Democracy Good Governance

Democracy, Good Governance and Sustainable development in Nigeria: Retrospecting the Obasanjo’s Fourth Republic.

Author’s Name: ERUNKE C. E.& UCHEM R.O.

DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE FACULTY OF SOCIAL SCIENCES NASARAWA STATE UNIVERSITY, KEFFI NIGERIA – WEST AFRICA.

Email: [email protected]

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ABSTRACT The very essence of democracy and democratization and its practices anywhere in world resolves, and should of course, be contingent on the aspirations of the people which such government serves. However,the misfortunes of democratic project in Nigeria since the beginning of Nigeria’s nationhood is largely bereft of ideas, lack of progress, arbitrariness and the overall insulation of the people’s rights and privileges as enshrined in the Constitution. This tendency therefore corroborates the lack of relationship between democracy and good governance as the former may not necessarily translate to the eventual realization of the latter in the real sense of the word. This paper recaps the importance of institutionalizing a free democratic space where the people’s attitudes, institutions and ideas are overhauled for the corporate interest of the Nigerian state. The paper therefore looks at the concepts of democracy,

factors

good

sustainable

governance,

civil

society

participation for good governance and the imperatives of good democratic governance in Obasanjo’s Fourth Republic,respectively.The argument in this thesis points to the fact that non-democratic states of Japan,Singapore,North Korea,etc, are not democratic in outlook,and yet, posses vibrant socio-ecinomic base thereby making life meaningful for its citizens.The paper equally measures the economic perfprmance index of the Obasanjo’s Fourth Republic vis-avis Nigeria’s GDP growth rates, educational development and healthcare delivery,respectively.Viable policy options were also made to serve as a guide for future administration in the Nigerian state system at large. KEYWORDS:

Democracy, Good Governance, Sustainable Development, Civil Society, Nigeria’s Fourth Republic.

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INTRODUCTION The relationship between democracy and good governance lies at the heart of this study. Essentially, the task of any society is to reconstruct and revitalize itself, build its own capabilities and educate, organize and mobilize the citizens with the view to ensuring that democratic space is expanded; democratic culture is deepened, and democracy itself is consolidated and made to become sustainable and irreversible. Nourished by the milk of liberal constitutionalism and political imperative, indeed the comfort of human rights, a vibrant democratic structure enhanced by popular sovereignty; placing powers in the hands of the people, men and women, and their popularly elected representatives, and in doing so, creates the very conditions which civil society will blossom and flower (Akindele, 2003:7). Unfortunately, the environmental factor surrounding the Nigerian democracy makes democratic institutions to remain weak and fragile, therefore becoming susceptible to collapse when faced with a low level of political stress. It has become clear that the sustainability of Nigerian democratic space and good governance has to be anchored on two policy imperatives and programmes one is sustainable development which presently cries for a more serious imaginative and effective management of national resources endowment on the part of the government in the country. The other is effective institutional capacity building for conflict prevention, management, resolution, peace-keeping and security which must be adequately put in place to enhance good governance and economic stability in Nigeria. This research shows that while some arguably slow progress has been made in Nigeria relative to the journey towards building a befitting democracy, adopting some form of liberal constitutionalism and in the process of enthroning an enduring democracy, the challenge that confronts the Nigerian nation-state in relation to good governance remain daunting. Hence, this research intends to analyze and frontally address the teething issues in line with the yearnings and aspirations of democratic rule in the interest of the ordinary Nigerian.

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THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK For the purpose of this study, the researcher shall make use of the structural functionalist theory in unfolding the concept of good governance in the Nigerian state. Uya (1985:27) wrote that to understand the functionalist theory, one must look into the biological implications of a living organism as it patterns to the evolutionary theory. In this simple organism all the necessary functions of life were performed by the same part, the single cell. Therefore, the development of a single cell gave rise to differentiation of cells into parts enhancing specialization, adaptation and integration of the organism to its environment. Thus, the greater the degree of adaptation, the fitter the organism was to survive. This is the Darwinian doctrine of survival of the fittest. In applying this to the doctrine of democracy and good governance in the Fourth Republic, requires a mutual coordinated links between the rulers and the ruled to ensure effective governance. Thus differentiation and specialization may occur in any of the parts of society. And this requires that they be integrated with other parts of the civil society so that the entire polity can adapt to its environment. This tendency can be said to be a panacea towards safe-guarding societal dysfunction. Consequently, the parts of Nigerian society are its political and democratic institutions namely, the National Assembly, the court system, the police, the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), to mention but a few. Thus, the Nigerian Fourth Republic requires the coordinate working and harmonization of these democratic institutions to ensure good governance in Nigeria. The malfunctioning of one of the above institutions means the corresponding dysfunction of the entire political landscape of Nigeria. This can impede growth and sustainable development in Nigeria’s Fourth Republic. However, the Nigerian experience of functionalism sees the ideology as soothed for the dominant class in the society whose whims and caprices predominates such democratic institutions. The agenda of governance becomes skewed to one side, hence, Nigeria experiences high level of what can be referred to as elitist hedonism. For instance, from

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the beginning of the erstwhile Obasanjo’s Fourth Republic in May, 1999, the political climate has been a function of the powers of manipulations of the few elites in the society. Developments in Nigerian politics shows that several political parties, 30 of them in number at that time, duly registered by INEC, out of which two: the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) and the All Nigerian People Party (ANPP) held sway as the remaining 28 became silent in the scheme of things. This is a glaring phenomena of elite politics in Nigeria. Waldt (2001) wrote that democracy cannot be enhanced and the various arms of government adequately work well considering the high level of witch-hunting of the legislature by the executive through frequent removal of members of the legislature. Right from inception of the Obasanjo’s Fourth Republic, Nigeria has had not less than five Senate President in succession. This shows the level of political immaturity and lack of harmony among the various arms of government. Several arguments have also cropped up to criticize the manner of selection of the members of the erstwhile political reforms conference in Abuja. Critics said the characters of delegates to the Confab were mostly government cronies and sycophants who have got nothing to offer as a way forward for Nigeria. By and large, Nigerian Fourth Republic looked forward towards government of unity, stability and a pragmatic approach towards national integration. This means corporate organizations, the labour unions, student bodies and non-governmental organizations are all required to participate in the vanguard towards democracy, democratization and good governance. This is one way of ensuring political, economic and socio-cultural stability of our nation in all its ramifications. THE CONCEPT OF DEMOCRACY AND GOOD GOVERNANCE IN NIGERIA It is conceivable, however, that in the euphoria and optimism, one may forget that democracy, though un-arguably the best form of government for any nation, is also perhaps the most difficult to manage. Democracy, it should be remembered is not a potted plant which can be transplanted into any soil and grown without work or effort. In the

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peculiar circumstances of Nigeria’s Fourth Republic (1999), as apply observed by Professor Sam Oyovbaire: The problem of democracy revolves around how to forge a development process which is simultaneously participatory for individual citizens, sensitive to, and protective of individual rights, freedoms and liberty; accommodative of multiple and competitive loyalties; and generative of economic growth and distributive justice (Ogovbaire, 1992:10). The impact of the above is that non-democratic states of Saudi Arabia, Japan, China, etc, are even more stable even though, democracy is not in practice there. It is obvious to ask here whether democracy can be synonymous with good governance. The answer no doubt, is in the affirmative. Thus, democracy in most Third World Countries (Nigeria inclusive) is antagonistic to good governance. For instance, the problem of Nigeria is even more confounded by the tendency, especially election, the May 1999 Presidential election and of course, the recent 2007 presidential elections respectively. These are all indices of poor political culture, which cannot be the same as good governance. As Uya (1999:86) has observed, though the successful conduct of free and fair elections is an important cornerstone of democracy and good governance, democratization of a policy involves much more. These include: love of freedom and equality; resentment of autocracy, freedom of dissent, respect for individuality of each person, creation of appropriate environment for individual to free himself from the constraints of poverty, hunger, ill-health, coercion and control; equality of opportunity and access to education, medical attention and work; equality of all, the ruler and the ruled, before the law; the creation of an ordered, stable society which guarantees security of lives and property of individuals; cultivation and inculcation in the citizenry of a democratic temper, an attitude of service and trusteeships, a sense of civic responsibility, a spirit of fair play and tolerance of other people’s opinions and interests; absence of arrogance and arbitrariness and a sense of honest, faithful, selfless, disinterested, impartial and objective service,

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dedicated, selfless, disciplined, patriotic, honest and highly motivated leadership style, free from social indiscipline, ethnic hatred and jealousies, religious bigotry and the tendency to personalize rulership and power; and a deliberate and determined move towards the creation of a society bound together by shared sentiments and out look. All of these are basic ingredients of good workable governance. Similarly, the Nigerian democratic project must as a point of necessity involve no less than a revolutionary overhaul of the people’s institutions, attitudes and ideas. There should, as well, be a fundamentally, politically, socially and institutionally and socioeconomically restructured society for the over all interests of all. The import of this is that democracy and good governance in the Fourth Republic Nigeria, can best be appreciated on the basis of national question, and efficacy of executive, legislative and judicial functions respectively (Uya, 1999:61). FACTORS NECESSARY FOR A DEMOCRACY It is undisputable that sustaining democracy is the function of the citizens. Since the civil society consists of numerous organizations that covers diverse interest and segments of the society, it should become the major defender of democracy. Being involved in policymaking and implementation by the government, civil society will be able to monitor the democratic process and the performance of institutions and programmes. If it is able to monitor and evaluate the performance of the democratic project, it implies that it will not only defend democracy but sustain it (Huntington, 1976:180). Democracy goes beyond forming political parties, general elections and having a civilian government in power. It is a process that does not terminate overnight and involves full and effective participation of citizens in determining policies and decisions which affects their lives at all levels and at all times. It involves the responsiveness of the government to the needs and aspirations of the citizens. It is based on the ability of a nation to provide channels for discussions, consultations, mobilizations and propaganda.

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What we therefore, have in Nigeria’s Fourth Republic is a young democracy that is transiting and suppose to grow to maturity; and the transition is at a crucial state. The response of the state, civil society and the political class to the inherent contradictions of the transition to democracy will determine whether it will further develop or decay. This is the level where the role of the people becomes not only critical, but also paramount. Consequently, democracy as a process has been in place in Nigeria, since 1999, regardless of its shortcomings. The civil society and many Nigerians expected high level of performance from the Obasanjo government. It is their belief that the emerging democracy gave them the opportunity to elect the people they wanted to rule them. Their expectations were that these people know their predicaments and should be able to resolve them. But to their greatest dismay, their expectations have been over shadowed by political gimmicks. However, Ihonvbere (1995:43) opined that as sine qua non sustainable democracy in Nigeria, the following factors are discernible. Firstly, it is paramount that the civil society project in Nigeria should be re-articulated and reinforced to have nationalist ideas devoid of parochialism and sectional sentiment. If this is effectively pursued, it will help in terms of inculcating nationalistic and patriotic values and attitudes not only within the rank and file of the society, but amongst majority of the citizens. Secondly, civil society organization, particularly, the pro-democracy and civil right groups should expand the coverage for their impact to be felt. Having a national outlook will not only make it more acceptable, but also enhanced in the spread of democratic values. Furthermore, it is important that sectoral networks of the organizations be established. Through networking, these organizations could be more effective in their activities. Finally, a mechanism should be evolved by the civil society to effectively monitor the political system and democratic transition at all levels of government. If this is done, the

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civil society will serve as a check on the political system and actors to ensure that there is no retreat to authoritarianism and subsequent destruction of democratic process. Through this, it can also check on the credibility of elected officers and other public officers and also ensure that they are accountable. It should have the power to take certain measures against such officers whose integrity is questionable and who failed to be accountable in the fulfillment of electoral promises. The various Commissions should work in consonance with the Code of Conduct Bureau and the Economic and the Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) to ensure efficient service delivery and transparency in government. This will bring about a sustainable democracy and good governance in the Fourth Republic. FACTORS NECESSITATING GOOD GOVERNANCE Needless to say that the crisis of the Nigerian state far from being managerial has always been structural and it has its roots in the relations of exploitations, unjust domestic class structures, external dependency and distortions of the neo-colonial social formations (Ake, 1986:72). It is all these that produced the contagion effects of the militarization of contemporary Nigerian society in the past and the negative tendencies this translates into our development. Consequently, to carry through a successful project of democratization and sustainable democratic transition in the interest of good governance in Nigeria’s Fourth Republic, we need to go beyond the prevalent myths about immediate and remote causes of poor governance to projected solutions to arrest prospective socio-economic and political decays in Nigeria. One way of achieving this is to insist on the authentic democratization and empowerment of the toilers of Nigeria. This is the only condition for peace and progress, and it requires the institutionalization of a people’s system of government that is responsive to the imperatives of the collective aspirations of the generality of the people of Nigeria. Our Fourth Republic democracy must empower the masses of the people, a democracy that guarantees the survival of the ordinary Nigerian. The Fourth Republic needs a system of government that empowers Nigerians to do those things that will promote the well being

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of the nation. The brand of democracy that was being orchestrated by Obasanjo regime did not guaranteed this. It has only sustained the oppressive system that has destroyed our collective senses of worth (Oyovbaire, 1999). Conversely, the ultimate goal of any authentic democratization process in the Fourth Republic is to institute popular democracy in Nigeria, a democracy that begins and ends with the people as they develop their individual and collective potentials in the interest of the country. Democracy and good governance seeks to involve every stake holder in the control of economic and political power in a way that reinvigorates his or her faith and commitment in the corporate reality of the nation. This will guide against the monopoly of state powers by the so-called political god-fathers. Jega (2002) wrote that to ensure a sustainable democracy and good governance in the Fourth Republic, the three arms of government namely: the Legislature, Judiciary and the Executive must be restructured to make them amenable to proposed political and socioeconomic restructuring. The Judiciary, the Legislature and above all, the Executive arm of government will be required to change their character. This is ordinarily translated into the radical transformation of the character of Nigerian state. There cannot be democracy without a viable state just as good governance cannot be attained in the midst of prebendalism, piracy, indolence and ineptitude. Consequently, there is need for the restructuring of the nation. This is necessarily required to give everybody a sense of belonging as a positive motivation to participate in the process of nation building. One would like to suggest a process of restructuring which integrates the right to self-determination on the basis of corporate existence of the Nigerian polity. The Obasanjo political Reform Conference (CONFAB) that took placed in Abuja could be applauded in this direction. However, the conference deliberations should not have lost sight of the diversities of the Nigerian nation, hence, the ideas of carving potions of deliberations as “no-go areas” this was rather unconstitutional as it undermined the

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wishes and aspirations of the Nigerian People. Nigeria must democratize on the basis of social justice and good governance. There is need for equality, freedom of choice, social justice etc, just as there cannot be democracy without good governance. Social justice is required to recreate our social system, the one devoid of gender servitude, ethnic oppression and marginalization and above all, religious bigotry. All these are challenges to the Obasanjo’s Fourth Republic, which if properly addressed could place Yar’Adua’s government in a better position to consciously pilot the affairs of Nigerian state. UNDERSTANDING

GOOD

GOVERNANCE

AND

DEVELOPMENT

IN

OBASANJO’S FOURTH REPUBLIC The concept of governance is not new. It has been around in both political and academic discourse for a long time. In the last decade, however, issues relating to governance have come to occupy the centre stage in developmental literature. More recently, it gained currency in the literature of African development. As a result, among other things, the UNDP (2002) study identifies the crises in the continent as essentially those of governance. By implication this phenomena can be aptly referred to as the extensive personalization of power, the denial of fundamental human rights, widespread corruption, and the prevalence of unaccountable government. However, four aspects of governance have been identified in the social science literature. These are reciprocity, trust and accountability. When these elements are jointly present, the greater is the likelihood of good governance and the opposite when they are weak. Governance has links with participatory development, human rights and democratization. As a policy framework, good governance imposes demands on policy makers in their exercise of power. According to Boeninger (1991) it encompasses i)

An effective state, i.e, one that possesses an enabling political and legal environment for economic growth and equitable distribution.

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ii)

Civil societies and communities that is present in the policy making process, with the state facilitating political and social interaction, and fostering societal cohesion and stability.

iii)

A private sector that is allowed to play an independent role in the economy.

All the three elements, singularly and in combination, together with sound economic management in Nigeria’s Fourth Republic are essential for sustainable development (Boeninger, 1991). There are also the more profound issues of the meaning of development and the precise relationship between the different components of governance and development. The concept of development is also by no means unproblematic (Sen, 1974:40). In recent years, it has become fuzzy and difficult to define especially as the concept of sustainable development has gained currency. Development involves economic, social, political, environmental and cultural dimensions. Thus, while economic and social progress and the elimination of poverty are key objectives of development, the development well being also encompasses freedom from fear and arbitrary arrest, free speech association, and the right to run for and hold political office (Sen, 1974:46). More recently, there has been a return to an older doctrine on the development process. Development is now seen as a transformation of the society, a move from the old ways of thinking, and old forms of social and economic organization to new ones (Stiglitz, 2000:87). The new view argues that development and developmental transformation involve a change in the way people think and the way societies functions – a change in norms, expectations, and institutions (Stiglitz, 2000:87). The lesson of the 20 th century is that successful development ultimately derives from a home – grown strategy, not from imported theories. Most industrialized countries owe their success to having developed their own brands. By implications, governance and development are separate conceptual entities, yet in practice often affect each other. They have a causal relationship. Development is now viewed as an uncertain process and by inference, highly correlated to the quality of governance (North, 1990:257). Economic development and political

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literature is replete with case of governance failure and development crises especially in Africa. It is worthy of note that democracy is not synonymous with political and economic development. Most countries of the Japan, China, Singapore, North Korea, can be said to be undemocratic, but the high level technological development among the Asian Tigers cannot be equated with most democratic states of Africa (Nigeria inclusive). The contention here buttresses Alexander Pope’s assertion that “for forms of government, let the fools contend, what is best administered is best………” (Popes, as cited in Tamumo 1974:61). The implication of this assertion is a function of the character of leadership in Africa visavis the vision to project the values of societal development in the interest of all. This point to the fact that there is no clear links between democratic forms of government and economic growth. Efforts to test this relationship empirically have been inconclusive, contradictory or both (Sirowy, 1990:5). One can say from the above analysis that these steps have had positive effect on the political and socio-economic development of nation states across the world. Little wonder, democracy is now a universal concept for economic and political development made possible through good leadership roles and dedication to good policy measures. ECONOMIC PERFORMANCE IN OBASANJO’S FOURTH REPUBLIC The unfortunate pre-occupation with policies in the few months preceding the national elections obscured the appreciation of some of the fundamental changes that occurred during the Fourth Republic between 1999 and 2007. However, the overwhelming consensus in 1999 was for the injection of economic reforms that would change, in a fundamental way, the structure and performance of the economy. Consequently, reforms work when they emerge from a national consensus. Experiences around the world show that reforms at whatever level of analysis, cannot be forced on the people as in the case of Obasanjo’s Fourth Republic.

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The Nigerian economy is still a developing economy characterized by a number of features which undermine its growth and sustainability. Conversely, development entails transformation of the forces of production such as scientific knowledge, technical skills, organizational and managerial ability etc. These determine how much can be produced. Therefore, underdevelopment in the erstwhile Obasanjo administration was characterized by the failure of these forces of production. The Nigerian economy continued to be driven by oil revenue. The instability of the sector however continues to pose a major problem for Nigeria’s economic development efforts at diversifying the Nigeria’s economy by Obasanjo’s administration. Non-oil contribution to the economy has been relatively unstable with marginal decrease in 2002. Thus, while Nigeria has the potentials of industrial growth, given a populous market, private investment has been low and slow. However, in spite of a measure of success recorded during the oil boom era of the 1970s, real economic growth began to decline in the 1990s, though the 2002 projections show a

Growth rate %

dip as shown below. Fig. 1: GDP Growth Rate (1990 – 2002).

10 8 6

Key

4

Real GDP Growth rate

-4 14

2002

2001

2000

1999

1998

Years

-2 CBN Annual Report 2003:6). Source:

-6

1997

1996

1995

1994

1993

1992

0

1991

2

Crude oil (%) Non-Oil Sector (%)

From the graph above, the events of 2002 have sent a powerful signal to policy makers and other sectors that fluctuations of the oil sector and procrastinations over policy could be costly to growth. Oil is basically the primary sector of the Nigerian economy. It is engaged in the extraction of renewable and non-renewable natural resources which dominates the Nigerian ailing economy at the moment. This is one of the characteristics a developing economy. In any case, the oil sector still holds sway as the same rises above Agriculture and Mining sectors respectively. This is an economic indicator of a downward economy. Hence pragmatic steps must be taken to diversity the economy by the Yar’Adua’s administration. EDUCATIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN THE FOURTH REPUBLIC Education can be seen as the bedrock of any nation state. This has to do with the quality and not the quantity of citizens who are highly educated. Consequently, the literacy level in the country had witnessed considerable deterioration especially in rural areas where the population of people within the age brackets of 15 – 24 years are illiterate in Nigeria among the various urban and rural settlers alike between 1999 – 2001. Figure 1.2: Literacy Rates: 15 – 24 years old. Year National Urban Rural 1999 71.9 84.9 62.9 2001 64.1 Source: Federal Ministry of Education (2001:18).

Male 81.4 69.8

Female 62.3 59.3

From the table, the literacy rate for the groups under review shows that 71.9% are literate in 1991. However the literacy rate in urban areas was higher than rural areas, these were 84.9% and 62.1% respectively. By 2001, the overall literacy rate had decline for male and female members of the 15 – 24 years age group. The decline among the females was from 62.49% to 59.3% during the same period. This means to some extent that the declining trend is not unconnected with the high rate of unemployment, rising income poverty and the discouraging working conditions of teachers in Nigeria, which constitute great disincentive for acquiring formal education. In any case, the challenges faced by

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Obasanjo’s administration in his Universal Basic Education Programme implementation is that of finance, economic factor, institutional constraints, culture and quality of instructions. Theses factors deserve urgent attention to overhaul the education sector to enhance meaningful development in the current Yar’Adua’s administration. HEALTH CARE DELIVERY IN THE FOURTH REPUBLIC: THE NATIONAL HEALTH INSURANCE SCHEME (NHIS) Equity in the provision of health care to citizens is important. It is evident that the poor masses lacked access to the basic health services and received low quality medical care due to inability to pay for quality care. Moreover, government spending went disproportionately to the affluent in the form of free or below cost care in sophisticated public tertiary hospitals which was the basis of evolving a new National Health Insurance Scheme (NHIS). This is shown below: Fig. 1.3: Nigeria Health Statistics (1995-2001) 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 Population per physician 3,707 3,744 3,781 4,977 4,479 Population per Nursing Staff 605 617 629 1004 906 Population per Hospital Bed 1,477 1,555 1,632 1,738 1,564 Life expectancy at birth 52 53 53 54 45 Source: CBN Annual Report and Statement of Account (2002:32).

2000 4,529 920 1,6112 45

2001 4,675 1,082 2,124 45

From the above the maximum population per physician among Nigerians was put at 3,707 in 1995. But later rose to 4,675 in 2001. This indicates an additional increase of more than 100%. This is due largely to overpopulation as a result of lack of government policy in birth control. The same case holds true about Nigeria’s population per nursing staff of 605 in bed and 2,124 in 2001 respectively. Moreover, life expectantly ratio increased considerably in 1995 and dropped sharply to 45 years in 2001. The factor responsible for this could be inadequacy of drugs to control diseases in Nigeria.

THE WAY FORWARD There is no gain saying that the deepest root of development failure is not a lack of resource for development, rather, it is lack of good governance – the inability or 16

unwillingness to apply public resources effectively to generate public goods. These include physical infrastructures – roads, bridges, potable water, telecommunications, public transport to mention but a few. To be sure, development requires appropriate government policies to foster savings and investment, but it also requires the public services, civil society organizations and institutions that improve human capital, foster social trust and thereby stimulate production and exchange. All this is the product of good governance. Secondly, good governance entails commitment to the public good through the charismatic and sterling quantities of the leadership. This is derived through cultural ethics that appreciates, and a structure of institutional incentives that rewards discipline, service to the nation or the general community over the use of office for private regarding benefits. In every modern society, however, it must be (at a minimum), reinforced by institutions that punish betrayals of the public trust. Thirdly, good governance means transparency, the openness of the state business and conduct to the scrutiny of other state actors and of the public. As a result democratic administrations should manifest the spirit of accountability, responsibility and responsiveness to ensure good governance in Nigeria. Lastly, good governance is intimately bound up by the existence of the rule of law. Governance can only be good and effective when it is restrained by law, when the law is applied equally to the mighty and the meek, and when there are professional independent authorities to enforce the law in a neutral and predictable fashion. Both effective government and well functioning markets require that there be clear rules about what constitution acceptable conducts in the realm of economic, social and political life. These are the only ways Nigeria could move forward in her quest to becoming the world’s largest economy in the year 20–20–20. CONCLUSION

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Thus when good governance functions in the above ways, it breeds social capital, in the form of networks and associations that draw people together in relations of trust reciprocity and voluntary cooperation for common ends. The deeper a country’s reservoirs of social capital and the more these are based on horizontal and vertical relations emanating from both government and public realms, the more formidable is the entire body polity. The benefits accruing to this not only enhances good governance in the Fourth Republic, it also transcends beyond the unknown in our overall national life.

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REFERENCES Ake, C. (1986) Democratization in Africa. Ibadan: Spectrum Books. Akindele, R.A.( 2003) Civil Society, Good Governance and the Challenges of Regional Security in West Africa. Ibadan: Vantage Pub. Ltd. Boeninger, E. (1991) “Governance and Development; Issue and Constraints”, Proceedings of the World Bank Annual Conference on Development Economics. Huntington, S.P. (1976) “Democracy for a long Haul” Journal of Democracy, Vol. 7, No. 2. Hyden, G.( 1992) Governance and Politics in Africa. Lynne: Reinner Pub. Ltd. Ihonvbere, J. ( 1995) Nigeria: Democracy and Civil Society. In John A. Wiseman (eds.): Democracy and Political Change in Sub Saharan Africa. London: Routledge Pub. Ltd. Jega, A.( 2002) Evolutions of the Concept of Institutions and Democracy. Kaduna: Arewa Pub. Kukah, A.M.( 1999) Democracy and Civil Society. Ibadan: Spectrum Books. North, D. (1990) Institutions, Institutional Change and Economic Performance. New York: Cambridge University Press. Oyovbaire, S. (1999) Problems of Democratic Transition. Guardian, June. Sen, A. (1974) Development and Freedom. New York: Anchor Books.

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Sirowy, I.K.( 1990) “Governance and Economic Performance”: A Survey Discussion paper on Development Policy, Centre for Development Research, Bonn: University of Bonn Press. Stiglitz, J.E.( 2000) “Development Thinking at the Next Millennium” in Pleskovic and Stern (eds) Annual World Bank Conference on Development Economics. Tanumo, T. (1974) Federation and Nation-Building in Nigeria. London: Oxford University Press. Uya, E.O.( 1999) The Democratic Project in Nigeria. Calabar: CATS Pub Ltd. UNDP (2002) Human Development Report. New York: Oxford University Press. United Nation Development Programme, UNDP (2002). Human Development Report. New York: Oxford University Press. Waldt, G. (2001) Public Policy and Policy Analysis. Van Niekak: G.V.D Pub Ltd.

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