D uq h

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Another study by Askari et al (2012) examined the effectiveness of using granisetron in conjunction with fluvoxarnine (an SSRJ). Participants \Yere people aged 18-60 'vho were diagnosed \Yith OCD via DSM-IV-TR. They \vere randomly assigned to either a granisetron or placebo group. They received I milligram of their ~drug" every 12 hours for 8 weeks. All patients \Vere assessed using the Y-BOCS at baseline then at \veeks two, four, six and eight. Outco1ncs were n1easured in the following ways: •

A partial response \Yas a niinin1un1 25 per cent reduction in Y-BOCS scores.

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A complete response \Y3S a mi11imun1 35 per cent reduction in Y-BOCS scores. Remission 1vas scoring 16 or less on the Y-BOCS.

EVALUATION psychod

researchers nieasured success by a patient having a 35 per cent or more reduc tion in scores on the Y-BOCS. In the aripiprazole group SO per cent of participants did reduce their scores by at least this, as did 72.2 per cent of the risperidone group. Therefore, risperidone appears to be more effective at treating OCD \Yhen SSRls fail by themselves.

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Selvi et al (2011) studied the effects that two "extra" drugs has on OCD patients who had not responded successfully to just taking SSRls (see page 219 on ho\v SSRis \vork). The initial part of the study assessed 90 patients \vith OCD to assess that just taking SSRls did 1101 \vork on reducing sympton1s. The researchers chose 41 patients from this part of the study and rando1nly assigned then1 to either the risperidone (n= 21) or aripiprazolc (n= 20) group. They "'ere then given these drugs too for eight further \veeks. The

By week 8, 100 per cent of the granisetron group had scored a complete response and 90 per cent had met the remission criterion. Only 35 per cent of patients in the placebo group managed the same. There \vere no differences in the tolerance levels of both groups to the "drugs". Therefore, it \VOuld appear that the additional drug helped people \\•ith OCD reduce their symptoms.

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T Read about how CBT \Vorks on page 162 before studying this sec Lion. There has been 111uch research into the potential effectiveness of CBT 1vith people diagnosed with OCD. Reynolds el al (2013) \Yanted to investigate if when parents got involved in their children's CBT for OCD it \\'llS more effective compared to children \vi th OCD receiving

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CBT by themselves. Participants \Vere 50 patients aged 12- 17 \vho had a diagnosis of OCD. lhey were randomly allocated to either a "parent-enhanced" CBT progran1me or regular CBT. Patients received up to 14 sessions of CBT in the trial. The n1ain outcome \Vas an analysis in the reduction of scores on the Y-BOCS. Both forms of the CBT 1vere equally effective in reducing the severity of OCD so it 1vould make sense to give young people \vi th OCD the choice of having their parents involved. Olatunji et al (2013) tested the effectiveness of CBT and Bl" \vith OCD patients. A total of 62 adults diagnosed with OCD \Vere randon1ly allocated to the CBT or BT group. The n1ain therapy lasted for 4 \veeks ( 16 hours) \vith 12 \vceks of maintenance therapy thereafter (4 hours). OCD symptoms \Vere n1easured using the Y-BOCS and measures were taken at baseline, \veeks 4, 16, 26 and 52. The participants in the BT had lower scores at the final assessment co1npared to the CBT group so it 1vould appear that Bl' is superior to CBT for reducing OCD syrnpto1ns in this sample. Storch et al (2013) examined 1vhether CBT used in conjunction with a drug (sertraline) 1vas more effective \\'ith OCD patients than CBT alone. Participants \Vere 47 children and adolescents aged 7- 17 \vith OCD. They \1rere randomly assigned to one of three groups: CBT plus standard sertraline; CBT plus slo\v-release sertraline; or CBT plus placebo. The treatment lasted 18 1vecks. Assessn1ents of OCD severity \Vere n1easured at baseline, at 1veeks 1-9, 13, 17 and then post-treatment using the Y-BOCS. All groups sho1ved a significant decrease in OCD symptoms but not one group sbo\ved 1nore improvement than the others, hinting that CBT is an effective tool for people 1vith OCD. Finally, Bolton et al (2011) examined the effectiveness of full and briefCBT for children \Vith OCD. The researchers took 96 children diagnosed 1vitb OCD and randomly assigned then1 to one of three groups: full CBT ( 12 sessions), brief CBT (5 sessions) or a waiting-list group. The measure for OCD severity was the child version of Ll1e Y-BOCS. For both types of CBT there \vas a significant i1nprovement in OCD syrnpton1s compared to the 1vaiting-list group, sho1ving that brief CBT is useful and cost-effective.

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Psychoanalysis follo\vS the psychodynamic model of abnormality. A psychoanalyst can use a range of techniques to help patients deal with their unconscious thoughts and feelings: Free association - the patient lies back on a couch and is aUovved to talk at length and the therapist then has to interpret the monologue to see 1vhat coL~d be troubling the patient. The idea is that at some point the core problen1 \vill be exposed by the patient, especially if it is linked to the anal stage of psychosexual development. Drea1n analysis - the patient tells the therapist about a dream (n1anifest content) and then the therapist has to analyse it for symbols to uncover the underlying meaning (latent content). Hypnosis - this can be used to help access the unconscious mind too. Chlebo1vski & Gregory (2009) noted that psychoanalysis can be particularly effective \Vith OCD that is labelled as "late onset that coincides \vith stressors in the patient's lives" or with patients \Vho have a borderline per onality disorder too. This allo\VS the therapist to delve into the unconscious mechanisms causing the OCD. Leichsenring et al (2008) examined the long-term effectiveness of using psychoanalytic therapy \vith OCD patients. The researchers reported that long-term psychoanalysis was associated 1vith a significant reduction in the OCD sympton1s reported by patients and this \Vas still seen one year after treatment had ended.

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CHALLENGE YOURSELF You have been asked by a local mental health charity to choose the most effective programme ror dealing with OCD. Which therapy would you choose and how would you run lhe programme? Justify your choices. CHALLENGE YOURSELF Now that you have completed lh1s chapter, prepare a table listing all or the disorders thal you need lo know. Then list each therapy and make a note of how effective 1t 1s. Finally, for each disorder, decide which therapies are approprlale and which are not.

EXAMPLES OF HOW TO EVALUATE For the 12 mark question in Paper 3, you \viii be asked to evaluate one of the topics covered in this section. You \viJJ have noticed that after each topic in this chapter there are the icons for the different issues, debates, approaches, perspectives and research methods that could be used to help you answer the l 2 1nark question in the exan1ination. Below are three examples of the types of things you could \\rrite in the examination. You should ain1 to make at least four different evaluation points for the 12 mark question. Our accompanying Revision Guide has a series of student ans\vers with marks and exarniner comments attached to them.

Treat11"tent of schizophrenia (biological) Research into the treatn1ent of schizophrenia has some ethical issues. For example, the use of ECT involves fitting elctrodes to specific areas of the head and a small electrical current is passed through them for no longer than one second. The seizure may last up to one minute and the patient regains consciousness in around 15 minutes. The argu111ent is whether a person truly understands what the procedure involves if they have a serious mental health issue that affects thought processes like schizophrenia. With any long tern1 memory problems unknown after using ECT, is it fair to give it to patients \vho n1ay not understand this? Ho\vever, research has sho\\•n that it is a useful treatment for schizophrenia. Thirthalli et al (2009} reported that in a sample of schizophrenics (split into catatonic and non-catatonic}, those 'vho \Vere catatonic required fewer ECT sessions to help control their sy111pton1s. As a result of this study it n1ay be 111ore useful for those with catatonic schizophrenia than other types. However, biological treatn1ents for schizophrenia are reduclionist. They are based on the idea that we need to treat the biology of the condition (e.g. excess doprunine) without tacking the psychological elements of the disorder. It ignores aspects like schizophrenia being caused by faulty information processing. Frith ( 1992) noted that schizophrenics might have a deficient 'metarepresentation' system. This \Vould deal with being able to reflect on thoughts, ernotions and

behaviours. lherefore, a different treatment might be more appropriate.

Explanations for anxiety disorders (phobias) - behavioural There is evidence that supports the behavioural explanation for anxiety disorders that took place under control led conditions. Watson & Rayner successfully created a phobia into little Alben by banging a loud metal bar behind hin1 every time he was in the presence of a \Vhite rat. After a fe\V t riaJs just sho,ving him the rat caused him to cry and be fearful of it. As this \Vas a study conducted under controlled conditions it means it can be replicated and tested for reliability. Ho,vever, this \vould not happen due to ethical reasons as it 'vouJd cause immense stress to the child. The behavioural explanation can be said to be reductionist as it ignores other factors tha t could be causing a phobia like could it be that we are pre-programmed to fear certain objects that may be potentially harmful? That is, there are certain objects or things that '"e are expected to be frightened of so \ve are biologically prepared to fear them! This can explain why \Ve fear certain objects we have never even seen as it is encoded in our genetic history - for classical conditioning to explain a fear we have to have direct contact \Vith the phobic sti1nulus.

Treatment for anxiety disorders (obsessions and compulsions) cognitive There is son1e evidence that it is a useful therapy for OCD. For example, Reynolds et al (2013) \vanted to investigate if \Vhen parents got involved in their child's CBT for OCD it " 'as more effective compared to the child receiving OCD by themselves. Patients received up to J4 sessions of CBT in the trial. The main outcon1e \vas an analysis in the reduction of scores on the Y-BOCS. Both forms of the CBT were equally effective in reducing the severity of OCD. ·n1is is useful to know as it gives a child a choice of CBT - with or without their parent being present. Also, this can be linked to the nalurenurture debate. If treatments are based on \Vhat causes OCD, then if a psychological treatment is effective it sho\\•S that OCD may be based more on nurture rather than nature. It could be \vays in 'vhich people process information that needs treating to help \Vith OCD rather than the nature approach of affecting the biology of a person by getting them to take drugs for their OCD.

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Try the follo\ving exam-style questions.

Section A (a) Explain, in your O\vn \vords, \vhat is meant by the term 'deviation from statistical norm'. (2 marks)

(b) Explain, in your O\vn \\'Ords, \Vhat is meant by the term 'abnormal affect'. (2 marks) (c) Describe two explanations of anxiety

disorders (phobias). (d) Outline one biological treatment for schizophrenia.

(4 marks) (4 marks)

Section IS

•

(c) Evaluate what psychologists have discovered about the treatments for abnormal affect and include a discussion on the nature-nurture (12 marks) debate.

(d) Evaluate what psychologists have discovered about defining abnormality and include a discussion on ethics. ( 12 nlarks)

Section C (a) Describe the characteristics of addiction. (6 marks}

(b) Suggest how you would tTeat son1conc 1vith an addiction to alcohol. What psychology is your (8 niarks) suggestion based upon?

(a) Describe \vhat psychologists have discovered about treat1nents for addiction and impulse behaviour disorders. (8 marks)

(c) Describe one biological treat111ent for schizophrenia.

(b) Describe \1•hat psychologists have discovered about explanations for anxiety disorders (obsessions and compulsions). (8 marks)

(d) Suggest ho1v you 1vould diagnose someone with schizophrenia. What psychology is your suggestion based upon? (8 marks)

(6 niarks)

PSYCHOLOGY AND ORGANISATIONS

12.1 THE SELECTION OF PEOPLE FOR WORK For virtually all jobs on the 1narket there has to be a selection process by la\v. There are many different \\1ays in '"hich an organisation can collect information about prospective employees to dra\" up a shortlist of preferred candidates. This section looks at the different types of procedures and decision making that an organisation can go through. ASI\ 'OURSELF What do you know about how organisations

select their workforce? Have you known anyone who has been th rough a selection process?

SELECTION OF PEOPLE FOR WORK

Selection procedures: applications Many organisations use "in house" application forn1s to collect all of the relevant demographic, occupational and biographical data needed to be able to select employees "fit for the job". A standard application form may ask for personal details, employment records,

educational records, any skills or e111ployn1ent training and referees. Personnel staffcan look at all of the application fonns and, fro1n the information provided, produce a shorllist of the best candidates. A company may also choose to use a \Veighted application form (WAB). This is a standard application form but certain aspects of the form have been "prescored". This means that certain areas of, say, education or previous experience carry more '"eight in the application. Therefore, each application can be given a score depending on the \Veightings and the candidates \vith the highest scores go through to the next selection stage. Sometimes companies ask for biographical inventories. The most \''idespread example of these is the curriculum vitae (CV). This contains a brief overvie\v of the applicant's biographical and employn1ent history and some companies prefer to receive a CV if there are a lot of applicants as CVscan be easy to read, sort through and even score like a v\fAB. The infonnation provided can be "built upon" by candidates if they are interviewed so any gaps in en1ploy1nent or education can be explained face to face.

Selection interviews As we have covered in AS level, structured and unstructured intervie\\'S can be used. In terms of the psychology of organisations, they can be used in the follo\vi ng ways:

CHAPTER 12: PSYCHOLOGY AND ORGANISATIONS

~

~

In structured intervie\vs, n1en1bers of the intervie\v panel \viii have a pre-determined list of questions that 1nust be asked at each intervie\V. Each candidate gets the same questions in the same order for the sake of consistency. ln unstructured intervie\vS members of the intervie''' panel \viii have certain "bits of information" that they need to get the candidate to talk about and therefore can use any question they think of to get it. Therefore, each candidate has a different intervie\V "path\vay". However, all relevant material is covered in terms of the information that the panel need from the intervie\v.

It 1vould appear fron1 research that the structured intervie1v is preferred and has more validity as all the necessary infor111ation is covered and there is a set time for the interviews so the selection day can rtm smoothly. There appear to be other issues with any type of intervie1v, including the prejudices of the panel, the gender ratio of the panel and any other bias an intervie,ver may have. These can affect the validity of the intervie1v as a selection tool for a job. Also, reliability may be questioned - if at the end aJJ of the panel do not agree on \vho is the best candidate then the intervie\V \viii have lo\v reliability. Another issue that organisational psychologists point out is that people can be chosen on erroneous first impressions based on limited information. This can obviously have a huge impact on post-recruitment l\'Orking if the selected candidates do not live up to \vhat they presented at intervie1v.

Interview Record Sheet Interviewers: KT, PL, AC Date: Job title of vacancy: Interviewee's name: Project Coordinator. UK (Grade 3)

Score for evidence on the cnterra hsted below. Use a scale or 1-10 where 1 weak or no evidence and 1O = very strong evidence. Criteria Score Verbal communication skills 1 Teamwork skills 1 Relevant experience 1n project planning and 5 management Accurate data input and record keeping - t.- Willingness to undertake part-trme college s training Experience in managing external contractors • Ability to coordinate projects with other 5 departments Ability to work in an environment of change 5 Familiarity with relevant software ~

--

A Figure 12.1.1 Example interview record sheet

Use of psychometric tests Companies can choose from a '"ide range of psychometric tests, depending on the skills they 1vant to assess. Here are some examples: ~

Cognitive ability lests - for example, the Comprehensive Ability Battery (CAB) Test. This comprises 20 tests \vith each designed to test a very specific cognitive ability. 111is gives co1npanies an overall assessLnent of individuals but also ho1v \veil they perform on ;111 20 tes ts.

~

Mechanical ability tests - for exan1ple, the Bennett Mechanical Con1prehension Test. This is a 68-item questionnaire that assesses the person's ability to understand physical and mechanical principles across a range of situations.

~

Motor and sensory ability tests - for exan1ple, the O'Connor Finger Dexterity Test. This measures the ability to use line motor skills 1vith small objects. It is timed to see how the candidate copes with pressure.

Decision making in selecting personnel An additional method of making decisions during the selection process is for the interview panel to score the candidate on cert·ain din1ensions that were agreed pre-interview. All panel 1ne111bers can have a record sheet of the intervie1v so they can \Vrite do\vn comn1ents and then generate a score for each criterion that they want Lo assess the candidate on. They can then simply sum up the values and the highest score is the strongest candidate.

~

Job skills and kno\vledge tests - for example the Minnesota Clerical Assessn1ent Battery. This is a computer-ad1ninistered test that assesses abilities such as proofreading, filing and clerical kno\\•ledge.

~

Personality test - for example the Sixteen Personality Factor Questionnaire. This measures 16 basic personality elements and is used quite extensively in personnel selection procedures.

I let other people make the decisions I am quite hard lo get lo know I enjoy being part of a big crowd I like to take control or things I trust others I enjoy my privacy

Most

Least creative decisive modest persuasive

A Figure 12.1.2 Example questions from different psychometnc tests

One issue some people have about these types of psychometric testing is \Yhether they have predictive validity. That is, does performance on a paper and pen task predict ho\v \Veil people \\•ill cope " rith the actual job or whether they perform \veil at the tasks that had been measured? Riggio (1999) noted that some standardised tests for managerial jobs have been quite successful in predicting ,vf10 is then the best nlanager or who then performs well in the n1anagcrial role. Also, companies have to look at test utility. Riggio ( 1999) noted an exanlple of this whereby a co1npany can assess how much it \ Viii gain fron1 perforn1ing such tests on applicants. A con1puter progran1ming co1npany reportedly tested a lot of people to fi nd "the best people for the job" and it cost the company $10 per applicant. TI1e estin1ated nionetary gain for fu1ding \vhich progranuners performed the best on a psychon1etric test \\l
DevlSe a system that an organisation could use to recruit someone to a new job at that organisation. What would you devise and on what psychology IS 1t based?

@

EVALUATION psychometrics

questionnaires

useful

Interviews

qual/quant

PERSONNEL SELECTION DECISIONS AND JOB ANALYSIS

Selection of personnel: decision making There are a number of different main techniques that companies can use to make decisions on selecting employees. Below are three that are used: ~

Multiple regression model - this takes scores from a variety of tests or intervie,vs that the applicants have completed and con1bines them into one

CHAPTER 12: PSYCHOLOGY AND ORGANISATIONS

final score. Various predictors of potential job performance are "added together" to generate a final score. A high final score means that candidate correlates \veil \vilh the job on offer. Beforehand, different criteria can be '\veighted" based on previous appointments (e.g. better predictors have more \veighting). ~

~

Nlultiple cutoff model - this is \vhen there are still many different predictors of the job that the applicants are trying to obtain, but there is a n1inimum score set for each of the predictors or tasks. As soon as an applicant fails to reach the n1inimu1n score 011 any one predictor or task the individual is elin1inated from the recruitment process. Therefore, those \vho ren1ain have at least the n1inimum a1nount of ability required for the position. Multiple hurdle n1odel - this is \Vhen there is an ordered sequence of tasks that an applicant has to go through. Al each stage (called a "hurdle" here), there is a decision whether the applicant has passed or failed. If applicants pass they continue \vitb the next task but if Lhey fail then they have "fallen at that hurdle" and they are eliminated from the process. The applicant who is left after the "final hurdle" is given the job.

The relative strengths and \veaknesses of each approach are highlighted belo1v.

Biases in selection decisions and equal opportunities A number of biases can occur during the selection

process for any job. They in dude the follO\Ving: ~

Stereotyping - for example, I la)"vard (1996) noted that females can still be stereotyped as "not management n1aterial" and are therefore overlooked as they do not have the "masculine traits" needed to take on such roles. Therefore, n1a ny female applicants may never be called for interview.

~

Previous sin1ilar candidates - for example, Hay\vard (1996) also notes that some intervie,vers niay see applicants as being "sin1ilar" to other 1vorkers (this can be positive or negative) and therefore make instant judgn1ents based on this rather than the applicants themselves.

/!> Decision-n1aking 1nodcls (\vhich are noted above) there could be bias introduced 1vhen 1veighting the tasks or setting the standard for the multiple cutoff and multiple hurdles methods, for instance. Who is to say the person setting them is correct? /!> Subjectivity in intervie\\tS - Riggio ( 1999) notes that there \Vill ahvays be people questioning the accuracy of intervie\vs. This is because a lot of information is qualitative rather than quantitative and therefore subject to intervie\ver interpretation bias.

Technique

Strength

Weakness

Multiple regression

This method may give a more "rounded" overview of a candidate. For example, a lack of previous expenence of a similar JOb can easily be compensated for by a strong skill needed for the job.

If a score is very low on one criterion 1t could prevent a person being employed who scores well on other cntena that are also relevant to the job.

Multiple cutoff

This method does ensure that all eligible applicants have the minimum amount of ability across the different criteria for the job.

Some of the cutoff points may be subjective and discriminate against certain applicants unfairly. How do we calculate what the cutoff points are?

Multiple hurdle

This method allows for the elimination of candidates early on 1n the process who are unqualified - this means fewer resources are wasted on unsuitable applicants.

This technique can be very !Jme consuming and expensive for businesses as many hurdle criteria could be 1n place and each applicant needs to be assessed on them (and the information may not simply be 1n their

application)

A

Table 12.1.1 Strengths and weaknesses or the multiple regression, multiple cutoff and multiple hurdle methods

Also, if an unstructured method is chosen then there is reduced reliability as not all candidates will have the same experience. ~

Snap judgments - Riggio ( 1999) also notes that the idea of a snap judgment (similar issue to snapshot ~tudies) can happen in interviews. lntervie\vers can make a very quick instant decision on someone (e.g. based on \vhat the person is \\•earing or the person's ans\ver to the first question) that may bear no resemblance to who the person actually is or the individual's competencies for the job.

~

Use of psychon1etrics - the general idea of \vhether a psychometric test really is measuring the skill it is supposed to be nieasuring can invalidate people's scores on them (\vhich is not good if you are recruiting people based on the results of these tests.)

for it. There are !\VO main techniques that personnel departments can use: ~

Functional job analysis (FJA) - this is a technique developed in the United States to help create the Dictionary of Occupationtil Titles (D07). This is a reference guide to over 40,000 job titles. It has general descriptions of these jobs as a starting point for personnel staff to tailor them to a specific job. The DOT classifies all the jobs using a nine-digit code which represents the sector of \\'Ork, type of work and hov.r niuch interaction with people needed in that job. Once the nine-digit code has been established for a job, personnel staff can use the description as part of their recruitment process. Table 12.1.2 shov1s the categories for the fourth, fifth and sixth digits.

Data (4th digit)

People (5th digit)

Things (6th digit)

TEST YOURSELF

0 Synthesising

0 Mentoring

0 Setting up

Explain three biases lhal can happen during the selection process for workers in an organisation.

1 Coordinating

1 Negotiating

1 Precision working

2 Analysing

2 Instructing

2 Operatingcontrolling

3 Compiling

3 Superv1s1ng

3 Driving, operating

4 Computing

4 Diverting

4 Manipulating

SCopying

5 Persuading

5 Tending

6Companng

6 Speaking, signalling

6 Feeding, Off-bearing

7 Serving

7 Handling

Job descriptions and specifications An organisation \vill produce documents that \viii have all of the necessary information on them for potential applicants to read and decide if they \Vant to (or can) apply for the job. \Vhen a person specification is produced, the organisation 1n11st have details that are directly relevant to the job - organisations can list personal preferences in terms of the characteristics of the "ideal candidate" for the job. Many UK organisations have "essential" and "desirable" aspects to person specifications. Essential aspects are those that applicants 111ust have \vhereas desirable aspects are those that applicants 111ay have and if they do it v.rill niake their application stronger. 1 hese arc generated after a job analysis has taken place.

Job analysis techniques Job analysis is a fundamental part of any personnel role. Personnel staff need to assess a job and then list all of the qualities, skills and personal characteristics an employee \vould need to do it. Therefore, they need to assess \Vhat the job entails and \Vho would be best suited

-

8 Taking instruction, helping ,

~

A Table 12.1.2 Examples of functions used in FJA Source: Adapted from: US Department of Labor. 1991 . Dictionary of Occupational Ti/Jes. Rev. 4th ed. Washington DC, Government Pnnbng Office. ~

Position analysis questionnaire (PAQ) - this is a structured questionnaire that can be used to analyse a job in terms of 187 "elen1ents" that are split into six dilferent categories: •

information input: \Vhat the applicant needs in tern1s of skills

CHAPTER 12: PSYCHOLOGY AND ORGANISATIONS

•

mental processes: the cognitive skills needed for the job

~

can be linked to pay increases and potential promotion opportunities

•

\vork output: \vhat tasks need to be performed as part of the job

~

can provide feedback on strengths and areas of improvement

•

relationships \Vith other people: \Vbat interactions \viU be necessary in the job and \vith \vhom

~

•

job context: physical and social contexts that are part of the job

can allo\Y communication bet\Yeen 1vorkers and managers \Yhich sometimes is logistically not possible on a day-to-day basis.

•

other job characteristics: anything else that is necessary to the specific job being analysed.

A series ofstaten1ents are rated either with an N (does not apply) or from 1 to 5 \Vith I being very infrequent and 5 being very substantial. The completed questionnaire can then be used to create the job specification or job description to ensure that the applicants are people that the organisation 1vill want lo recruit.

@

Th.e range of techniques that an organisation can use to collect information necessary for a co1nplete performance appraisal of an employee include the follo\ving: ~

Objective performance criteria - these are aspects oftbe job that can be quantified and measured objectively (based on factual data). They could include number of sales, nun1ber of days otf sick, etc.

~

Subjective pcrforn1ance criteria - these are aspects of the job that cannot be accurately 1ncasured quantitatively. TI1ese include clc1nents such as ho\Y a nianager feels \Yorkers have been progressing in their job or asking workers how happy they are in their current role.

~

360-degree feedback - information about the worker is gathered from managers, peers, customers (if applicable) etc. to get an overall feel of the worker. Workers are also allo\ved to give feedback about the performance of their managers in supporting them in their job.

~

Rankings - a n1anager can rank everyone \\•ho \Yorks for him or her on different criteria. Then \Vhen an individual is appraised the n1anager can compare the individual to other \Vorkers who have a similar or the same job to see ho\v \\•ell the person is progressing.

~

Self-rating - workers can assess themselves on progress by completing a questionnaire where they assign values to bow well they think they are doing on a range of criteria pre-selected by the organisation as those that require assessing.

~

Behaviour observation scale (BOS) - the person who is conducting the appraisal needs to con1plete a document highlighting how often certain elen1ents of the job have been observed in that worker.

EVALUATION useful

interview

questionnaires

qual/quant

CHALLENGE YOURSELF

Advise a personnel department on what you think 1s the best 1ob analysis technique. wt'o/ do you think it is lhe best one?

PERFORMANCE APPRAISAL AU jobs require a "revie\v" of progress and these are calJed perfonnance appraisals. Usually, a worker is assessed against predetern1ined standards that the organisation has, to see how well the \VOrker is progressing in his or her job.

Performance appraisal: reasons for it and techniques There are many reasons for performance appraisals. For example, performance appraisals: ~

allo\v both the company and \Yorker to see, in a supportive environment, ho1Y 1vell the \Yorker is doing his or her job

@

EVALUATION useful

questionnaires

, observations

qual/quant

APPRAISERS, PROBLEMS WITH APPRAISAL AND IMPROVING APPRAISALS

So, ho1v can appraisals be improved, given the above issues? Riggio ( 1999) noted several 1vays: ~

The appraiser can use online systems to record performance "instantly" rather than "'ailing 12 months to reme1nber how the 1vorker has perforn1ed i11 the job. TI1erefore, t11e appraisal will accurately reflect 1vhat has happened during the period. This n1akes it more valid.

~

The appraiser can be descriptive rather than evaluative \vhile being specific about performance.

~

The appraiser can give "constructive feedback" based on things that a 1vorker can actually do something about and change.

When conducting and analysing an appraisal a nun1ber of problcrns and biases can occur: ~

~

Errors - these can be leniency errors in 1vhich the appraiser ahvays assesses 1vorkers positively or severity errors 1vhere the appraiser ahvays assesses 1vorkers negatively. In bet\,<een these is the central tendency error 1vhere an appraiser ahvays rates 1vorkers near the nud-point of any rating scale. Halo effect - this is a psychological phenomenon that can be applied here. It is 1vhen an overall appraisal is very positive based on the 1vorker doing an outstanding job on 0 11e task. il1e idea is that if the worker did so well on that task then he or she 11111st be doing well on all other tasks so any negative issues 1vith the worker are overlooked.

~

Recency effect- another psychological phenomenon that can be applied here. It is 1vhen the appraiser only uses recent performance indicators to judge the 1vork on in the appraisal. Therefore, the 1vhole procedure is weighted towards recent successes and failures rather than looking at the 1vholc picture.

~

Attribution errors - these can take the forn1 of an appraiser giving more "extrcn1c appraisals" to 1vorkers 1vho are perceived to be 1vorking 1vell (or not) due to effort rather than actual ability at the job. TEST YOURSELF Outline lllree potential problems with appraisals.

~ Feedback given should al\vays be clear and honest

and understood by everyone. ~

Getting both the appraiser and worker actively involved in perforn1ance target setting is important. 1his will niake it easier to agree on final perfonnance targets for the next appraisal.

CHAPTER 12: PSYCHOLOGY AND ORGANISATIONS

12.2 MOTIVATION TO

WORK Why do people \VOrk? ·n,is question has been tackled by organisational psychologists from a variety of angles, but one of the nlain areas is motivation. This section looks at factors that affect nlotjvation in \vorkers. A::>

YOUR. ELF

What motivates people to work? Make a list of as many pass1ble factors as you can.

I>- To satisfy physiological needs, organisations

can make sure that 1vorkers take breaks (e.g. for refreshments). Some companies, especially those where the \VOrkforce is quite sedentary in an office environment, provide exercise facilities for free. This can improve the health of workers and make them more productive. I>- With regard to safety needs, organisations can

ensure that \\IOrkers have protective clothing if necessary and use specifically designed products, for example to reduce the strain of using computers and keyboards all day as part of a \\lorker's job. I>- To 1neet social needs, organisations can organise

NEED THEORIES OF MOTIVATION This section looks at psychological theories about niotivation that can be linked to the 11'orkplace. Recent research as highlighted by Greenberg & Baron (2008) showed that challenging projects, a feeling of team spirit and getting paid \veil 1vere the three main motivators to work.

Hierarchy of needs (Maslow, 1970) One idea from humaniSnl that attempts to explain motivation \\•as proposed by Maslo\v ( 1970, but based on his earlier research). He created a hierard1y of needs that starts al basic needs and nloves up to higherlevel "meta needs''. The hierarchy progresses from physiological needs to safety needs, to social needs, to esteen1 needs and finally to self·actualisation needs. The 1nodel is ii lust rated in Figure 8.4.1 on page 128. A human being nlust work up the hierarchy of needs to achieve self-actualisation - lhis is realising and reaching one~ full potential. The basic (physiological) needs ahvays have to be met (even if partially) before a person can consider \VOrking up the hierarchy towards selfactualisation. Therefore, a \vorker has to be motivated and fulfilled at a physiological and safety level before attempting anything higher. Greenberg & Baron (2008) set out how this can be applied to the \vorkplace in the follo\ving \vays:

events that can bui ld a "team spirit" into the workforce. A con1pany 1nay have a "fan1ily day" for everyone to get together out of the pressures of work. There is a co111pany called The Picnic People whid1 coord inates events to gel the 1vorkforce together, for example. I>- Esteem needs n1ight be met through incentives

organisations create such as "employee of the month" or annual a1vards ceremonies for the \Vorkforce. They can also a\vard bonuses for suggestions for improvements 1vithin the organisation. I>- Self-actualisation needs are met \\Then organisations

nurture their \vorkforce to allo\'' people to reach their full potential (via things such as career progression and appraisab).

ERG theory (Aldefer, 1972) Aldefer (1972) built on the nlodel proposed by Maslo1v and reduced the five main 1notivation levels to just three as follows: I>- Existence needs - these are similar to \v hnt Maslow

called physiological needs. I>- Relatedness needs - these are similar to what

Maslow called social needs. I>- Gro\vth needs - these are similar to what Ivlaslo1v

called self-actualisation needs. The n1ain difference between Maslo,v's idea and the ERG model is that for the latter there is no strict hierarchy. All of the needs have to be addressed at \vork

in some form or another. 'I he greatest niotivator is \Vhen all three are being fulfilled at \vork. Hov1ever, \vhen one is not totally fulfilled, the \vorker may still feel a good sense of niotivation if the other hvo are. An example \VOuld be gaining a pay rise \vhen there is no current chance of being promoted; this fulfils the ER but not the G. Ho\vever, the \vorker will still feel motivated to \vork.

Achievement motivation (McClelland, 1965) This theory is based around the idea that people (and \vorkers) are niotivated by different needs and motives in different situations. TI1ere are three key needs and motives that people are driven by and they differ from individual to individual: ~

People have a need for achicven1ent. This is about having the drive to succeed in a situation. Therefore, \vorkers driven by this will love the challenge of their job. They want to get ahead in their job and be excellent performers. They like to solve imn1ediate proble1ns S\viftly and \viii go for challenges that offer a nloderate level of difficulty (so that they feel challenged but kno\v the goal is achievable). They also desire feedback about their efforts so '''ill thrive on appraisals.

~

People have a need for po\ver. This is about having the drive to direct others and be influential at \vork. \Vorkers in this caregory are status driven and are more likely to be motivated by the chance to gain prestige. They \\•ill '"ant to solve problems individually and reach appraisal goals. 1be drive for power can be for personal gains or organisational gains.

~

People have a need for affiliation. This is about having the drive to be liked and accepted by fellow workers in the organisation. People driven by this prefer to 1vork 1vith others and get motivated by the need for friendship and interpersonal relationships. Therefore, their n1aln motivator is on cooperative tasks.

Workers can be assessed on these three key needs and motives by taking a the1natic apperception test (TAT). To do this, \Yorkers have to look at a series of ambiguous pictures that tell a story. They have to tell \vhatever story they feel is behind the picture and their stories are then scored on a standardised scale that represents the three key needs and nlotives. From these, it can be seen if a \vorker is driven by achievement, po\ver or affiliation.

.& Figure 12.2.1 Example pteture used during a TAT

@

EVALUATION useful

ind vs sit

reduct

TEST YOURSELF

Outline one psychological theory or motivation and relate it Lo a worker In an organisation of your choice.

MOTIVATION AND GOAL SETTING Goals can be important in everyday life as motivators. However, in the 1vorkplace they can be used as powerful motivators for an organisation to get the best out of its workforce. This section 1vill e.xamine the relationship between goal setting and motivation in \VOrkers.

CHAPTER 12: PSYCHOLOGY AND ORGANISATIONS '

Goal-setting theory (Latham) & Locke, 1984) This idea appears relatively straight forward. Performance at \Vork is affected by the goals that a 1vorkforce is set. The setting of these goals affects people's beliefs about 1vhether they can perform a task or not However, goals need to be specific to an individual or group. Simply saying ",vork harder" has very littJe effect on people as they may already feel that they are 1vorking hard. Selling specific and achievable goals allo,vs workers to direct their attention to1vards achieving them 1vhile asses~ing how well they are doing. Lf workers feel that they may not reach a specified goal, they will be motivated to \\'Ork harder to try to attain it. An organisation must set challenging but attainable goals, give workers the necessary equiprnent and support to attain the goals a11d give them feedback throughout the process as this 1vill rnotivate then1 to attain each goal.

VIE (expectancy) cognitive theory (Vroom, 1964) This theory attempts to explain nlotivation more from a cognitive angle. Motivation is based on three factors that are multiplicative: ~

Valence - this refers to the value that 1vorkers place on any re1vard they believe they will receive from ilie organisation. The overall re1vard must be one that reflects ilie efforts put into attaining a goal and therefore be desired.

~

Instrumentality - this refers to any perceived relationship between effort and outcon1e that may affect motivation. This can be bosed around rewards as well. Ifany perfonnance or n1otivation is not perceived as being instrun1ental in bringing about a suitable reward, ilien it is less likely to happen - motivation will be lo\v.

~

Expectancy - this refers lo any perceived relationship bel\veen effort and perforn1ance that n1ay affect motivation. If \vorkers do not expect ilieir efforts to nlake any difference to attaining a goal tJ1en their motivation 1vill be 101v. lf iliey do feel effort brings about re1vard then their performance \viii increase as they 1vill be motivated.

Greenberg & Baron (2008) noted three n1ain guidelines for selling effective goals: ~ Assign specific goals. Goals have to have clarity, be

measurable and achievable. An organisation cannot say "do your best" and ilien hope ilie workforce gets niotivated. Research has sho\vn that workers may find the goal challenging but this motivates then1 to 1vant to achieve it. ~

~

Assign difficult, but acceptable, performance goals. Goals that are perceived as unachievable \\•ill demotivate the 1vorkforce as 1vill those that are seen as being "Loo easy~ Therefore, a goal must be difficult to get 1vorkers motivated but not i.mpossible. There can be vertical stretch goals which challenge 1vorkers to achieve higher success in activities that they are currently involved 1vith (e.g. sales). There are also horizontal stretch goals 1vhich challenge workers to perforn1 certain tasks that are new to then1. Provide effecti ve feedback on goal attainment. Feedback throughout the process allows workers to kno1v how far they are progressing and 1vhat is left to attain a goal. This keeps n1otivation at an optin1al level. If feedback is used \\•isely, workers \viii believe even 111ore that they can attain tJie goal and will be nrore 1110/ivated to achieve it.

This can be expressed as an equation:

M = Vx l x E Therefore, motivation is determined by ho\v the iliree factors interact, so if one of them is lo\v then motivation as a '"hole will be lo\v as a result. All have to be reasonably high for motivation to be high too.

Managerial applications of expectancy theory How can the above be used by rnanagers in an organisation to irnprove motivation of its workforce? Riggio (1999) and Greenberg & Baron (2008) highlight the follo1ving practical ways: ~

Managers need to define any goal-based work outcome very clearly to all workers. Clarity is the key to success. All rewards and costs of performance based around these re1vards must be kno,vn and be transparent.

~

~tanagers should get \vorkers involved in the setting

of any goals and listen to their suggestions about 'vays to change jobs and roles to help attain them. This should help to increase VIE levels. ~

For the valence element, n1anagers should ensure that the rewards are ones that employees desire and see in a positive light. TI1ese n1ay need to be individually specific as not all 'vorkers are motivated by the sanie things. Greenberg & Baron (2008) highlight ho'" many companies now use a "cafeteria-style benefit plan" 'vhere employees can choose their O\Vn personalised incentives fro1n items such as pay, additional days off and lo,ver daycare costs for their children. ·n1e valence element for workers is very high if they are striving for son1ething they have chosen.

~

Progression from performance to re\vards has to be achievable. Any perforn1ance-related goal (especially if \Yorkers have some perforn1ance-related pay) has to be atta.inable for all. \Vorkers whose portion of their \\'age is based on performance need goals that are attainable but \vhere motivation is the key to reaching them. Greenberg & Baron (2008) state that if there is a pay-for-perforn1ance method in the company then this should increase the instrumental motivation element of expectancy theory and n1otivation increases.

®

Intrinsic and extrinsic motivation Extrinsic nlotivation is a desire to perform a task or behaviour because it gives positive reinforcen1ent (e.g. a reward) or it avoids some kind of punishn1ent happening. In tern1s of the workplace, this n1ight nlean workers gain extra pay or a day off for their efforts. Intrinsic niotivation is a desire to perforn1 a task or behaviour because it gives internal pleasure or helps to develop a skill. In tern1s of the workplace, people 'vill attribute success to their O\vn desires (autononiy) and may be interested in sinlply mastering a task rather than focusing on something such as extra pay.

Types of reward system There are 1nany reward systems that organisations can use with their workforce. They tend to be based around both extrinsic and intrinsic n1otivators. They can include the following: ~

~ Bonus - offering a bonus is are quite \videspread

in organisations linked to sales and finance. At the end of each year (maybe after an appraisal), ~·orkcrs \viii be given a bonus payment based on the perforn1ance of the1nselves and the company as a '"hole.

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CHALLENGE YOURSELF

You need to help out a company that has recently discovered that its workforce is not motivated. You need to devise a strategy that the company can use and tell managers on what psychology It Is based.

MOTIVATORS AT WORK We have discussed the use of incentives and rewards for "'orkers, but \vhich ones are useful and moth•ate \vorkers to achieve goals set? The next section covers this.

Pay - having some pay linked to a certain task or goal can increase the motivation of \vorkers as they want to have 1nore money.

Profit-sharing - a certain percentage of any profit a company n1akes can be "ring fenced" to be shared by all \vorkers. Therefore, everyone may be more motivated to attain goals and reach performance criteria so that there is a monetary re\vard.

Performance-related pay When \ve covered tJ1e VIE (expectancy) theory of n1otivation we covered perforn1ance-related pay (sec page 248). In addition, sales organisations n1ay set n1inimu1n targets \Vhich give \VOrkers basic pay and anything achieved above the target earns then1 commission. This should motivate '"orkers to exceed minimum targets as they \vill gain a reward in the process.

CHAPTER 12: PSYCHOLOGY AND ORGANISATIONS

Non-monetary rewards

Career structure and promotion prospects

As \Ve have seen, not all motivators have to be extrinsic. There are important intrinsic motivators in the 1vorkplace such as the follo\vi ng:

These can also be motivators for 1vorkers in the follo1ving 1vays:

~

Praise - simply gaining praise fron1 a superior at 1vork can motivate a \vorker to continue to 1vork hard and meet targets and goals. It is a form of positive reinforcement.

~

~

Respect - gaining respect from superiors and fello\\• colleagues is also irnportant in an organisation. This internal feeling of"good" can n1otivate \Vorkers to continue to try hard at a task.

~

Recognition - sin1ply being recognised for any "over and above" effort can n1otivate a \vorker to continue to work hard. For exru11ple, an "employee of the month" scheme or being 1nentioned in a work ne1vsletter can 1notivatc people greatly.

Career structure - having a set career structure 1vhen a 1vorker begins employment can keep workers motivated. If a 1vorkers career is "mapped out" sho1ving a career development within the company then the 1vorker can be rnotivated by both extrinsic and intrinsic motivators. T11ese 1vill include assistance 1vith career decisions, enriching the current job with job satisfaction, in1proving comn1unication with the worker's manager, setting n1ore realistic goals that fit in 1vith the career structure and giving the \vorker a great sense of personal responsibility about helping to manage his or her own career. All of these would certainly keep a 1vorker n1otlvated.

~

E111powennent - when workers succeed at a difficult task or achieve a difficult goal they n1ay have a sense of empo1vermenl. ·n1is n1ay n1ake them believe that the next task is attainable even if it looks difficult. lt equips them to continually try hard at a task.

~

~

Sense of belonging - making 1vorkers feel "part of the team" and that their individual efforts are appreciated can motivate them to keep trying hard and reaching even difficult goals.

Prornotion prospects - as part of the career structure, a manager could also n1ap out potential prornotion prospects with 1vorkers. ·1his could be 1vithin their O\Vn company or a sister company. The workers would then have dearer ideas about \vhat they need to achieve to be promoted which is both an extrinsic motivator (more money) and an intrinsic motivator (the satisfaction of being pron101ed).

®

Outline two different motivators at work and evaluate how effective they are at motivating a workforce.

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TEST YOURSELF

•

12.3 LEADERSHIP AND MANAGEMENT ln an organisation there are leaders and managers

\\•ho help run it "from the top". Leadership involves the "ability lo guide a group toward the achievement of goals". (Riggio, J 999: 340). This section \vill deal \\•ith all things "leadership"; from theories of leadership to leadershjp style and what is effective.

for "gift of grace" so it means that leaders possess a charismatic personality that allows them to lead a \vorkforce effectively. These leaders tend to have very good public speaking skills, exude confidence, inspire people, captivate their audiences every time. As a result, the 'vorkforce is motivated to follO\\' them and attain the goals set by them. In addition, Greenberg & Baron (2008) revie1ved the field and produced a list of five "agreed" traits that charismatic leaders have:

i>- Self-confidence - tl1ey sho'v high confidence about their 01vn ability and the ability of their workforce to attain a goal.

i>- A vision - this usually takes the forn1 of making ASK YOURSELF

Whal do you think are the qualities of a good leader al work?

working conditions or workjng life better.

i>- Extraordinary behaviour - they sho1v son1e unusual or unconventional behaviours.

THEORIES OF LEADERSHIP Tus section looks at a range of psychological theories that attempt to explain 'vhat makes son1eone becon1e a leader. Unh•ersalist theories: great person theory. charismatic and transformational leaders. Behavioural theories: Ohio state studies (initiating structure and consideration). University of Michlgan studies (task and relationship-oriented behaviours).

i>- Recognition as change agents - in other 1vords, they are seen to n1ake things happen.

i>- Environn1e11tal sensitivity - they sho'" realis111 about what can be achieved given the resources tliey have available. Transformational leaders, according to Riggio ( 1999). change ho1v the 1vork:force think, reason and behave. They inspire \vorkers using six different behaviours:

i>- Identifying and articulating a vision - they excite \vorkers \vith a vision for the company.

i>- Providing an appropriate n1odel - the leaders "practise \vhat they

Great person theory This follo,vs the idea that "great leaders are bon1, not made': Therefore, you are either a "naturat» leader or not. People's natural abilities allo'v then1 to "rise to the top" of any organisation because of the skills they \Vere born with. These leaders have special traits that aJJ01v the1n to progress up the n1anagerial levels of an organisation and then lead the con1pany effectively over ti me. These traits are stable and effective 1vhen they a.re used in a position of au thority.

Charismatic and transformational leaders Another idea is that certain leaders have the necessary charisn1a to become leaders. They possess first-class interpersonal skills. Charisma comes from the Greek

preach~

i>- Fostering the acceptance of group goals cooperation bet\veen all 1vorkers is promoted and a common goal is set.

i>- Maintaining high perforn1ance expectation - excellence is encouraged and \VOrk quality is improved.

i>- Providing individualised support - the leaders will show ca1·e and concern for all individuals.

i>- Providing intellectual stiniulation - the leaders \viJJ challenge workers to rethink ho'v they do things.

Ohio State studies Researchers from Ohio State University collected data from self-reports and observations of leaders and their workers. From this they listed over 100 different behaviours sho1vn by leaders. They conducted a factor analysis on the data (this looks for relationships behveen

CHAPTER 12: PSYCHOLOGY AND ORGANISATIONS

variables and clusters sin1ilar ones together) and found that there are just t\vo broad categories of leaders: ;, Initialing structure - this includes assigning specific tasks to people, defining groups of \vorkers, creating and meeting deadlines and ensuring that \VOrkers are \vorking to a set standard. ;, Consideration - this is sho\vn by leaders \vho have a genuine concern for the feelings of \VOrkers and their attitudes. The leaders establish rapport \vith \Yorkers \Vhile showing them trust and respect. They \viii listen to \vorkers more often than the other category of leaders and try to boost the self-confidence of their \Vorkforce.

University of Michigan studies Researchers al the University of Michigan exan1ined many leaders of large organisations and also found two n1ain types of behaviour in these leaders: ;, Task-oriented behaviours - these \Vere behaviours that focused on the actual task being conducted. The leaders are more concerned \Vith setting up some structures \Vithin an organisation such as targets, standards, supervising \vorkers and achieving goals. ;, Relationship-oriented behaviours - these \Vere behaviours that had a focus on the wellbeing of the \YOrkforce. The leaders \VOuld look at interpersonal relationships benveen \Yorker and \Yorker, plus \VOrker and 1nanager. They would also take the tin1e to understand the feelings of their \vorkforce. The research team concluded that the relationshiporiented behaviours were more effective at motivating a \VOrkforce than task-orie nted ones.

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CHALLENGE YOURSELF

Make a grid of how the four theories in this section are similar and are different.

LEADERSHIP STYLE AND EFFECTIVENESS \Ve have looked at theories that try to explain \vhy people are leaders and then \Vhat they do once they are in a position of authority. \\/hat happens next? According to psychologists we must then look at \vhat "style of leadership'' they adopt and assess ho\v effective that choice is. The next section looks at a range of styles.

Effectiveness: contingency theory (Fiedler, 1976) This theory looks at the interaction bet\veen the style of leadership that leaders adopt and the situation that they fi nd the1nselves in. For a leader to be effective in the \vorkplace, the leader's style n1ust fi t 1vith the amo unt of authority, po\ver and control the leader is given in the organisation. There are various steps to assess 1vhether a leader \viii be effective in a 1vorkplace: ~

Completion of the least preferred co-worker (LPC) questionnaire - leaders complete a questionnaire about the person 1vitlr whon1 they can work least well. They rate them on bi-polar adjectives such as boring/interesting and frustrating/helpful. From this, leaders can be seen as being either task-oriented (so they give harsh ratings to fello\v \vorkers) or relationship-oriented (so they give favourable ratings even though the person is the least preferred).

~

Leader-n1ember relations - this is 1neasured by getting the workforce to assess the leaders on ho\v well liked they are, etc.

;, Task structure - this 1neasures how well a particular work task is structured \vith \veil-defined goals. ;, Position po\ver - this looks at con1pany policy and examines ho\v leaders can hire and fire, discipline and re\va rd 1vorkers. The ideal situation for a leader to th rive is \Vhen the leader- member relations are positive, the task is very \vell structured and the leader has strong position powers. Riggio ( 1999) notes that a task-oriented leader is most effective \vhen the situation is at the extremes: either highly favourable or highly unfavourable. In highly

Directive behaviour - this is focused on getting the job done. Leaders can provide specific guidelines for the task \Vilh \vork rules and distinct schedules which they coordinate and oversee.

favourable situations, teams are already well established, as are po\ver positions and task structure, so the leader simply "slots in". In highly unfavourable situations, the leader can give a failing project the necessary structure and drive to succeed. Relationship-oriented leaders appear more effective in the rniddle-ground projects that need more support and coaching than goal setting.

JI>

Situational leadership (Hersey & Blanchard, 1988)

JI> Supportive behaviour - this is focused on

This idea is also based around the task and relationship behaviour. This theory looks a l styles that work depending on \vhether there are lo\v or high task controls and/o r lo\v or high relationship aspects of the task. Therefore, four different types of situations in the workplace can happen. 'TI1ese are as follows:

JI>

JI> Low relationship but high task - these are situations

\vhere \vorkers need structure and direction frorn their leader to achieve a set goal but require very little einotional support to do so. The best behaviolLr for the leader is telling the \vorkforce \Vhat to do. ,,, High relationship and high task - these are situations where \vorkers need both structure and emotional support. They need help improving a skill \vith set guidelines and need the emotional support to do it. The best behaviour for the leader is selling the idea to the \VOrkforce. JI>

High relationship but lo''' task - these are situations \vhere workers need very little guidance on what to do but need a lot of emotional support to achieve it. The best behaviour for the leader is participating \vitli the workforce on the task.

JI> Achievement-oriented behaviour - this is

focused on outcomes and involves leaders setting cha!Jenging goals to achieve but they encourage improvement in skills and attainment interpersonal behaviour and involves leaders boosting these relationships by sho\ving concern for each \vorker's '"ellbeing in a friendly environment.

Styles: permissive versus autocratic (e.g. Muczyk and Reimann, 1987) These are two styles ofleadership that can be combined to assess ho\v a leader may be acting. Permissive means that \vorkers are not told ho\v to do their jobs and autocratic means that \vorkers are not allowed to participate in any decision making. Therefore, tJ1ere can be four combinations: JI> Permissive and autocratic - leaders 'vilJ make decisions

by themselves and let the '"orkers "get on \vith it': JI>

Permissive but not autocratic - leaders will make decisions with others involved and will then let the \vOrkers "get on with it".

JI>

Not permissive but au tocratic - leaders \vill n1ake decisions by then1selves and then closely rnonitor ho\v the workers are perforn1ing on the task.

JI>

Not permissive or autocratic. The leader will rnake decisions 1vitl1 others involved and 1vill closely monitor hO\V the \vorkers arc performing on the task.

JI> Low relationship and low task - these are situations

\Vhere workers are already able to perforn1 the task and are willing to do so. The best behaviour for the leader is delegating the workload across the workforce.

Path-goal theory (House, 1979) This idea centres on the leader's job being one that helps the \vorkforce attain a desired goal. There are four ways in \Vhich a leader can attempt to achieve this:

Participative behaviour - this is focused on getting ever)'One involved: leaders encourage all 1vorkers to have a say in \vays to achieve the goal, etc.

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CHAPTER 12: PSYCHOLOGY AND ORGANISATIONS '

TEST YOURSELF

Outline what psychologists have found out about leadership styles al work

Leadership training and characteristics of effective leaders Riggio ( 1999) noted t\\IO main approaches to leadership traini ng. The first is to teach leaders diagnostic skills. This '"ill allow the1n to assess a work situation and choose \vhich leadership style \\IOuld \\IOrk best in it. This skill can be trained into leaders via role play and \\IOrkbased examples. Elements that need assessment \11ould be things such as \11orkforce morale, ho\11 close to the goal the 1vorkforce is, and what training 1nay be needed to help to the \VO rkforcc be more effective or motivated. 9 pattern "Country club" management 1,

The second approach is to teach leaders very specific skills or behaviours that they appear to lack. For example, if leaders are task-oriented they could have training on being niore relationship-oriented so that they beco1ne niore of a "rounded" leader. One \11ay in which this could be done, highlighted by Greenberg & Baron (2008), is by using the grid training niethod. Leaders complete standard questionnaires that set out to measure their concern for production and their concern for people. Each leader is rated on a scale of l to 9 for both dimensions and placed on a grid and assessed accordingly. As you can see, a leader '"ho is mainly concerned about production over people scores 9.l and is deemed as having a task-oriented management style, and so on. The ultimate goal is to move tO\vards a 9.9 score \vhich is seen as being the most effective leader.

9, 9 pattern Team managementthe ideal style

High '\... 9

'

8 CD

Q. 7 0

8. .... 6

--

.2 5 c

.... B4 c

5. 5 pattern Middle-of-the-road management

8 3 2

Low 1 J

1, 1 pattern

Impoverished management

.;

1

Low

5 6 7 8 9 High Concern ror production

2

3

4

9, 1 pattern Task management

.A Figure 12.3.1 The grid training method

In tenns of the characteristics of effective leaders, Greenberg & Baron (2008) noted a review of the field and listed the niain features: ~ They have socialised po,ver rnotivation. 111is

means being motivated to achieve shared goals and ideas. These leaders will cooperate with the entire 1vorkforce 111ithout don1inating. ~

They sho\11 flexibility. 1hey can act upon and adapt to numerous situations instead of having a "one style fits all" approach.

~

They are tno ralistic. Authentic leaders te nd to be highly moral in their approach to \vork, nieaning they are confident, hopeful and always optirnistic about goals and their \\lorkforce \vithin n1oral boundaries.

~ They have multiple intelligences. Effective leaders

tend to sho1v three levels of intelligence: cognitive intelligence (informational processing). emotional intelligence (see page 143) and cultural intelligence (especially if part of a multinational organisation).

>-

Other noted aspects included having a drive for success, being trustworthy. having a solid kno,vledge of business practices, being creative and being open about ideas.

Riggio ( l999) added lea ming to delegate and giving constructive feedback as other vital leader qualities. CHALLENGE YOURSELF

You have been asked by a local company to give training to its leaders What would you do and on what psychology 1s it based?

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and that in group sees the leader as being encouraging and motivated.

Normative decision theory (Vroom & Yetton, 1973) This theory has a focus on strategies for choosing the

most effective \vay to make important decisions in an organisation. There appear to be five potential strategies for decision niaking by leaders: ~

Al (autocratic) - leaders \viii solve a problem or make a decision by t hen1selves using whatever information they can find.

~

A1T (autocratic) - leaders \Viii solve a proble1n or make a decision by the1nselves but only after they have obtained the necessary inforinatio n from their workforce.

>-

Cl (consu ltative) - leaders will solve a problem or make a decision by then1selves but only after they have shared it \vith the \VOrkforce individually.

reduct

LEADERS AND FOLLOWERS

Leader-member exchange model It \vould appear that the theories \Ve have presented so far are based on the ideas that every leader treats every niernber of his of her \\IOrkforce equally and in the same \Vay every time. This is clearly not the case in reality! The leader-member exchange (Li\it.X) model looks into this. Leaders form different relationships \Vith their \Vorkforce early on in any process and, based on very limited information, classify workers into nvo distinct groups. The favoured ones (be it because they follo\v the same ideals as the leader or are seen as hard \Yorkers, etc.) forrn part of the "in group''. lhere is then, by default, an "out group" \vhich consists of 1vorkers that do not "fit in" with 1vhat the leader wants (be it because of a personality clash or that they are perceived to not be hard workers, etc.). Obviously, the in group will get more attention and praise and recognition con1pared to the out group. This can den1otivate the latter group considerably while those in the in group get bolstered. Riggio ( 1999) noted that an LMX can be of lo\\1 quality \Vbere the leader has a very negative view of the out group and the out group does not see the leader as effective. An LMX can also be of high quality 1vhere the leader has a very positive vie\v of his or her in group

~

>-

Cn (consultative) - leaders \Viii SOive a probJen1 Or make a decision by themselves but only after they have shared ii \vilh the \VOrkforce as a group. Gll (group decision) - leaders \\•ill share the problem or potential decision \Vith the \VOrkforce in a group meeting. A decision is reached by consensus.

Originally, a leader being assessed in terms of this theory \VOuJd have to ans,ver 7 questions \Vith a yes or no (110\v expanded to 12). Example questions are "Is the problen1 structured?" and "If I niake the decision alone, is it likely to be accepted by n1y \\1orkforce? Once all of the questions have been put into a decision tree, the 111ost effective strategy from the five above is recom1nended.

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TEST YOURSELF

Outline either the LMX model or the normative decision theory in your own words.

CHAPTER 12: PSYCHOLOGY AND ORGANISATIONS

12.4 GROUP BEHAVIOUR IN ORGANISATIONS

4. Performing - the group is now set to \vork as a cohesive unit on tasks and to attain any goal or goals set. The group energy is diverted tO\vards completing tasks to a high standard. The leader is no\v fully accepted.

5. Adjourning - once Ll1e goals have been attained, Riggio ( 1999) defines a group as t\vo or more individuals, engaged in social interaction, for the purposes of achieving some goal. A K YOURSELF

What do you think the advantages and disadvantages are of working in a group?

GROUP DYNAMICS, COHESIVENESS AND TEAMWORK G roup development The dynamics of a group can be assessed when we look at hO\V groups form in organisations. Tuckman & Jensen ( l 977) noted a five-stage formation process:

1. Forming - members ofa group get to knO\V each other and ground rules are established in terms of conversations and appropriate behaviours. These are based around the job (the reason) that they are \vorking on but aho the social skills side (e.g. hierarchy).

2. Storming - this stage is characterised by group conflict. 1'1embers n1ay want to resist any authority from whoever becomes the "group leader" and there n1ay be conflict bet\veen equals too (e.g. personality clash). If nothing can be resolved then the group dissipates. lf the conflict can be overco1ne then the leadership stage is accepted and the group can n1ove on.

3. Norining - this involves the grou p becon1ing more cohesive. Identification as a group 111e111ber beco111es stronger and the unit begins to 1vork well 011 tasks. Group 1nembers begin to feel nlore comfortable in sharing feelings and responsibilities plus \vays in \vhich goals can be met. This stage is complete 1vhen all group members accept a con1mon set of expectations of group behaviour.

there may be no longer any need for the group so the group dissipates. This can happen abruptly (e.g. as a charity event ends) or take longer (e.g. ne\v goals are formed Lllat only some men1bers of the group \\•ant to attain). Some psychologists disagree about the nature of group formation and cohesiveness and that the order n1ay differ between groups. 111is is tackled in a theory calJed puncluated-equilibriu1n n1odel. There are just two phases that any group in an organisation goes through:

1. Phase l . This is \Vhen group men1bers define who they are and \Vhat they want to achieve (e.g. goals). This phase usually lasts around 50 per cent of the group's entire Hfeti me so new ideas tend not to be acted upon and the group is in a state of "equiHbrium" n1oving slo,vly tO\vards its target.

2. Phase 2. Then, suddenly, the group has a "midlife crisis" and members realise that they \viii no t achieve Lheir goal. They recognise that they must change their outlook and path1vay to\vards a target so they can take on new idea~ and work harder to attain any goals. They 111ove into a state of "punctuating" to cope \Vilh these changes.

Group cohesiveness, team building and team performance Cohesiveness, according to Riggio ( 1999), is the an1oun t or degree of attraction a1nong group n1embers. This can be used to explain "team spirit" in organisations and groups experiencing this tend to be n1ore satisfied at work. Ho1vever, it does not seem to increase productivity. It seems that smaller groups, 1vhere everyone is of an equal status, sho\v the most cohesiveness. The t1vo ideas above link to cohesiveness as the group n1en1bers have to 1vork \velJ and be as a unit to succeed in an organisation.

Greenberg & Baron (2008) note that there are some factors that can greatl y increase group cohesiveness:

I> Severity - if the initiation to the group is severe then lhe group becon1es more cohesive (i.e. the more difficulties people have to overcome to be part of a group, the more they \viii \Vant LO stick " ·ith that group.

I> Exercises about interpersonal processes. Tasks that can re-establish trust and cooperation can be used.

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I> Competition - groups tend to be more cohesive if they are competing against other groups (especially from other competitor organisations).

I> Tirne - the n1ore tin1e its niembers have to spend

TEST YOURSELF Explain how groups may develop al work.

together on a task, the n1ore cohesive the group should becon1e.

I> Group size - s1naller groups tend to be more cohesive.

I> 1-listory - if the group has succeeded many times in the past then cohesiveness tends to be higher.

Characteristics of successful teams Hackinan (2000) noted six 1nain mistakes that happen to 1nake teams 1101 successful

Tean1 building is abou t 1naking an effort to make tean1s niore effective in what they do. It can be used on ne\v teains that have not reached a level of cohesiveness or for an established tean1 that is not being as effective as previously. According to Greenberg and Baron (2008) there are t\VO areas that have to be covered in any teambuilding intervention:

;, Call the performing unit a tean1 but really manage members as individuals

I> Being a team me1nber matters. There has to be

I> Dismantle existing organizational structures so

harmony and cohesiveness in a team with group decisions being the norm. Members have to be able to advocate ideas, enquire about ideas, share responsibilities and value the diversity of the group.

I> Self-managemen t is in1portanL Jlvlembers have to be able lo nianage themselves for a team to "'ork. Various skills such as observing, setting difficult goals, practising ne\\•skills and being constructively critical are key behaviours. In terms of exercises that can be used. these are the 1nost com1non:

I> Exercises to define roles - members of the group talk about \Vhat they think their roles are and the roles of others to see \Vhere disagreement lies. This can then be resolved.

I> Exercises to set goals - clarification may be needed on \vhat goals the group are trying to attain.

I> Exercises in problem solving - these can be set up in such a way that all team members have to \vork together to succeed.

I> Use a team for \VOrk that is better done by individuals

I> Fall off the authority 'Balance Beam' by being too authoritative too often that teams \Vill be full y "empO\vered" to accomplish the work

I> Specify challenging team objectives, but skimp on organizational supports

I> Assun1e that n1embers already have all the skills they need to work \veil as a tean1 Therefore, the main characteristics of a successful team would be, according to Hackn1an:

1. The task is one lhat is full y appropriate for perforn1ance by a tea1n. 2. The tean1 is an intact perforrning unit whose men1bers perceive themselves as a tean1 3. The learn has a clear, authoritative, and engaging direction for its work. 4. '£he structure of the team- its task, composition, and core norn1s of conduct- promotes rather than impedes competent teain\vOrk.

5. The organizational context provides support and reinforcement for excellence through policies and

CHAPTER 12: PSYCHOLOGY AND ORGANISATIONS '

systerns that are specifically tuned to the needs of work teams.

6. An1ple, expert coaching is available to the team at those tirnes \vhen members most need it and are ready to receive it.

Decision making The decision-making process We have covered aspects of this in the section 12.3 on leadership and management regarding autocratic and permissive styles (see page 253). These affect decision making, so reread section 12.3. One thing to add is that consensus ought to be made, \Vhich n1eans that all group members have agreed on the chosen action plan. Decision style and individual differences in decision making Decision style has also been covered in section 12.3 (see page 255). As there are so niany decision-making styles, they inevitably lead to individual differences in approaches to decision making. Individual versus group decisions In an organisation there \vill be decisions made by individuals and ones made by groups. Is one method more effective than the other? Are there times when a group decision is the best opt ion? Are there situations 'vhere it is best for an individual to nlake the decision? Riggio ( 1999) highlights the advantages and disadvantages of group decisions: ~ The advantages are that different parts of the decisions

can be delegated to different members of the group \vho have different specialities. There is more of a kno\vledge base to dra\v on and the final decision will be accepted by group members as they have all helped out. The final decision will be \Vell critiqued already. ~ The disadvantages are that the process can be

very slow as everyone is involved. Also, conflict can be generated if not everyone agrees, so there is potential for the group simply to break do\vn. In addition, leaders n1ay don1inate and make the decision their O\vn.

A group decision \VOuld cover a lot rnore "bases" than an individual pondering the issue as the group vJill have a wide range of vie\vpoints to discuss and consider before making the very important decision. As long as the group is cohesive and respecting then a group decision here would be much more favourable than a decision made by an individual. 'Vhen a task requires creativity and it is poorly structured, individuals work better and come up \\rith more productive ideas than a group \VOuld. Greenberg & Baron (2008) noted a study conducted to see if this \Vas truly the case. People \Vere given poorly structured ideas that needed creativity such as "What if everybody grew an extra thumb?" and \Vere asked to consider the consequences of each situation given to then1. Individuals carne up with many n1ore creative ideas con1pared to groups of between four and seven people.

Groupthink and group polarisation There may be other situations \vhen a group decision may appear to be a good idea but it truly is not. There are t\VO things that can happen to make the decisionmaking process go \vrong: groupthink and group polarisation. Groupthink is what happens when a highly cohesive group \vhere all members respect each other's vie\vpoints con1es to consensus on a decision too quickly \Vithout any critical evaluation. The group then makes a very poor decision as a result. Riggio ( 1999) notes eight syn1pton1s of groupthink: ~

Ulusion of invulnerability - as the group is so cohesive the members sees themselves as powerful and invincible. They then miss poorly nlade decisions.

~

Illusion of n1orality - all group n1embers see thernselves as the "good guys" and can doing nothing wrong.

~

Shared negative stereotypes - group me1nbers hold common beliefs.

~ Collective rationalisations - group members easil)'

disn1iss any negative information that goes against their decision \Vith no thought.

In addition, Greenberg & Baron (2008) noted that

group decisions are superior to individual ones \Vhen the overall decision is complex. They use an example of deciding \vhether l\vo companies should merge.

~

Self-censorship - group n1e1nbers suppress any desire to be critical.

~

Illusion of unanimity - group me1nbers can easily (and mistakenly) believe that the decision \\Tas a consensus.

~

Direct conforn1it y pressure - all those showing doubts have pressure applied to them to join the majority vie\\T,

~

group to think again and not go for tJ1e first, easy option. Leaders should also encourage nlembers to question and be sceptical so that all decisions are thoroughly assessed. ~

Use subgroups. Split the members of the main group up and set lhem exactly me san1e decisionmakmg tasks. Gel them to present their findings; differences behveen the subgroups can be discussed to form an overall group decision. If the subgroups agree then you can safely say that groupthjnk has not generated that decision.

~

Admit shortcomings. You need to get n1e1nbers of the group to be critical and point out any potential flaws or limitations of the decisions being n1ade. Thjs should allo'" the group as a whole to discuss these to ensure that group n1en1bers have not sin1ply decided on the easiest option.

~

Hold second-chance meetings. Allow group 1nen1bers to digest the original decision then get then1 back for a second meeting so they can discuss anything that is '"orrying them about the decision. This allO\\TS "freshness» to be resumed; if a decision task is tiring group members they '"ill go for the easy option. Having hvo "fresh" attempts at the decision should reduce the probability of groupthink.

tv!indguards - some of the group members buffer any negativity away from the group's decision.

Another fuctor that can adversely affect group decision making is group polarisation. This refers to when groups make "riskier" decisions co1npared to those 1nade by individuals. Group polarisation follO\\TS the idea that, after djscussion, people begin to hold even stronger views about a decision. For exaniple, iniagine certain n1en1bers of the grou p really want to sell off part of a con1pany and after discussing the issue they feel even 1nore strongly about wanting to sell. However, there may be son1e people who do not '"ant to sell. After discussion, they feel even more strongly about not selling. They "polarise" to\vards a stronger position than before discussion. This shift towards the polar end of a decision is called a "risky shift" as the group \viU then attempt to take the riskier option if a consensus can be reached (or just a majority one). Therefore, the majority may '"in but then take a more extreme vie'" of the decision. Ho'"ever, some psychologists state that group polarisation can still happen even \Vith a "cautious risk" - the group may still polarise after discussion but not in an extreme way.

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TEST YOURSELF Explain whal e1lher grouplhlnk or group polarisation Is and how 1t can affect decision making at work.

GROUP CONFLICT There may be tin1es in any organisations 'vhere there is group conflict. There are different types: ~

Intra-group conflict is 'vhen people \Vithin the same group conflict and this interferes \Vith the path\\Tay to,vards a goal.

~

Inter-group conflict is \vhen there is conflict between different groups \l'ithin an organisation.

~

Inter-individual conflict is when l\VO individuals within a group or organisation have a dispute.

Strategies to overcome groupthink and training to avoid poor decisions Greenberg & Baron (2008) noted four different '"ays in \vhich groupthink can be avoided:

Major causes of group conflict: organisational and interpersonal

~

There can be any number of reasons 'vhy group confiict can happen 'vithin an organisation. There appear to

Promote open enquiry. A group leader could question all decisions made in order to get the

CHAPTER 12: PSYCHOLOGY AND ORGANISATIONS

be two broad categories accordi ng to Riggio ( 1999). as foUO\VS: ~

~

Organbalional factors forn1 one broad category. For example, status differences \Vithin an organisation n1ight cause friction. There could be conflict between people about the best path\vay tO\vards a goal. There may be a lack of resources such as money, supplies or staff \\•hich can cause conflict too. Also, \Vhen there are groups that form a "chain of events" for a task to be completed, there are many opportunities for things to go \vrong and hence conflict occurs. Interpersonal reasons n1ake up the other broad category. These are things such as the personal qualities of two \Vorkers "clashing~ nieaning they do no t cooperate on tasks. It may be that individuals si1nply cannot get along with each other or due to a failed task may never wan t to work with each other again. Son1etin1es, if the conflict is between two heads of different departments this can escalate into conflict bet\veen those departments as a result.

Positive and negative effects of conflict Conflict that occurs within an organisation can have both negative and positive effects: ~

There could be the folJo,ving negative effects. Group cohesiveness may diminish as people do not get on. Comrnunication can be inhibited as a resuJt of people not talking. Workers n1ay no longer trust each other due to conflict. Constant "bickering" can reduce productivity and goal attainment.

~

Here are some examples of positive effects. Conflict n1ay get group n1en1bers to rethink 1vhat they are doing. This improves creativity and innovation (and reduces the problen1s of groupthink). Workers 111ay become less co1nplacent 1vith their work if conflict is occurring. lfit n1eans that the 1vhole 1vorkforce is listened to and consuJted then productivity may increase as all workers feel "part of the organisation''.

Managing group conflict Thomas (quoted in Riggio, 1992) identified five different strategies that can be used to nlanage group conflict in

an organisation: ~

Competition - individuals n1ay persist in conflict untiJ someone \Vins and someone loses and then the conflict, apparentJy, diminishes \Vithin the groups these individuaJs are frorn.

~

Accommodation - this involves making a "sacrifice" in order to reduce conflict This can help to cut losses and save the relationship benveen the two groups in conflict.

~

Con1promise - each group under conflict n1ust give up son1ething to help resolve the conflict. This can only be acliieved if both sides can lose things that are con1parable.

~

Collaboration - the groups need to \VOrk togetJ1er to overco1ne the confil ct as long as resources are not scarce.

~ Avoidance - this involves suppressing the conflict or

withdra\ving fron1 the conflict cornpletely. Neither side can truly resolve the conflict; the differences are still there and have not been \vorked through. This strategy can be used if the conflict is so aggressive that both sides need to "cool off''. Another technique might be for managers to create a superordinate goaJ. This is a goal that the conflicting groups are 1villing to \\•Ork for together. This will focus them a\\1ay from the original conflict Also, managers can use their authority to call a vote on the conflict situation. As a result, the rnajority of \\•orkers will "\vin" the conflict and managers then have to deal 1vith the losing \vorkers. Managers could also create opportunities for both groups to get a better understanding of one another through workshops, discussion and presentations.

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CHALLENGE YOURSELF

An organisation wants you to deliver a presentation on why groups conflict at work. They also want some hints and tips on how to manage group confltct. What would you say to them and on what psychology is it based?

Some organisational psychologists examine ho\v the surroundings at "'Ork and people's ",vork stations" affect lheir productivity and attitude to \VOrk. This section 'vill take a look at factors that are important for \Yorkers, including shift patterns and potential errors that could cause accidents. ASK YOURSELF

How do you feel your surroundings affect how you work? Whal things make you want to work and whal things put you off?

PHYSICAL AND PSYCHOLOGICAL WORK CONDITIONS Belo\v \Ve look at the role of physical and psychological

"'Ork conditions and ho'v they may affect workers in an organisation.

Physical work conditions This category includes illumination, temperature, noise, motion, pollution and aesthetic factors. We '"ill look at each in turn. In tern1s of lighting (illumination), workers require adequate levels in order to perforn1 any given task. Artificial lighting n1ust be provided if natural daylight is not enough to complete a task at work. Obviously, different jobs require different amou nts and types of light. A "'orker \vho is perforining a fine n1otor skill may need much more illun1ination con1pared to someone on a production line. Illumination is necessary for night \VOrkers and rnany companies provide light that n1i1nics sunlight so that the workers' biological n1echanisms are tricked into believing it is actually daytime. However, too much illumination from devices can be detrimental. For example, the issue of glare from computer screens has to be dealt \Vith and workers should be able to control the contrast and brightness on their screens.

In terms of ten1perature, there must be an optin1al level set depending on the job being undertaken. There are rules about minimum temperature although no rules about n1a~imum temperature. Air conditioning can obviously keep temperature at a set level in offices. People \vho \vork in refrigerated areas need protective clothing to stop them from getting too cold. \Vhen people become too hot or too cold they begin to slo'" do\"11 in terms of cognitive functioning and motor skill coordination so an optin1al temperature needs to be set. Noise can be very distracting in the \vorkplace especially if it is loud and uncontrollable. There are legislations that state \vorkers should not be exposed to n1ore than 90 decibels in a "normal" \Vorking environ1nent. Anything above this and workers will Jose concentration and their task efficiency will suffer. However, there are jobs where the noise \viii be over 90 decibels constantly (e.g. a pneun1alic dri ll is nearly 130 decibels), so \Vorkers will need ear protectors to stop any permanent damage occurring to their' hearing. Motion can be an issue for certain types of jobs too. Workers who use pneumatic equipment \vhere the \Vhole body vibrates when it is used may have longerterm issues. These can include decreasing ability to perforn1 fine n1otor skills and developing a repetitive strain injury affecting joints or tendons. Pollution and aesthetic factors are covered in chapter 10. More information about noise is given in section l 0.1. (see page 177). TEST YOURSELF

Outline how two physical factors affect workers in an organisation.

Psychological work conditions Psychological \vork conditions include feelings of privacy or crowding, excess or absence of social interactions, sense of status or importance as opposed to anonyn1ity or unimportance. Density and cro,vding are covered in section I0.2 (see page 183).

CHAPTER 12: PSYCHOLOGY AND ORGANISATIONS

In terms of social interactions, there can be two extremes that \vorkers have to contend \vith: excess or absence. Excess social interactions can obviously reduce productivity in workers and even though son1e of it can be blamed on people si1nply chatting and not paying attention to their \VOrk or the lin1e, there n1ay be other factors that contribute lo it. The layout of an office can pro1nole or inhibit con1munication. lf desks face each other and have an opportunity for face-to-face communication then there \vill be an excess of social interaction. Solitary booths \vill reduce social interaction. Ho\vever, there are some jobs \vhere there is an absence of social interaction with other \vorkers. For example, people \vorking in laboratories \vhere only one person is needed to handle trials will have very limited social interactions; although sales and call centre staff interact over the telephone, their \vorker-to-worker social interactions may be limited. A sense of status or in1portance can enhance productivity in a \vorkforce. lf people are given job titles \vhich sho\v they have son1e status \Vithin the organisation (e.g. supervisor) then they are more likely to be motivated to \vork. This psychological sense of being important can boost self-esteem and self-efficacy and has a very positive knock-on effect on productivity and goal attainment. However, the opposite can happen if people are not given status for their job (especially if they feel they play a vital role in the organisation). This can quickly dcn1otivate people \vho will then fail to attain goals or care about the quality of their work.

@

TEMPORAL CONDITIONS OF WORK ENVIRONMENTS Temporal conditions refer to the time conditions in which people \VOrk. There are n1any different work patterns that people folio"' around the \vorld, from the 9 a.111. to 5 p.111. work pattern, to shift-\vorkers' hours, to those "on call". Below \Ve look al son1e of the options organisations have \vhen choosing the te1nporal conditions for its workers.

Shift work Rapid rotation theory and slow rotation theory Shift work refers to when a \\'Orker does not do the same work pattern each \veek. Workers need to alternate the times they \vork so that an organisation can, say, operate on a 24-hour basis. Workers alternating benveen day and night shifts is a good example. Ho\vever, more organisations run a rotation of three shifts per day: day shift (typically 6 a.m. to 2 p.m.), afternoon or t\vilight shift (2 p.m. to I 0 p.m.) and night shift ( I 0 p.m. to 6 a.m.). Therefore, \vorkers need to change their "working day''. There are different options that an organisation can use for this: ~

- A metropolitan rota is \vhere \Yorkers complete hvo day shifts, then hvo nvilight shifts, then nvo night shifts. This is then foUo"•ed by t\vo days off \vork.

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- A continental rota is where \vorkers complete two day shifts, two t\vilight shifts, three night shifts, t\vo days off work, two day shifts, three twilight shifts, two night shifts, then three days off work. After this, the rotation begins again.

reduct

~ CHALLENGE YOURSELF

V

A loc al c ompany wants you to help it redesign an ofl1ce space to improve cond1bons for workers. It wants one physical change and one p sychological change. Whal would you design a nd o n what psychology 1s 1t based?

Rapid rotation - these are frequent shift changes that "'orkers have to foUo\v. There are f\vO types:

~

Slo\v rotation - these are infrequent changes of shift that 'vorkers have to foUo\v. For example, they may work day shifts for three \veeks or more, have a fe\v days off then \York night shifts for three weeks or more, etc. This type of shift pattern

alJO\\IS \Yorkers' circadian rhythm (their daily rhythm of sleep and \vake) to adapt to a particular shift rather then it being "out of sync" \\•ith \Vork patterns, which can happen on a rapid rotation. Circadian rhythms need time to adapt to a change in shift pattern. If they do not there can be longtenn health implications and some studies have even suggested that people who \vork shifts have higher rates of mortality. Also, when \vorking at night, \vorkers are atten1pting to go against their biological clock. During lhe night, humans are expected to sleep so our cognitive functioning decreases. This means \Ve are more prone to accidents and making errors on tasks at njght.

Compressed work weeks and flexitime There are other options that organisations can use to help \VOrkers strike a good \vork- life balance. Here are t\vo examples: ~

~

They n1 ight adopt a compressed \vorking \veek. Workers can 'vork three 12-hour shifts per \veek leaving them \'lith four days off. They have still \VOrked a standard 36 hours. l·-Io\vever, Riggio ( 1999) notes that co1npleting a series of longer shifts is tiring and there has to be concern about the quality of work being finished and levels of productivity. However, research has pointed to,vards workers feeling more satisfied with their jobs if they follo\v this method. lhey might offer flexitime. Workers still have a contracted amount of hours that they have to be engaged in \VOrk for the organisation. Ho\vever, they can help to choose their daily working hours as long as the total time spent at \VOrk is their agreed contracted hours. A \vorker 111ay decide to \VOrk 9 a.111. to 5 p.n1. on Monday but only \vork 2 p.n1. to 6 p.1n. on Tuesday and work extra hours on days later in the week. This can allow workers to have the flexibility of fitting \VOrk into their lives rather than fitting their lives into \VOrk. Ho,vever, it is unlikely that total flexibility \viii be possible. For exa1nple, organisations may require regular tea1n meetings.

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TEST YOURSELF

Explain how temporal conditions al work can affect a worker.

ERGONOMICS Ergonomics refers lo the study of attempting to match (or improve on) the design of tools, gadgets, machines, \VOrk stations and \vork systems for the \vorkers \vho will have to use them. Engineers and psychologists \vilJ work together to design, for example, \Vork stations and son1e niachi nes and gadgets, ivith 90 per cent of any given popuJation's dimensions covered (e.g. height, weight, knee height when sitting do\vn, etc.).

Operator- machine systems Operator- n1achine systems are those \vhere human workers have to interact with machinery to do their job. We 1vill look at visual and auditory displays and controls. With technological advances still happening at a rapid pace, organisational psychologists need to help companies v.•ith the design of machinery to n1ake the job more efficient but also to stop errors and accidents from occurring.

Visual displays and controls There are three types of visual displays that can be used in organisational machinery: ~

Quantitative - these are rusplays that project numbers giving data - temperature, titne, speed, etc. Digital displays have taken over from, for exan1ple, "clock-like" displays as they are n1uch easier to read and fewer errors occur.

~

Qualitative - these are displays that allo\v for a judgment using \vords as the tool For example, a piece of machinery may not project temperature as a number but have sections sin1ply labelled "cold~

CHAPTER 12: PSYCHOLOGY AND ORGANISATIONS

"normal" and "hot" - workers can then judge what to do based on this information. ~

Check-reading - these are simpler displays where the information is limited but highly useful For example, there may be a sin1ple on-off button, or a light that comes on \Vhen something is not \Vorking correctly (or is \VOrking correctly).

~

performing a task incorrectly (e.g. a \Vorker may simply not folJO\V an instruction). ~

An error of sequence is made. This refers to not following a set procedure for a task (e.g. a \Yorker may \VOrk out of sequence, causing an error).

~

An error of timing is 111ade. This refers to

perfonning a task too slo,vly or too quickly (e.g. a \vorker may press a button too quickJy on a machine or not quickly enough to turn it off).

Auditory displays and controls In addition to a variety of visual displays noted above, auditory displays can be used. Buzzers, belJs or a constant pitched sound can alert ,,rorkers to a potential problem or that a job is con1pleted in a production line. Workers no longer have to be looking at a display to know what is happening; the sound tells them. The type of noise needs to be what Riggio ( l 999) called "psychologically effective''. That is, a realJy loud blaring horn or repetitive short beeps are usually perceived as danger so a \VOrker \Vill be alerted to something that is occurring. Riggio ( L999) noted when it was belier to use either visual displays or auditory displays: ~

lt is better to use visual displays \Vhen a message is complex, a permanent message is needed, the \vork area is too noisy, the \vorkers' jobs involve reading information from displays, etc.

~

It is better to use auditory displays \vhen a message is simple, the \VOrk area is too dark to see a visual readout, \VOrkers need to move about as part of their job, the message is urgent, inforn1ation is continually changing, etc.

Errors and accidents in operator-machine systems When a worker and 1nachine are interacting. it is inevitable that al son1e point an error \vill be made. According to Riggio ( l999), this can happen in four di fferenl \vays: ~

An error of 01nission is n1ade. This refers to a failure to do something (e.g. a \Vorker may fail to switch something on or off).

An error of co111mission is made. This refers to

There are oilier factors which n1ay \veil aftect \VOrkers and cause them to perform a task incorrectly: ~

There may be lack of training on using a piece of equipment or the 111anual 111ay be too complicated to understand.

~

Son1e workers have a personality trait caUed accident proneness - the way they coordinate themselves both physically and psychologicaUy makes them n1ore likely to have an accident or make an error.

~

Fatigue n1ay be a factor. Workers who are having to cover a night shift are more likely to have accidents or make an error as they are \VOrking against their natural circadian rhythm - behveen I a.m. and 4 a.m. the human body is in a "cognitive dipn as the body is primed for sleep not, for example, \VOrking machinery.

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Reducing errors: theory A and theory B Reason (2000) differentiated between t\vo 111ain types of errors in the workplace that can cause accidents: ~

Theory A is when the individual may be to blan1e.

~

Theory B is \vhen \VOrk systems may be to blame.

See section 9.6 for more details of theory A and theory B.

12.6 SATISFACTION AT WORK ln many cases, a job takes up a large proportion of a \Vorker's \Wking life. Therefore, it \Vould be good to Lhink: that the worker is satisfied \vith the job. This is not ahvays the case though. Organisational psychologists are interested in designing jobs that \Vorkers \\'ill find satisfying. This next section looks at these attempts. AS" YOURSELF What do you feel makes workers satisfied with their JOb? Llsl as many reasons as possible. Keep the list with you as you read this section and tick off all of the ones that psychologists believe are important too.

~

All of these added together bring about three critical psychological states according to Hackman & Oldman (1980). \Vorkers: ~

ex-perience meaningfulness at \l'Ork

~

experience responsibility in terms of the outcome of \Vork

~

have koo\vledge of the actual outcorne of the job whid1 can help employee growth.

All of this then 1nakes \Vorkers nluch niore motivated, their quality of work iinproves drastically, they become more satisfied and there is less absenteeism and fe\.ver people leaving Lheir job. TEST YOURSELF Ou lline three of the crucial decisions thal should go into a job design.

JOB DESIGN Greenberg & Baron (2008) noted that job design is about making \VOrkers more motivated by making their job or \vork nlore appealing. If a job involves repetitive and boring \vork then a worker will get demotivated very quickly. 1herefore, there have to be \Vays to create jobs and maintain jobs so \VOrkers enjoy their time at \\'Ork and are continually nlotivated.

Job characteristics

Job design: enrichment, rotation and enlargement ln addjtion to the job characteristics model, there are other ways once a job has started \Vhich can allo\V for increased satisfaction and motivation in \Yorkers. Three of these are as follo\VS: ~

Job enrichment - this gives \.Yorkers more jobs to do that involve more tasks to perforn1 that are of a higher level of skill and responsibility. \\Torkers can then have greater control over their job and it makes the job more interesting. Both of these increase satisfaction and 1notivation. One drawback ls that this may be difficult to implen1ent across 1nany jobs within one organisation.

~

Job rotation - this gives \vorkers regular cha nges to tasks \Vithin their role at work. 'Ihere 111ay be daily, \veekly or n1onthly changes to the tasks that they are required to perforn1 and this should keep them "fresh" and highly 111otivated Lhroughout their working day. 'TI1is increases the v1orkers' skills base too.

~

Job enlargement - this gives \Vorkers more tasks to do but at the same level and usually as part of a team effort. There is no more responsibility or they are not required to learn ne\v skills, rather they

Hackman & Oldham (quoted in Greenberg, 1980) introduced us to the job characteristics model. Personnel, managers, leaders, etc. can use it to devise and create jobs that \\•ill appeal to workers and keep then1 1notivated. TI1ere are five critical decisions that have to be incorporated into any job design: ~

Skill variety - docs the job require different activities that utilise a range of the worker's skills and talents? lt should.

~

Task identity- does the job require the complelion of a whole piece of \Vork fron1 its inception to its completion? It should.

~

Task significance - does the job have a real impact on the organisation or even beyond that? It should.

~

Autonomy - does the job allo\v the \VOrker some freedom in terms of planning, scheduling, carry out tasks and organising teams? It should.

Feedback - does the job allow for easily measurable feedback to assess the effectiveness of the \l'Orker? It should.

CHAPTER 12: PSYCHOLOGY AND ORGANISATIONS

perform a \Vider variety of differing tasks during their \Vorking day.

Designing jobs that motivate Taking all of the above on board. Greenberg & Baron (2008) examined four different \vays in \vhich a manager could follo\v to design a job or jobs that motivate the \vorkforce: ~

Combine tasks - have \vorkers perforn1ing a variety of different tasks ralher than just one task that is part of a "bigger picture''.

~

Open feedback channels - ensure that workers get a lot of feedback about each and every task that is assigned LOthcn1. This \viii in1prove task efficiency. productivity and niotivation.

~

Establish client relationships - try to 1nake the job so workers have to 111eet the clients \Vho will be buying the finished product. This allo\vs then1 all to engage in feedback discussions.

~

Load jobs vertically - give \Yorkers more responsibility for elements of their job. This gives \Vorkers some degree of autonomy \vhich has been shO\vn to be a core element of job satisfaction.

~

~

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CHALLENGE YOURSELF You have been approached by a local company that needs your help 111 designing jobs that make workers satisfied. What would you recommend to the company and on what psychology is 1l based?

MEASURING JOB SATISFACTION There are numerous ways in \vhich \vorkers' job satisfaction can be measured by an organisation. This allows them to assess ho\v 1nuch they are allo\,ring people to enjoy their \VOrk and be motivated.

Rating scales and questionnaires There are some standardised rating scales and questionnaires that an organisation can use to n1easure the degree of satisfaction individual workers feel 'vith their job. Here are t\VO exan1ples: ~

Job descriptive index - this is a self-report questionnaire for \VOrkers. It measures satisfaction on five dimensions: the job, supervision, pay, promotions and CO·\\i'Orkers, as sho\vn in Table 12.6.l. Phrases are read and the \VOrker has to answer "Yes~ "No': or"?" if undecided. Each ans,ver to each phrase is already assigned a numerical value based on standardisation scoring. Therefore, the worker's satisfaction can be su1nmed for the five different dimensions to sec \vhether all or just one or hvo di1nensions are bringing about satisfaction or dissatisfaction.

Think of the pay you get. How well does each of the following words describe your present pay? In the blank space beside each word or phrase wnte:

Think of your present work. What Is It like most of the time? In the blank space beside each word wnte:

Think of the opportunities for promotion that you have now. How well does each of the following words descnbe them? In the blank space beside each phrase wnte:

y

for "Yes" 1f it describes your work

y

for "Yes• if it describes your pay

y

for "Yes" if it describes your opportunities for promotion

N

for "No" if 11 does not describe 11

N

for "No" if it does not

N

for "No" if it does not describe them

if you cannot decide

?

?

if you cannot decide

?

describe it

if you cannot decide

Work on present job

Present pay

--- Routine - - Satisfying - - Good

---- Income inadequate for normal expenses ---- Insecure ---- Less than I deserve

-

Opportunities for promotion --- Dead-end job ---- Unfair promotion policy --- Regular promotions

- - - -

Think of the kind of supervision you get on your JOb. How well does each of the following words describe this superv1s1on? In the blank space beside each word or phrase wnte:

Think of the majority of people that you work with now or the people you meet in connection with your work. How well does each or the following words describe these people? In the blank space beside each word write:

Think of your job in general. All in all, what 1s 1t l1ke most of the time? In the blank space beside each word or phrase write:

-

-

y

for "Yes" 1f 11 describes the supervision you get on your job

y

for "Yes" If 1t describes the people you work with

y

for "Yes· 1f it describes your job

N

for "No" if it does not describe it

N

for "No" If 1t does not describe them

N

for "No" if 1t does not describe it

?

if you cannot decide

?

if you cannot decide

?

if you cannot decide

Supervisor on present Job

People on present job

- - Impolite - - Praises good work - - Doesn't supervise enough

--- Boring ---- Responsible ---- Intelligen l

Job 1n general

______ ,_

Undesirable Better than most Rotten

A Table 12.6. 1 Job descriptive index - the five dimensions Source: Smith, Kendall & Hulin quoted in Riggio (1999)

I>

Minnesota Satisfaction Questionnaire - this is also a self-report questionnaire for \VOrkers. It measures satisfaction on 20 dimensions (e.g. supervisors, task variety, responsibility, promotion, potential). Each iten1 is read and the worker has to rate ho\v much he or she agrees with the statement on a five-point scale

from very dissatisfied to very satisfied. Again, each \vorker generates a score overall and for each of the 20 dimensions so satisfaction and dissatisfaction can easily be identified. Exan1ples of the 20 dimensions are given in Table 12.6.2.

CHAPTER 12: PSYCHOLOGY AND ORGANISATIONS

1

2

3

4

5

1

2

3

4

5

3 The chance to do different things from time to time

1

2

3

4

5

4 The chance to be "somebody" 1n the community

1

2

3

4

5

5 The way my boss handles his/her workers

1

2

3

4

5

6 The competence or my supervisor in making decisions

1

2

3

4

5

7 The way my job provides for steady employment

1

2

3

4

5

8 My pay and the amount of work I do

1

2

3

4

5

9 The chances for advancement on this job

1

2

3

4

5

10 The working conditions

1

2

3

4

5

11 The way my co-workers get

1

2

3

4

5

1

2

3

4

5

1 Being able to keep busy all the time

2 The c hance to work alone on the JOb

along with each other

12 The reeling of accomplishment I get from the jOb

A Table 12.6.2 Excerpt from the Minnesota satisfaction questionnaire Source: Weiss et al. 'Vocational Psychology Research', University of Minnesota, copyright 1977. Reproduced by permission.

Critical incidents

incidents make for a satisfying job for the 1vorker. This is good as the qualitative data can give a '\vhole feel"

Critical incidents technique is a way of collecting information aboul 1vorkers on their job performan ce. Workers can fil l in questionnaires about their progress

for the j ob, kno1vi ng exactly what satisfies a 1\lorker across a range of tasks and jobs.

and be intervie1ved about i t. Their fel101v 1\lorkers and n1anagers can do the san1e. The intervie1vs or questionnaires 1vill ask people about any incidents

Interviews

at \\1ork, both positive and negative, which have contributed to success ful or unsuccessful tasks happening. There 1\lill be hundreds of these. A job analyst can then analyse all of them to see 1vhich

These can take the form of structured or unstructured and usually follo" ' one of the above. Reread about these types of interview on page 3 from AS level and apply them to organisati ons.

®

EVALUATION questionnaire qual/quan

'

•

the content of 1vork within the job, how much they had advanced (or could advance) within the job

•

ho1v much they felt the)• had gro1vn 1vith the job.

interview useful

These have to be present to achieve job satisfaction. JI> Hygienes - these are related to the context of the job CHALLENGE YOURSELF

and include:

A company wants you to set up a system that effectively measures Job satisfactJOn 1n its workers.

•

how company policies and administration affect the job

•

1vhat level of supervision 1vorkers have in the job

•

1vhat interpersonal relations are like 1vithin the job

•

1vhat the 1vorking conditions are like 1vithin Lhe job

•

salary.

Create such a system and then evaluate your efforts.

ATTITUDES TO WORK Another area of interest for organisational psychologists is researching people's attitudes to work. By uncovering the reasons why people 1vork an organisation gets a clearer picture on motivational needs, productivity and ho1v people see their jobs.

These have to be absent/nega tive for job dissatisfaction to occu.r.

Theories of job satisfaction and dissatisfaction

Therefore, workers need a range of rnotivators to be present to be satisfied with their job but 1vhen hygiene factors are absent this leads to dissatisfaction. Riggio (1999) does note that other organisational psychologists have tried to replicate Herzberg's findings but they keep failing to find these hvo distinct factors.

We have already looked at motivation to 1vork and these theories can easily apply here 1vhen it comes to job satisfaction and dissatisfaction. Ho"•ever, another theory that can be applied here is Herzberg's ( 1966) hvo-faclor theory. He believed that job satisfaction and job dissatisfaction are t1vo indepe11de11t thi11gs "'hen it comes to the 1vorkplace. Prior to this, many psychologists believed there was a continuun1 fron1 being satisfied to being dissatisfied at 1vork. Herzberg surveyed n1any 1vorkers and asked the1n what 1nade them feel especially bad or good about their job. I-le analysed the contents of these surveys and concluded that there are t1vo main factors at work here: JI> Motivators - these arc related to the content of the

actual job and include: •

level of responsibility 1vithin the job

•

ho1v much 1vorkers had already achieved in the job

•

1vhat recognition 1vorkers had received 1vhile doing the job

Job withdrawal, absenteeism and sabotage A variety of things can happen once a person becomes

dissatisfied \Vith his or her job. These include job withdrawal (leaving the job), job absenteeism and job sabotage. We 1vill look al ead1 in turn. Job withdra\val (or ernployee turnover) can con1e in two fonns: voluntary and involuntary. Involuntary withdrawal is when an organisation has to lire people for various reasons (e.g. the con1pany is not n1aking enough profit or the worker is not perforn1i ng his or her job properly or up to the standards expected). Voluntary \Vithdrawal is when the worker decides to leave and the main reason is that the 1vorker has found other employment (this could be linked to job dissatisfaction but not always). This does "damage" an organisation as it may have lost a very valued men1ber of its team and is no1v faced 1vit h the cost of advertising

CHAPTER 12: PSYCHOLOGY AND ORGANISATIONS

The main reason for this is illness. Organisations have to be prepared for a certain number of instances occurring per worker and have policies in place to deal \Vith it (e.g. use ten1porary \VOrkers or use an agency to find cover \VOrkers). Voluntary absenteeism n1ay well be a measure ofjob dissatisfaction but, as with \Vithdra\val above, the reason!> vary so \Videly that it is another lo1v validity altempt (people may just take the odd day off to do other things but really love their job). Therefore, as Riggio (1999) points out, there are problems \Vith using this as any n1easu re due to the complexity of reasons that people give for voluntary absenteeism. Greenberg & Baron (2008), ho\vever, noted a study that had found the relationship. This is sho,vn in Figure 12.6.1.

and interviewing the people \vho could take over the position. Research has been rare in this area as it can be very difficult to dissect what is voluntary and involuntary \Vithdra,val and even \Vithin each category there may be subgroups of different reasons 1vhy people may leave their job. Therefore, il is a lo\v valid method of measuring job dissatisfaction. Job absenteeism can also be categorised as voluntary and involuntary. Voluntary absenteeisn1 refers to instances 1vhere the worker has chosen to take the time otf (e.g. the \vorker may choose to have an extra day for a long \veekend or may have errands to run such as going to the vet). Involuntary abscnteeisn1 refers to times when the '"orker does not choose to be off \vork but is absent. Many days present (tow absenteeism)

Absenteeism rose among workers whose job satisfaction decreased over time

''

''

''

''

Absenteeism decreased among workers whose JOb sal1sract1on rose over time

Job satisfaction increased

''

''

''

''

',

''

''

''

''

''

' ',

Job satisfaction decreased

Few days present (high absenteeism) Two years tater

ln1tiat measurement Time

.A. Figure 12.6.1 Relationship between Job satisfaction and absenteeism

Job sabotage is about rule breaking and 1vorkers making a conscious effort to stop themselves and others from \vorking for an organisation. This can be caused by frustration as workers begin to feel po\verless in their job. It can also be brought about as an attempt to make 1vorking conditions better, for instance to gain better

\vages or physical conditions in a factory. Finally, it can be an attempt to challenge authority as workers feel that their managers or leaders are not perforn1ing in their job. This is an extren1e form of dissatisfaction so cannot be used to discover job dissatisfaction on a daily basis and in the majority of \Yorkers.

TEST YOURSELF

(2008). committed \Yorkers are much less likely to

Outline what psychologists have told us about attitudes to work.

\vithdra\V from the organisation and \vork tasks, they are "'illing to make some life sacrifices for the good of the organisation and their productivity \viii be higher. Organisations have to enrich jobs, match the values of their current employees with their O\vn values, and when recruili ng choose en1ployees whose values are the closest 111atch to Lheirs.

Organisational commitment Organisational commitment refers lo the attitudes that workers have to,vards the organisation that they \\!Ork for. lt looks at ho'v much they get involved \vith the organisation they \vork for and \vhy they choose to stay in employment there. Greenberg & Baron (2008) note that there are three types of organisational comn1itn1ent:

Promoting job satisfaction

~ Continuance comn1itment - \vorkers stay in the

~ through the selection process

job as it is probably too costly for them to leave it financ ially. The longer \Yorkers have been in the same organisation, the n1ore difficult it is to leave when they reflect on all that they have given to the organisation and \vhat it has given them. Therefore, workers are not \Villing to risk leaving the organisation. ~ Affective commitment - \Yorkers stay in the job

because they strongly agree \vith the organisation's goals and overall beliefs and vie,vs. They fully support \vhat the organisation does and how it does it. As long as the goals and beliefs of the workers niatch those of the organisation, the \vorkers feel con1n1itted to the job. ~

Nonnative commitment - \vorkers stay in the job because of pressure from other people. They may not want to leave a company because they fear "what people might say" about them doing so. They do not \Vant to disappoint their organisation by leaving and even though they n1ay feel a bit dissatisfied, they remain committed to the job.

So, why would an organisation be concerned about con1mitment? According to Greenberg & Baron

All of the sections in this chapter have ideas about promoting job satisfaction: ~

by exploring \vhy people are motivated to work

~

by identifying what leaders are present in rhe organisation

~

by identifying h0\\1 groups \VOrk in the organisation

~

\vhen considering the physical surroundings of the \vorkplace

~

through assessing job satisfaction.

®

EVALUATION '

useful

reliable

ind vs sit

qual/quan

CHALLENGE YOURSELF Using all or the sections in this chapter.

hO\Y do you think an organisation can promote JOb sabsfaction 111 its employees? On what psychology is your idea based?

CHAPTER 12: PSYCHOLOGY AND ORGANISATIONS

EXAMPLES OF HOW TO EVALUATE For the 12 mark question in Paper 3, you \vill be asked to evaluate one of the topics covered in this section. You \viU have noticed that after each topic in this chapter there are the icons for the different issues, debates, approaches, perspectives and research methods that could be used to help you anS\\'er the 12 mark question in the examination. Belo\v are three examples of the types of things you could \vrite in the exan1ination. You should ain1 to niake nt lenst four different evaluation points for the 12 mark question. Our accompanying Revision Guide has a series of student answers \Vith marks and examiner comments attached to them.

Personnel selection Some of the selection procedures niay be subjective. For example, Hay1vard ( 1996) noted that females can still be stereotyped as 'not management n1aterial' and are therefore overlooked as they do not have the 'masculine traits' needed to take on such roles. Therefore, many fen1ale applicants may never be called for interview. This may not be based on any truth or objective reasoning. Also, there n1ay be bias in some methods. For example, a lot of information is qualitative rather than quantitative and therefore subject to interviewer interpretation bias. Also, if an unstructured method is chosen then there is reduced reliability as not all intervie1vee's 1vill have the same experience. Also, someone has to decide the different 'hurdles' in the multiple hurdles approach to selection but this might be based on one person's idea and is therefore not objective and more likely to be biased. Ho\vever, selection procedures can be useful in reducing the candidate pool do,vn to those who arc best suited to the job. With the n1ultiple cutoff 111ethod, as soon as an applicant fails to reach the niini1nun1 score 011 any one predictor or task they are elin1inated frorn the recruitment process. Therefore, those who re111ain have at least the mini1num

aniount of ability that is required for the position. This can make the whole selection procedure more valid as a result as you are interviewing people 1vho have the qualities you need for the job.

Need theories of motivation One problem 1vith these theories is that they genernlise without taking into account individual differences. For example, Maslo\v's Hierarch of Needs suggest '"e all progress up the pyramid in the sanie \Vay. \Ve could all progress up the pyramid in different 1vays with different motivations and needs - so111e people may never want to self-actualise in the \vorkplace, instead choosing to do it 1\tith leisure activities outside of 1vork therefore any attempt to 'involve all in the same \vay' may not 1vork very well. The measuring of the needs as predicted by some theories like the Need for Achievcn1enl can be subject.ive. V\lorkers can be assessed on these three key needs and motives by taking as Thcn1atic Apperception Test (TAT). To do this, the worker has to look al a series of ambiguous pictures that tell a story. They have to teU whatever story they feel is behind the picture and these are then scored. One personnel n1e1nber may score the response in a different way lo someone else working in personnel.

Measuring job satisfaction !vlany of these methods are based on questionnaires so they may be more valid than an intervie1v because workers n1ay be more likely to reveal truthful answers in a questionnaire as it does not involve talking faceto-face \Vith someone. Therefore, information from the Job Descriptive index may be more valid compared to an intervie\V using some of the same questions. However, some \Yorkers may give socially desirable ans\vers as they want to look good rather than giving truthful ans1vers - this lo1vers the validity of measuring satisfaction. A 1vorker 1nay 1vant to look niore satisfied about their job if a stern nianager is going to read the responses so that they appear to be enjoying their work and so they look good, especially if it is linked to a potential promotion at work.

Exam centre Try the follo\ving exam-style questions.

Section A (a) Explain, in your O\vn \vords, \vhat is meant by the (2 marks) term "selection intervie\vs': (b) Explain, in your O\vn \vords, \Vhat is meant by the (2 marks) term "intrinsic motivation': (c) Describe t\VO \vays in \vhich you could improve

motivation in \VOrkers. (d) Outline one theory of leadership.

(4 marks) (4 marks)

Section IS (a) Describe \Vhat psychologists have discovered abou t organisational \\TOrking conditions. (8 n1arks)

(b) Describe \vhat psychologists have discovered about performance appraisals. (8 marks) (c) Evaluate what psychologists have discovered about leadership style and effectiveness and include a discussion about hO\V useful the (12 marks) findings have been.

(d) Evaluate what psychologists have discovered about personnel selection decisions and include a discussion about questionnaires. ( 12 marks)

Section C (a) Describe one \vay we can measure job (6 n1arks) satisfuction. (b) Suggest ho\v you \vould improve job satisfaction and motivation in a \vorkforce. On \Vhal psychology is your suggestion based? (8 marks) (c) Describe t\vo \vays in \Vhich physical work conditions can aft"ecl people in their place (6 n1arks) of \\Tork.

(d) Suggest how you n1igh1 redesig n an office to reduce any negative psychological effects it n1ay have on a worker. (8 nlarks)

M CENTRE (A LEVEL) The questions, exan1ple answers, nlarks a\varded andlor comments that appear in this book/CD \Vere written by the author. ln examination, the \vay marks would be a\varded to ans\vers like these may be different

This unit constitutes 50 per cent of the A level qualification. Students need to have studied two options fron1 the five on offer. Por this unil, the focus is on knowledge and understanding of each option with rnethodological assessn1ents, issues and debates, and approaches and perspectives added too. Also, students have to "thin k on their feet" during the exam via a rnethods question. The exam lasts for 3 hours and is marked out of 80. The structure of the exam is as follo\vs:

Students then repea t this with their second option.

Section A Example queslions could be as follows:

1. (a) Explain, in yo ur 01vn words, what is meant by the tenn "intrinsic motivation''. (2 nlarks) (b) Describe one cause of anxiety disorders (phobias). (4 nlarks) (c) Describe hvo \vays in \\ hich 1ve can control pain. (4 marks) Section (a). For the 2 mark question, you must \\•rite out a definition of \Vhatever the key tenn is, in your O\\'n 1vords (you can base it on an actual definition). The answer \vould have to be clear and accurate. For the 4 n1ark question, if ii asks for a study then briefly cover the ainl, met11od, results and conclusion. The ans\\ er would have to sho1v a dear understanding of the study or area being tackled. If the question asks for t1vo things then ensure that you supply t\vo brief outlines of \vhat is being asked. 1

/!> Section A - there are usually hvo short-ans,ver questions that are expected to directly test kno\vledge and understanding of some aspect of one option. 111ere is a 2-mark question and a 4-mark question so this section carries 6 nlarks in total /!> Section B - this is usually a structured essay broken into t\\10 parts. Part (a) \\1ould allo\v students to \vrite about \vhat psychologists have found out about a certain topic \Vithin the option (it is specified in the question). Part (b) would ask students to evaluate \vhat psychologists have found. Part (a) is marked out of8 and part (b) is rna rked out of 12 so this section carries 20 rnarks in total. /!> Sectio n C - this is norrnally a sn1aller structured essay split into two parts. Part (a) usually asks students to 1vrite about ho1v sornething could be measured or how a narned topic is useful in the real 1vorld. Part (b) usually asks students to suggest ways lo inlprove a measure or in1prove something in real life based on the psychology they have studied. Part (a) is marked out of 6 and part (b) is marked out of 8 so this section carries 14 marks in total.

1

Section B Exan1ple questions could be as follo1vs:

2. (a) Describe \vhat psychologists have discovered abo ut the misusing of health services. (8 rnarks) (b) Evaluate what psychologists have discovered about the misusing of health services and include a discussion on case studies. ( 12 marks)

EXAM CENTRE (A LEVEL)

Section B. For Lhe 8 mark question, you need to demonstrate everything you know about the area in the question. This can include studies, theories and research methods. Try to outline theni in as much detail as possible, but remember it is only marked out of 8 so you need to select four or five things lhat you can \vrite about. The ans\ver '"ould have to sho'v excellent use of terminology and be accurate and detailed to sho\v understanding. It should be structured and organised well. For the 12 mark question, it is based on how many different points you make, based on \vhat the question is asking (similar to what you \\1ould do in part (c) of section B in Paper 2). You 11111st tackle the issues/ debale/research niethod that is specifically asked for in the question. Evaluation points can be taken froni supporting or conflicting evidence, issues and debates and methodology.

Section C E.xample questions could be as follo1vs:

3. (a) Describe the cause of one disruptive behaviour seen in the classroom. (6 marks) (b) Suggest ho1v you 1vould correct and

prevent disruptive behaviour in the classroom. On \vhat psychology are your suggestions based? (8 marks) For (a). to be likely to get into the top band the description \vould have to be appropriate with relevant evidence and sho1v a clear understanding. For (b), to be likely Lo get into the top band the suggestion 1vill be likely to have explicit links to psychological kno1vledge and be accurate, coherent and detailed. When evaluating, use the general tables that appear in Chapters 1 and 2 (niethods, issues and debates, approaches and perspectives) and apply theni to the topic area of the question. lf you have conipleted the Dr. Evaluation tasks in the book then you 1vill already have many of these.

In Page numbers in lrnllcs refer to question sections.

A abnormal affect 216-21, 238 abnormality 207, 238 behavioural model of abnorn1ality 209 cognitive behavioural approaches 210 cogniti\·e model of abnormality 209 deviation from ideal mental health 208 deviation from social nom1~ 207 deviation from stotlStical norms 207, 238 elfccth-eness ;ind appropriateness of treatments 2 10 failure to function adequately 208 medical or biological model of abnormality 208 problems with defining ond diagnosing abnormality 208 pS)'chodynamlc model of abnormality 209 pS)1chotheraples 209 absentee.ism 270 accidents 172, 176 accident reduction 173- 4 causes: theory A and theory B 172, 264 cognitive overlo:1d 173 individual and systems errors 172 personality factors in accident proneness 173

shift work 173, 174 achievement 129, 247 addiction disorders 222, 238 behavioural explanation (positive reinforcement) 223 biochemical explanation (dopamine) 223 cognith e or personality explanation 223-4 coping with and reducing 224-S definitJOns 222 genetic explanation 222-3 physical and psrchological disorders 222 aggressive behaviour study 47, 50 aim 47 conclusion 49 design 47-8 cvalualion 49 -50 pa rticipant> 47 procedure 48 results 48- 9 alcoholism 222, 22<1, 238 aversion therapy 224 behavioural techniques 224 genetic explanation 224-5 Alderfer, Clayton P. 246 alpha space 193 animals 11 cognitive maps 202-3 crowding and ~odal density studies 183-4

perceptual development study 25-8, 28 anxiety disorders (obsessions and compulsions) 232-6, 238 anxiety disorders (phobias) 226-31, 238 application forms 239 weighted application forms ( \VABs) 239 applied tension 230 approaches to study io\-entory (AS!) 124-5 attention deficit h)'l>eractivity disorder (ADH D) 132- 3 attractiveness and smells study 82, 86 aim 82 conclusion 84 design 82 evaluation 84-5 participants 82 procedure 83 results 83-4 nttracti\'eness study SS, 59 aim 55 conclusion 57 design SS, 56 evaluation 58 participants 55, 56, 57 procedure 55-6,56,57 results 57 attribution theory 130 Ausubcl, David 116 autism spectrum disorders 119 autocratic leadership styles 253 aversion therapy 224

B bad.>•'aJ'd searching 144 lily pad problem 144-5 Bandura, Alben 130 Beck, Aaron 218,220 Beck Depression Inventory 221 bees 202-3 beha,>iour modification 135 behaviour-modification techniques 113-14

cognitive behaviour modification 135-6 beha,~ourist perspective abnormality 209 alcoholism 224 learning 112-13 phobias 226-7 progran1med learning 113 Bennett Mechanical Comprehension Tesl 240 Bennett, Milton 124 beta space 193 Binet, Alfred 137 biofeedback 167-8 bipolardisorder 216 Blanchard, Ken 253 body dysmorphic disorder (BDD) study JOI, 106 aim 101

conclusion 105 design 101-2 evaluation 105 participants 102 pro~urt 102 resu Its I 03-4 Bnush AbU11yScale(BAS) 138, 140, 141 Brophr. Jere 129 Bruner. Jerome 115-16 bullying 132 causes 133-4 effects 134 bystander behaviour study 38, 42 .ii1n 39

conclusions 40 design and procedure 39 diffusion of responsibility 39 evaluation 41 participants 39 n.>:>ults 40

c Cl\reer structure 250 Cl\SC studies 3 Miinchauscn syndrome 15 1 schi7,>phrenia 211 Cl\Sinos 200 catastrophes see disasters; emergency situations, technological catastrophe Cattell, Raymond 142 Chernobyl 172 children 10-11 aggress\\'e behaviour study 47-50, 50 attrncbvcncss study 55-8, 59 child development 115 educational pcrfonnance and exposure to noise 179-80 moral beha,,iour study 60-3, 64 Pediatric Pain Questionnaire 160-1 Chu Allent ion Test 182 clas~ical conditioning 226 Little Albert 226-7 cognith'\'approaches to learning 115-17, 146

cognitive behaviour modification 135-6 motivation 128- 9 cognitive behavioural therapy 2 10 depression 220-1 kleptomania 225 obscssivc-comp1~sive disorder (OCD) 23S-6

pain manngcmcnl strategics 162 phobias 230- l schiiophreni(I 21 S cognitive maps 201, 206 animals 202-3 errors 201-2 individual differences 202 map de,ign 203-4 muh1dimens1onal scaling 201

•

sketch maps 20 I virtual war·6ndmg 2()11 way-finding 204 cognitive pS)'Cholog)' abnormality 209 alcoholism 224 eyes test study 21-3, 24 false memory study 17-20, 20 lying bdiaviour study 13-1 S, 16 perceptual development study 25-8, 28 phobias 228 p)TOmania 223-4 conlffiunity environmental design 199-200,

206 C'..omprehensive Ability Banery (CAB) Test 240 compressed work 1~ecks 263 co1npulsions 232-6 compulsive gambling 222 conditioning 111-12 classical condilitlnlng 226-7 higher-order conditioning 112 operant condilioning 112- 13 consumer behaviour 180-1 contingency theory 252-3 control 164 noise 178 controlled observations 4 creativity 143 unusual use:. test 143-4 crowding 183, 206 animal studies 183-4 coping with crowd mg 186-7 effect on health 185 effect on performance 185 n10difying architecture 185-6 pro-social behaviour 184-5 visual escape 186 Curry, Lynn 123

D decision making 258 decision style and ind1v1dual differences in decision making 258 individual '-crsus group decisions 258 defensible space 195-6 urban renewal :ind hou>lng design 198-9 density see crowding; social density; spat la I density depen dent variables CDVs) I, 2 depression 216 biologict1I (chemical or drugs) trealment 219-20 biological (genetic and ncurochcmical) explanation 217-18 cognitiveexplanation 217-18 cognitive restructuring 220-1 el~ctro-convulsive therapy CF.CT) 220 learned helplcssn~ or attributional style 218-19 manic depression 216

•

rational emotive behaviour therapy (REBn 22 1 sex differences in dept"ession 216-17 types 216 developmental psychology aggressive behaviour study 47-50, 50 attracti\•eness study 55-8, 59 moral bdJa,•iour study 60-3. 64 Oedipus complex study 51-3, 54 diffusion of responsibilil)• 39 disasters 188, 206 evacuation plans 189-90 Herald of Free E11terprise 172. 191 tornado and hurricane preparation 189 treating post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) 190-1 discovcrylcarning 115-16 discrimination study 43, 45 aim 43 conclusion 45 design 43, 44 evaluation 45-6 participants 43, 4'1 procedure 43-4 results -14. 45 disruptive behaviour in school 132, 146 allention deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) 132-3 behaviour modification 135 bullying 132 cognitive behaviour modification 135-6 conduct 132 effective classroom management 135 effective discipline 134-5 poor teaching style 133 dopamine 212, 223 dreanu and REM sleep study 71, 78 aim 72 conclusion 75 design 72 ewluation 76 method n participants 72 procedure 72-3 results 73-5 dyslexia 118-9, 146 causes and effects 120 educational strategies 121-2

E ecological validity 7 educational performance 141 emergency situations 188, 206 contagion behaviour 188 evacuation plans 189-90 July bombings, London 2005 191 preparedness 189 script> 188 treating post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) 190-1 emotional intelligence 143

emotions study 65, 70 aim 65 conclusion 68 design 65-7 ev;iluation 69 participants 67 procedure 67 results 67-8 Ent\\istlc, N.J. 124-5 equal opportunities 2~2-3 ERG (existence, relatedness and growth) model of needs 246-7 ergonomics 263 operator·1nachine ~yste1ns 263-4 ethic~ 7-8 ethnocentric bias 8 exam centre (A Level) 275 Section A 275 Section ll 275-6 Section C 276 exam centre (AS Level) 107 Unit I Section A 107 Unil I Section B 107 Unit 2 Section A I08 Unll 2 Section R 108-9 expecrnncy theory 248-9 expository teaching 116 eyes test study 21, 24 aim 21 conclusion 23 design 21-2 evaluation 23 pan1c1pants 22 procedure 22 re:.uhs 22

F factor-an:ilytic approach to intelligence 142 false memory study 17, 20 aim 17 conclusion 19 design 17 cvaluat Ion 19-20 participants 17 procedure 17- 18 rcbuhs 18- 19 fc:1r arousal 169 Fiedler. Fred 252 field experiments 2 flexitime 263 flooding 210, 230 Fontan<1. D. 124 formal teaching styles 124 four stage learning sy>tem 126-7 Freud, Sigmund 51, 229 Little I lans 51-2. 229

G Gardner, Howard 142 GAS (general adaptation syndrome) model of stress 163-4

alarm reaction 163 exhaustion stage 165 resistance stage 163 gender-based ;ubject ;election study 96, 100 rum 96

conclusion 98 design 96-7 evaluation 98-9 par1icipan1s 97 procedure 97 results 97-8 generalisations I 0 giftedness 119-20 educational strat~gies 121, 146 goal-setting 247 goal-setting theory 248 Grasha, Tony 123- 4 group behaviour in organi>alions 256 characteristics of succcssfu l 1eoms 257-8 decision making 258 group cohesiveness. team building nnd team performance 256-7 group conflict 259-60 group development 256 groupthink and group polarisatio n 258-9 group confiict 259 managing group conflict 260 organisational and interpersonal causes 259-60 po>itive and negative effects of conflict

hum:ulistic applications to learning I 14- l5 h)'POChondriasis 150

I imagery 168 impulse control disorders 222. 238 causes 222-3 coping "ith and reducing 224-5 l)'Pe5 222 independent variables (JVs) I, 2 individual explanations 8 informal teaching styles 124 intelligence 137, 146 British AbilityScale(BAS) 138, 140, 141 concept of intelligence and IQ 137 creativity and unusual uses test 143-4 emotional intellisence 143 factor-analytic approach 142 intelligence and educational perfonnance 141 multiple intelligences 142 proble m-solvin g 144-5 reliability, validity and predictive val id ity of tests 141 Stanford· Binet test 137 triarchic theory 142 Weschler tests 137-8 interpersonal skills 147-8 intcn~cws 3 structured and unstructured interviews 239-40.268

260

group polarisation 259 groupthink 258-9 strategics lo overcome groupthink and training lo ~'·oid poor decisions 259

H Hassles Sc:nle 166 hcallh and safet)• 172 accidcnl proncne.< 173 accident; 172 human error and the illusion of inndncrabilily 173 individual and system errors 172 reducing accidents at work 173-•I reorganizing sh ift work 174 health promotion 169, 176 communities 170- 1 fear arousal 169 providing lnfonnation 169-70 schools 170 specific problems 17 l, 176 worksiles 170 Yale model of communica1ion 169 Hern/ti of Fn:c E111crpri5I! 172, 191 lierse)', Paul 253 high initiative teaching styles 124 higher-order condilionlng 112 House, Robcr1 253 housing estates 198-9

J job analysis techniques 243-4 job applications 239 job descriptions and specifications 243 job design 265 designing jobs that motivate 266 enrichn1ent. rotation and enlargement 265-6 job characteristics 265 job satisfaction 266, 273 critical incidents 268 interviews 268 job withdrawal, absenteeism and sabotage 269-71 organisatio nal com mitment 271 promoting job satisfucrion 271 rating scales a nd ques1ionnaircs 266-8 theories of job satisfaction and dissatisfaction 269 Johnson & Joh nson Live for Life Program 170 July bo rnb ings, London 2005 19 l

K kleptomania 222 cognitive behavioural therapy (CBT) 225 Kolb, Da'id I 26 Kyriacou. Chris 125-6

L laboratory experiments 1-2 emergency ~ltua1ions 188 Latham, Edwin 248 leadership 251, 273 charismauc and transformational leaders 251 great person theory 251 leader-men1ber e~change (L\1X) model 255

nonnatl\'C decision theory 255 OhiO Stale s1udics 251-2 University o( t.lichigan studies 252 leadership style and effectiveness 252, 273 contingency theory 252-3 leadership tra1mng ond characteristics of effective leaders 254-5 path -goal theory 253 permissive vcr1>11~ autocratic 253 situational leadership 253 learn ed helplessness 130- 1, 218-19 le urn ing 112 bch aviour-modificMion techn iques 113- 14 conditioning 111-13 cooperative learning 114 discovery learning 115- 16 exp06itory teaching or reception learning 116 learning circles and the open classroom 114- 15 programmed learning 113 Sun1mcrhill School 115 underlying theor)' of cognitive development 115 underlying theoc) of humanism 114 zone of proxirnal development (ZPD) 116- 17 learning cffcchvcncss 126 4 -mat sys1en1 126-7 PQRSTmethod 127 SPELT method 127 lcarnlng styles 123, 146 approaches to study inventory (ASI) 124-5 formal and Informal s t)'les 124 high init iative and low in itiative 124 Kolb's learning s tyles 126 o nion model 123 six s1ylcs of learn ing 123-4 teuchcr-ccntred and ~tudcn1 -ccn1red s1ylcs 125-6 IJfe events 16<1-5 Locke. Gary 248 longitudinal studies 10 low ini1iativc teaching s1yles I 24 l)ing behavi011r qudy 13, 16 aim 13 conclusion 15 design 13-14 evalua1ion 16

•

partlcip:tnts I •I procedure 14 results 14-1 5

M magnetite 203 manic depression 216 mans·end analyi.is 144 map design 203-4 Maslow, Abraham 128, 246 McCarthy. Berrucc 126-7 r.tcQeUand, David 129, 247 McGill Pillll Questionnaire (t.IPQ) I 58- 9 memory and brain function Mudy 78. 81 aim 78 conclusion 80 design 78- 9 evaluation 80 participant; 79 procedure 79 results 79 mental health 208- 9 addiction :tnd in1pulse control disorders 223- 5 anxiety disorders (obscs.\ion< and compulsions) 232-6 nnxiet y disorders (phobias) 226- 31 depression 2 l 6-2 I schizophrenia 211 - 17 treatmcnb 209- 10 mental health diagno
249.273 goal·s<'lting 247-8 humanistic theory 128, 129 learned helplessness 130- 1

•

Mnslows hierarchy of needs 128, 246 motivators at work 249-50 need for achievement 129, 247 self-efficacy 130 VlE cognitive theory 248- 9 l\luczyk, Jan P. 253 t.lulcahy, Bob 127 multiple intelligences 142 multiple personality disorder (t.tPD) study 92, 95 aim 92 conclusions 94 design and procedure 92 evaluation 9-1-5 participan1 92 results 93-4 Munchnusen syndrome 150- 1 case studies 151 Munchausen syndrotne by prox1' 151 music 180. 206 consumer behaviour 180-l performance 181-2 stress reduction l8 l

N natural disas1ers see disasters; emergency situations naturalistic observations 3 nature and nurture 9 perceptual development study 25-8, 28 Newn1an, Oscar 195-6, 199 noise In anti-social beha,iour 179 educational perfonnancc in children 179-80 fuctors that make noise annoying 178, 206

music 180-2 pro-social behaviour 179 transportation noise and occupational noise 178 non-verbal communications 147, 176 appearance 148 fucial expressions 147 gestures 147- 8 paralanguagc l 47 personal space invasion l 48 normini\•e decision theory 255

0 O'Connor Pinger Dexterity Test 240 obedience study 29. 32 aim 29 conclusion 31 design 29 evaluation 31-2 participants 30 procedure 30 results 30-1 observations 3-4

obsessive-compulsive disorder (OCD) 232 biomedical cxplnnatton 233 case :.tudies and examples 232 cognitive behaviour.ti therapy 235-6 cognitive-behavioural aspect 234 drug therapy 235 measures 232- 3 psrchoanalrtic therapy 236 ps)'Chod}11amic e.xplana1ion 235 Obsessive·Cornpulsi\'e Inventory (OCI) 232- 3 occupational noise 178 Oedipus complex study 51, 54 aim 51 ca:.e histor)' Sl - 2 conclusion 52 design 51 cvaluat ion 53 participant 51 results 52 Ohio State University studies 251-2 open classrooms 114- 15 operant conditioning 112- 13 opcrator-macl1inc systems 263 auditory displ.1ys and controls 264 errors and accidents 264 rcdud ng errors 264 visual displays and controls 263- 4 opportumty sampling 4 Ost, Laro-Goran 230

p P:tcific \Vcstcrn Airline 172 pain 156, 176 acute and chronic organ pain 156 definitions of pain 156 gate con1rol theol) of pain 156-7 ps)'chogenic pain 156 specificity thCOl)' of pain 156 pain management 161 a lternat ivc techniques 162 cognit1ve strategies 162 rncd1cal techniques 161- 2 pain measurement 157, 176 children l 60- 1 McGiU Pain Questionnaire (MPQ) 158- 9 Pain Behavior Scale (UAR) l 60 self-report measures 157-8 visual rating scales 160 pnn1languagc 147 participtmt observations 4 particip.mt v;irinblc> I participant• 4-5 aggressive behaviour study 47 attractiveness and smells study 82 attractiveness study 55, 56, 57 body dysmorphic disorder (BOD) study 102 bystander beha\•k)ur stud)• 39 dtSCriminatlon stud)' 43, 44

dreams and REM sleep siudy 72 emotions study 67 eyes lest study 22 fube memory s1udy 17 gender-based subject selec11on study 97 independent groups 5 lying beha,~our study 14 matched pairs 6 memory and brain function ~tudy 79 mental health diagnosb s1ud)' 87-8, 89 moral behaviour study 61, 62 multiple personality disorder (MPD) study 92 obedience study 30 Oedipus complex 'tudy 51 percep1ual development s1udy 26 prisoners study repeated measures 5- 6 path-goal theory 253 patient adherence to medical advic;e 152, 176

improving adherence l53-'I letters 154- 5 measuring adherence and non-adherence 153

memory intervenilon 155 rational non-adherence 152-3 text messaging l S4 types and extent of non -adherence 152 patient mbuse of health services 149, 176 delay in seeking treatment 149-50 hypochondrlasb 150 t.limchausen S)lldrome 150-1 patient-practitioner relationship 147 disclosure of 111fonnation 149 doctor·centn.>d and patient-centred styles 148-9

non-vt-rbal communications 147- 8 type I and t)'J)C II errors 1n diagnoslS 149 verbal communication• 148 Pavlo'" Ivan 111-12 Pediatric Pain Qu~tionnaire 160-1 perceptual development stud)' 25, 28 alm 25 conclusion 26 design 25 evaluation 27-8 participants 26 procedure 26 results 26 pcrfonnancc upprnisal 244, 273 problems and blasc> 245 perforn1ance-rclu1cd pay 249 permissive le;tdershlp styles 253 personal space i 92- 3, 206 alpha space and beta space 193 measuring space simulation 193 space in\'Jsions 193, 19-1-5, 106 stop-distance 193 personnel selection 240 biases in selection decis1or1S and equal

opportunities 242-3 decision making 241-2, 273 use of psychometric tests 240-1 phobias 226 applied temion 230 behavioural explanat:Jon (classical conditioning) 226-7 biomedical or genetic cxplanatioo 229-30

cognitive behavioural therapy (CBT)

use of psychometric tests 240-1 public building design 200, 206 casinos 200 housing estates 198-9 shopping malls 199-200 pyromania 222, 223- 4 Q

quantttative and qualitative data 9-10 questionnaires 2

230-1

cognitive explanation 228 extinction 229 flooding 230 generalisation 229 psychoanalytic eiq>lanation 229 systematic desensitisation 229-30 types and exan1ples 226 physiological psychology attractiveness and smells study 82-5, 86 dreams and REM sleep study 7 1-6, 77 emotions study 65-9, 70 memory and brain function study 78- 80, 81

Piaget, Jean 115 pigeons 203 planning strategies 14.J positive reinforcement 223 post-tr.lumaticstrcss disorder (PTSD) 181 treating post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) 190-1 PQRST method ofleaming 127 praise 129 predicti\'l? validity 24 l Preschool Head Start Progr.un 171 prisoners study 33. 37 aim 33 conclusion 36-7 design 33 evaluation 37 participants 33-4 procedu re 3.J results 34-6 problem-solving 144-5 programmed learning 113 promotion prospects 250 psychodynam ic perspective abnorma lily 209 obsessive-compulsive disorder (OCD) 235 psychology of individual differcnct'S body dysmorphic disorder (BOD) ;tudy 101-5, 106

gender-based subject selection study 96-9, JOO

mental health diagnosis study 87-90, 91 multiple personality disorder (MPD) sludy 92-5, 95 psychometrics 9 intelligence tests 137-41, 146 pain measurement 158-61

R random s;impling 4 rational emotive behaviour therapy (REBT) 210.221

reception learning 116 reductionism 11 Reimann, B.C 253 reliability 8 in telligence 1csts 141 research I animals 11 case studies 3 chi ldren 10- 11 design of study 5-6 ecologica l v:11idi1y 7 ethics 7- 8 ethnocentric bias 8 field experiments 2 generalisations IO individual versus situational explanations 8 interviews 3 laboratory experiments 1- 2 nature and nurture 9 ob.crvations 3-4 participant> and sampling 4-S ps)'chometrks 9 quantitaO\'l? and qualitative data 9- 10 queshonna1rcs 2 reduction~m 11

reliability and validity 8 snapshot ;ind longitudinal studies 10 usefulness 7 reward systems 249 career >lructurc and promotion prospects 250 non-monetary rewards 250 Rogers, Carl I 14 Rosenhan, David 87-9

s sampling •1-5 schizoph rcn ia 211. 238 biochemical explanation (dopamine hypothesis) 212 biochemical trcJtments 213 case studies 211 characteristic• 211 cognitive bd1avioural therapy (CBT) 215 cognitive explanation 212-13

•

electro-convulsive therapy 214 genetic explanation 211 - 12 lok~n economic'> 214-15 type:. 211 self-efficacy Ll-0 self· UlStructional trainmg 135-6 self-selected sampling 4 Seligman. Martm 130- 1, 219 ~hift work 262 con1pressed \\'Ol'k weeks and flexitime 263 rapid rotation theory and slow rotation theory 262- 3 shopping malls 199-200 situational cxplanat ions 8 situational leadership 253 situational "ariablcs 2 Sixteen Personality Faclor Questionnaire 241 snapshot studies 10 social density 183, 184-5, 206 animal studies 183- 4 social psychology bystander behaviour study 38- 41, 42 discrimination study 43-6. 1/6 obedience bludy 29-32, 32 prisoners study 33- 7, 37 Social Readjustment Rating Scale (SRRS) 164- 5 space see pl.'l'sonal space spatial density 183, 185 special educational needs 118, 1116 autism spectrum disorders 119 dyslexia 118- 9. 120 gilicdncss 119-U> integration '"rsus separation 120-1 SPELT method of learning 127 squirrels 202 SSRJs (selectt,·c sero1onerg1c re uptake inhibitors) 219, 220, 233, 235 Stanford Unh'Crsity, USA 137 Sternberg, Robert 142 >lop-distance 193 stratified i.ampling 4 stress 163 daily hassles 166 environmcnw I ol ress 197 GAS (general adnptallon syndrome) model 163-4 life events 164- 5 locus of control 164 muoic and ~cress reduction 181 personality 166 stress management 167, 176 medical techniques 167 pre1·entingstrcss 168 psychological technique~ 167- 8 physiologic;1l measurcs 167 physiology of stress and effects on heahh 163 self-report questionnaires 167

•

stress inoculation therapy 168 work 164 student-centred learning styles 125-6 Summerhill School 115 systematic desensitisation 210, 229- 30

T teacher-centred learning styles 125-6 teaching styles 116, 124, 133 teams 256-7 characteristics of successful teams 257- 8 technological catastrophe 188, 206 territory 192-3. 206 defending primary territory 195-6 defending public territory 196 theory A 172, 264 individual errors 172 theory B 172, 264 system errors 172 111ree ]\,file Island 172 Titanic 172 token economies 173-4, 214-15,224 topicevaluution 145, 175, 205, 237, 272 transportation noise 178 I riarchic theory of intelligence 142 Type A behaviour 166 Type B behaviour 166

u University of Alabama at Birnlingham (UAB) Pain Behavior Scale 160 Uni,-ersity of Michigan studies 252 Uplifts Scale 166 urban living 197 adaptation level 197 behaviour constraint 197 casino environments 200 etfeclS on health 197-8 effects on social behaviour 198 environmental stress 197 overload 197 shopping mall atmospherics 199-200 urban renewal and housing design 198-9, 206 usefulness 7

v validity 7, 8 intell igence tests 141 psychon1e1ric tests 241 Vancouver Obsessional Compulsive Inventory (VOCI) 233 variables 1-2 verbal communications 148, 176 VIE (valence, instrumentality and expectancy) cognili"e theory 248 managerial applications 248-9 \'Olunteer sampling 4 Vroom, Victor 248. 255 Vygotsky, Lev 116-17

w Wei ncr, Bernard 130. 219 Weschler Adult lntdligence Scale (WAIS) 137- 8, 139, 141 Weschler lntcUigcncc Scale for Children (\\llSC) 137-S. 141 Wilkins, M. 125-6 Wolpe. Joseph 229 \\Ork 16~, 239 altitudes to work 269-71 biases in selection decisions and equal opportumties 242-3 career structure and promotion pro peels 250 decision making In selecting personnel 240,241 - 2 group behaviour in organisations 256-60 health and s.,fcty at work 172-4 health promotion al 1~ork 170 job analysis techniques 243-4 job applications 239 job descriptions and specifications 243 leadership and nmnagcmenl 251-5 motivation 246-7 mo1i11alion and goal-selling 247-8 motivators al work 249-50 non· monccary rewards 250 performance appraisal 24•1-5 performancc-rela1cd pay 249 sel<'Ction interviews 239-40, 273 types of reward sys1en1 249 use of psychometric tests 240-1 work condit.i ons 261 , 273 ergonomics 263-4 physical work condi1ioos 261 psychological \\'Ork conditions 261-2 1e1nporol conditions 262- 3 work sa1isfucrion 265 job design 265-6 job withdrawal. absenleehm and sabotage 269-71 measuring job .;;i1isfaction 266-8 organisational commiunent 271 promoting job satisfaction 271 theories of job s.'lisfuct Ion and dissa1bfac1ion 269

y Yale model of communication 169 Yale· Brown Obsessive Compulsive Scale (Y·BOCS) 233, 234 Yetton, Phillip 255

z zone of prox.imal development (ZPD) 116-17

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