Democracy In Political Parties In Pakistan

DEMOCRACY IN POLITICAL PARTIES IN PAKISTAN: A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF JUMA’AT-I-ISLAMI PAKISTAN AND PAKISTAN PEOPLE’S PARTY

By UBAID ULLAH M.PHIL POLITICAL SCIENCE

DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE QURTUBA UNIVERSITY PESHAWAR IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT FOR THE REQUIREMENT OF M.PHIL

APPROVAL This is certify that the Thesis submitted by Mr. Ubaid Ullah is approved and recommended as partial fulfillment for the award of Master Degree of Philosophy , from the Qurtuba University Peshawar.

Internal Supervisor

Signature:

External Supervisor

Signature:

Date:___/___/____

To The Controller of Examination, Qurtuba University Peshawar. Subject:

APPLICATION FOR THE PROCESS OF THESIS.

Respected Sir, With great regards it is stated that I am an M.phil Scholar (5474) in your esteemed institution. My thesis had undergone the process of evaluation. The external examiner had suggested some changes; I have incorporated all the possible changes as suggested by the examiner under the kind supervision of my praiseworthy supervisor. It is therefore humbly requested to your benevolent self that my thesis may please be processed. I will be grateful to you for this act of benevolence. Yours Sincerely; Ubaid Ullah M.Phil. Scholar

Dated:

/Dec/2014

Roll No: 5474

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TO WHOM IT MAY CONCERN It is certified that Mr. Ubaid Ullah M.phil. Scholar Roll. No. 5474 has made all the possible changes in his thesis as requested by the external examiner. I have thoroughly studied his thesis and found it up to the mark . So therefore kindly process his thesis.

Supervisor:

Dated:

/Dec/2014

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LIST OF ACRONYMS MSF

Muslim Students Federation

PODO

Public Offices (Disqualification) Order

MNA

Member of National Assembly

MPA

Member of Provincial Assembly

NAP

National Awami Party

NSF

National Students Federation

PDM

Pakistan Democratic Movement

APWA

All Pakistan Women’s Association

PPP

Pakistan People’s Party

IJI

Islami Jamhuri Ittehad

MLA

Member of Legislative Assembly

APP

Azad Pakistan Party

BD

Basic Democracies

EBDO

Elective Bodies Disqalification Order

JI

Juma’at-i-Islami

IDBP

Industrial Development Bank of Pakistan

CVML

Convention Muslim League

CML

Council Muslim League

COP

Combined Opposition Parties

WPCTA

West Pakistan Teacher’s Association

NPT

National Press Trust

CMB

Centeral Medical Board

WPLA

West Pakistan’s Lecturer’s Association iii

DAC

Democratic Action Committee

JLC

Joint Labour Council

WPFTU

West Pakistan Federation of Trade Unions

CMLA

Chief Martial Law Administrator

PAF

Pakistan Air Force

RTC

Round Table Conference

LDBA

Lahore District Bar Association

JUI

Jamiat-ul-Ulem-i-Islam

PSO

Principal Staff Officer

DYF

Democratic Youth Force

PIAC

Pakistan International Airlines Corps

PFUJ

Pakistan Federated Union of Journalists

WPKC

West Pakistan Kisan Committee

PKC

Pakistan Kisan Committee

LFO

Legal Framework Order

BSO

Baluchistan Students Organization

PNA

Pakistan National Alliance

LMC

Lahore Municipal Corporation

PDA

Pakistan Democratic Party

WPSIC

West Pakistan Small Industrial Corporation

BMM

Bahawalpur Mutahada Mahaz

PLP

Pakistan Labour Party

IJT

Islami Jami‘at-i- Tulabah

MQM

Muhajir Qaumi Mahaz

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MRD

Movement for Restoration of Democracy

CRTINChiragh-i Rah (Karachi), Tahrik-i Islami Number (November 1963). NGH

Israr Ahmad, “Naghz-i Ghazal,” Mithaq

(Lahore) 39, 1 (January

1990). The article was originally published in Mithaq 12, 2 (August 1966), 39–52; 12, 3 (September 1966), 33–56; 12, 5 (November 1966), 43– 56; 12, 6 (December 1966), 33–56; 13, 2 (February 1967), 47–56. The articles were later published in the form of a book: Israr Ahmad, Tarikh-i Jama‘at-i Islami: Ik Gumshuda Bab (Lahore: Maktabah-i Jadid Press, 1990). RJI

Rudad-i Jama‘at-i Islami, 7 vols. (Lahore, 1938– 1991), these volumes contain the Proceedings of the various Jama‘at Congresses between 1941 and 1955.

TQ

Tarjumanu’ l-Qur’ an (Hyderabad, Pathankot, and Lahore), (1932present), TQ has been the main forum for the exposition of Mawlana Mawdudi’s theological views since 1932, and also the Jama‘at’s official ideological journal since 1941. It was edited by Mawdudi from 1932 to 1979.

KPK

Khyber Pukhtun Khwa

v

DEDICATION My father and mother, my respectable teachers and my friends whose efforts, love, guidance and prayers made it possible to accomplish my mission successfully.

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TABLE OF CONTENTS TO WHOM IT MAY CONCERN.........................................................................................II LIST OF ACRONYMS........................................................................................................III DEDICATION......................................................................................................................VI TABLE OF CONTENTS....................................................................................................VII ABSTRACT...........................................................................................................................X INTRODUCTION..................................................................................................................1 IMPORTANCE OF POLITICAL PARTIES IN DEMOCRATIC SET UP........................1 HYPOTHESIS..........................................................................................................................4 SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY...............................................................................................4 RESEARCH METHODOLOGY..................................................................................................4 CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK..................................................................................................5 LITERATURE REVIEW............................................................................................................5 REFERENCES.....................................................................................................................13 CHAPTER-1.........................................................................................................................17 DEMOCRACY AND ORGANIZATIONAL STRUCTURE OF JUMA’AT-I-ISLAMI PAKISTAN AND...................................................................................................................17 1.1 JUMA’AT-I-ISLAMI......................................................................................................17 1.2 STRUCTURAL AND ORGANIZATIONAL ILLUSTRATION OF JUMA’AT-I-ISLAMI PAKISTAN ...................................................................................................................................18 1.3 STRUCTURE OF JUMA’AT-I-ISLAMI PAKISTAN.............................................................19 1.4 AMIR-E-JUMA’AT-I-ISLAMI PAKISTAN’S OFFICE.........................................................20 1.5 THE DEPUTY AMIR.....................................................................................................22 1.6 THE SHURA OF JI.......................................................................................................23 1.7 THE JI PAKISTAN’S SECRETARY GENERAL AND SECRETARIAT...................................25 1.7.1

The Recent Development and Details of JI Pakistan.........................................27

1.7.2

The Organizations of JI Pakistan......................................................................27

1.8 PAKISTAN PEOPLES PARTY’S ORGANIZATIONAL ASPECTS AND IDEOLOGY.................28 1.9 ORIGIN OF PAKISTAN PEOPLE’S PARTY ORGANIZATION AND POLITICAL STRATEGY. .30 1.10

PPP: OFFICIAL ORGANIZATION..............................................................................34

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1.11

THE ACTUAL ORGANIZATION OF PPP....................................................................39

1.12

AN INSIGHT INTO THE POWER STRUCTURE OF PAKISTAN PEOPLE’S PARTY (PPP). 44

REFERENCES.....................................................................................................................46 CHAPER-2............................................................................................................................51 VIEWS OF JI AND PPP ABOUT DEMOCRACY IN PAKISTAN...................................51 2.1 PPP FOUNDER’S VIEWS ABOUT DEMOCRACY IN PAKISTAN.......................................51 2.2 VIEWS OF THE JAMA AT-I-ISLAMI PAKISTAN ABOUT DEMOCRACY.............................58 2.3 JEHLUM MASS CONTACT, 14 NOVEMBER 1967..........................................................60 2.4 WHAT IS THE AIM?.....................................................................................................60 2.5 ISLAM WILL BE IMPLEMENTED THROUGH DEMOCRATIC PROCESS..............................62 2.6 DEMOCRATIC MOVEMENT OF PAKISTAN GUJRANWALA, 15 NOVEMBER, 1967..........63 2.7 PEACEFUL MOVEMENT...............................................................................................64 2.8 THE DICTATORSHIP IS THE OPPOSITE OF DEMOCRACY HYDERABAD LARGE GATHERING OF THE PEOPLE 1ST APRIL, 1968.............................................................65 2.9 AN EXAMPLE..............................................................................................................65 REFERENCES.....................................................................................................................79 CHAPTER - 3.......................................................................................................................82 STRUGGLE FOR DEMOCRACY IN PAKISTAN: THE ROLE OF JI AND PPP.........82 3.1 DEMOCRATIC STRUGGLE OF THE PPP........................................................................82 3.2 THE PPP EMERGENCE AND THE LAST STAGE OF AYUB’S ERA...................................83 3.3 INTERNAL STRATEGY.................................................................................................84 3.4 EXTERIOR APPROACH; ASSOCIATED BY OPPOSITION GROUPS....................................86 3.5 THE NEW PARTY STRATEGY.......................................................................................91 3.6 THE FOUNDING OF THE PAKISTAN PEOPLE’S PARTY..................................................97 3.7 THE STRUGGLE OF JI FOR DERMOCRACY.................................................................101 3.8 MAUDUDI’S SOCIAL, PSYCHOLOGICAL AND POLITICAL CONCEPTS..........................108 3.9 JI STRUGGLE WITH REGARD TO SOCIAL MOVEMENT...............................................110 3.10

THE JI PROLONG STRUGGLE FROM THE START....................................................113

3.11

JI WITH RESPECT TO PAKISTAN MOVEMENT, FROM 1941 TO 1947......................114

3.12

THE POST INDEPENDENCE ERA OF JI STRUGGLE, NATION’S BUILDING, IDEOLOGY AND

CONSTITUTION (1947-58).............................................................................115

3.13

BHUTTO’S ERA (1971 TO 1977) AND JI................................................................117

3.14

ZIA’S ERA (1977-88) AND JI................................................................................119

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3.15

UP TO DATE INCONSISTENCY OF OUR POLITICAL PARTIES...................................122

REFERENCES...................................................................................................................124 CONCLUSION...................................................................................................................132 APPENDIX-A.....................................................................................................................140 APPENDIX-B......................................................................................................................148 MAULANA MAUDUDI SPEECH ABOUT DEMOCRACY AND ISLAM SPEECH AT JEHLUM, NOVEMBER 14, 1967.....................................................................................148 APPENDIX-C.....................................................................................................................152 BIBLIOGRAPHY...............................................................................................................153 Magazines, Newspapers, and Urdu Journals.........................................................................165

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ABSTRACT The existence of political parties is essential for democratic societies. Political parties guarantee efficiency of the democracy. On the other hand, the simple existence is not the spirit of democracies; the feature of political guidance and how political parties fulfill their responsibilities, set out a stretched approach to form the character and track of the political organism. Pakistan shares its record of political development in the company of the British and India. The political parties in Indian sub-continent fought in support of their rights, freedom and justice within the the social order. Westminster style parliamentary democracy was the dynamic force of the political parties, and the party leaders were mostly identified on behalf of their values, principles, and devotion for the causes of society. Leaders were given high respect for their vision, charisma, courage, and sacrifices. Infact, after independence, Pakistan has sad fate in stipulations of political growth. The original party Pakistan Muslim League misplaced parliamentary democracy, brought changes to the Constitution, and the party itself became a dictatorial organization. In 1906, Pakistan Muslim League was created. It became major political party of Pakistan’s politics. After independence it saw a lot of alterations in state power, political institutions, party structure, party leadership, and afterward a new party system developed, which is mostly known as undemocratic, unconstitutional, autocratic, and based on financial power, clientelism, and patrimonialism, and party chiefs became unchallenged. The Juma’at-i-Islami (JI) was established in 1941(pre-independence era), while the Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) in 1967. The JI has a long struggle for the democracy in the country but, still majority of the people did not vote for it, rather than to gain very few of the total seats in the parliament. After 1970, the PPP came to power by turn through popular general elections. Though they formed government in the centre and other small political parties practiced the parliamentary set up, but they remained as flag holder. Unfortunately, the regimes have been marked by indiscriminate politicization of government, semiautonomous and even autonomous offices and institutions, and by corruption and misrule, violations of state laws, which make the governance weak and undemocratic

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in practice. There have been academic studies on democracy and democratic practices in the different political institutions including in political party. This study is focused on finding the presence and practices of democracy in the party, as well as it investigates into the causes which hinder the institutionalization of democracy in the political parties. The researcher for this research has supposed the following grounds –The factors which are the serious hurdle in the way of internal democracy, power distance of society, patron-client relation (link along with imbalanced financial and communal class /the chief and his clients or customers), and partrimonialism (form of control in which the entire influence run in a straight line as of the leader), are affecting institutionalization of democracy in the political parties. As matter of fact, the JI has established strict rules and regulation with regard to the rigorous and tight discipline in its internal structure, for the purpose. At the same time as, the PPP labeled to its founders past deeds or family background matters in their political stances. Despite the fact, that the feudal system hasn’t disappeared stretched back as of the rural culture of Pakistan, further than the society remains hierarchic, wherein laissez-faire values are not experienced, and a segment of privileged people, now a day’s political actors define good or bad in the society. The same practices are reflected in the political parties, of Pakistan, except Juma’at-iIslami Pakistan. Patron-client relation in the parties remains an obstacle to systematize the party rules and mechanism, and it affects the party governance and the state governance as well. Patrimonialism has been another setback within the parties for which the central party leaders remain submissive, and demoralized. This also affects the whole party governance. The local party leaders frequently claim systematic practices, i.e.; democratic practices do not exist in the center, so the local units also don’t care for democracy in the party. This study also reviews cultural values of Pakistan’s society, and takes perception of the people and the political leaders about democracy and the party system to analyze the causes affecting institutionalization of democracy in the political parties.

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INTRODUCTION IMPORTANCE OF POLITICAL PARTIES IN DEMOCRATIC SET UP By well known election process political parties form the government. They connect and denote various state institutions. They are also accountable to bring on high quality authority of the government. Elected authority relies on the nature, association and organization of the political parties, that enjoys the political authority. The actions and activities of political parties influence the masses in all spheres and by all means. Political parties also alter the society caliber, its social value and the societal

pre-requisites.

Internal

democracy

in

political

parties

and

their

institutionalization play vital role in social, financial, economical and political growth. They promote overall state objectives. An essential quality of recent democratic system is the growth of political parties, the same as they are considered compulsory in the direction of the successful practice of the elected organizations (political parties, basically structured and flourishing form of general wills). Organization of political parties is distinguished through harmony, order and teamwork and its members usually contribute to common philosophy on fundamental national matters. In each political party, the existence of different outlook/opinion as well as different ideas cannot be ignored/ neglected. The dissimilarity on the other hand, is not leading policy concern, but on minor strategy issues. Diverse nature of political matters, well beings as well as societal relations is the causes of the formation of a political party. Political parties form a corner stone of democratic society. They aggregate the interests of the public, articulate them in the form of policy options and provide structures for political participation. In addition, they train political leaders and contest elections to seek a measure of control over government institutions. Despite the important role that party caucuses ( meeting of supporters or members of a specific political party or movement), play in the institutional development of parliaments, their meetings are necessarily held in private, and are therefore not usually subject to public scrutiny. Similarly, rules governing caucus procedures are generally internal party documents, although they sometimes become

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publicly available. In addition, written rules of procedure may not accurately reflect actual practice, especially where there are dominant leadership groups or established customs for organizing parliamentary group work. All the mentioned facts have given the weightage in these words by Prof.Dr.Muhammad Sarwar as! “Organization of political parties is characterized with unity, discipline and cooperation and its members generally share common thinking on basic national issues. In every political party, the presence of variety of opinion and that of divergent thinking cannot be ruled out. These differences however, are not major policy issues, but on minor policy matters. Different types of political issues, interests and social relations underlie the formation of a political party. The purpose of parties is to acquire political authority through peaceful means, an important feature that discriminates political parties from interests of the society and prepare their manifesto accordingly. A political party is not concerned with the promotion of particular interest.”1 Dahl considered a government’s responsiveness in the direction of the likings of its citizens, measured the same as political justice, the same as a key characteristic of democracy. Awareness like these, are in-need to develop democratic obligations as! “(1) to formulte preferences; (2) signify their preferences to their fellow citizens and to the government by individual and collective actions; and (3) have their preferences weighed equally in the conduct of the government that is weighted with no discrimination because of the content or source of the preference. These three opportunities, in turn, are dependent on the following institutional guarantees: 1)- The freedom to form and join organizations. 2). The freedom of expression. 3). The right to vote 4). The eligibility for public office. 5). The right of political leaders to compete for support and for votes. 6). Alternative sources of information. 7). Free and fair election. 8). The dependence of policymaking institution in government on votes and other expressions of experience.”2 Democracy is a type of government in which everyone civilian has the same cry in the choice with the aim and affect lying on their existence. It let appropriate general public to chip in the same way—both openly and through chosen legislative bodies, in the suggestion, improvement, and formation of laws. It includes societal,

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financial and civilizing state of affairs, so as to permit the free and fair practices of political autonomy. Democracies are those political set up in which they are assured and fulfilled the focal point lying on the competition dimension, as Dahl interpreted that the system have different extent on the way to which the eight assurances are explicitly accessible, publicly employed, and fully guaranteed to the members of political system. Regime can vary according to the extent of acceptable opposition, public contestation, or political competition. Since, a regime might permit opposition to a very small proportion of the population. He argued that a second dimension that reflects the right to participate in the public contestation, or inclusive suffrage, is needed in order to classify a regime as democratic. On this basis, the following definition of democracy will be used in this research: “Democracy is a type of political regime in which (1) there exists institutions and procedures through which citizens can express effective preferences about alternative policies at the national level and there are institutionalized constraints on the exercise of power by the executive (competition); (2) there exists inclusive suffrage or the right of participation in selecting national leaders and policies (Inclusiveness/participation).”3 . The idea involve decisive modification inside cognitive in addition to worth technique. Why are political parties and party organism essential in support of a working democracy? We'll find then at least three usual purposes: 1)-Parties will be the most important vehicle concerning political character; 2)-Parties will be the key development with reference to the ruling/government; 3)-Parties are crucial agendas on the subject of supporting democratic function. The democratic growth, development about political affairs and proceedings will be for that reason key towards the well-beings of the democracy and also very essential for the general public.4

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HYPOTHESIS 1)

Democracy in the Country depends upon democratic structure of its political parties.

2)

Democratic constitution of a political party ensures internal Democracy in it.

SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY The study is focusing to investigate, setting of the parties, their orientations towards democracy, and performances favorable or else harmful in the way of institutionalization of democratic system. Historical background has been used in most cases by the political scientists and sociologists to understand the nature of party organizations and democratization process. Party decision making practice with regard

to its constitutional requirements is the very focal point of the study, contained by the deliberation in the company of the partaking as of the local level and sound effects of socio-cultural standards as well as standard on party democracy. This research consider power distance, which is a normative root of socio-political culture, to understand the nature of party structure, and relationship among the party leaders, perception of the leaders towards democracy, as well as perception of the common masses towards party organization and democracy.

RESEARCH METHODOLOGY In this thesis the deductive research method used in two political parties, analyzed to specify the inner democratic trends in the structure of Jumat-i-Islami and PPP to determine the basic reasons for the Juma at-i-Islami Pakistan and Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) unique position within the political realm of Pakistan. Further, the research ascertained the basic aims and objectives of the founding fathers of Jumaat-i-Islami, PPP and to clarify the ideology of Jumat-i-Islami Pakistan and PPP. In the research process collection of historical facts has made; and both primary and secondary sources have consulted. The research thus is analytical, historical and descriptive. Furthermore, there is a gap in previous works the subject is there but the topic is missing which I dare to investigate about the paradigm of democracy within the Jumat-i-Islami and Pakistan Peoples Party. The whole process of research methodology followed in order to fill the gap. Full effort used to access the primary 4

sources, and secondary sources also consulted in this connection. Interview may be conducted if necessary. Conclusion drawn after analyzing the data, I tried of my level best as an objective as possible to endeavor the goal of research.

CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK The planned study pursues a theoretically standard research of two major political parties in Pakistan to find out factors involve in the way, institutionalization of democracy in political parties. Political parties and organizations, though basic set up extra or fewer, deliberately in the company of some type of strict rules and objectives. “Institutionalization should be understood as the process by which the party becomes established in terms both of integrated patterns of behavior and of attitudes, or culture. It is helpful to distinguish between internal and externally related aspects of this process. Internal aspects refer to developments within the party itself; external aspects have to do with the party’s relationship with the society in which it is embedded, including other institutions. Democracy should be understood as a political method in which the people as voter periodically choose between possible teams of leaders, political scientist .Sidney Verba, describes political traditions the same as a system of empirical beliefs, expressive symbols, and values, which defines the situation in which political action takes place."5

LITERATURE REVIEW According to Prof.Dr.Muhammad Sarwar “The purpose of parties is to acquire political authority through peaceful means, an important feature that discriminate political parties from interests of the society and prepare their manifesto accordingly.”6 As Maurice Duverger Political Parties; ‘their organization and Activity in Modern State’ says and offers a clear and incisive analysis of the organization and activity of the organization of the political parties in the Modern State. “It starts from a basic paradox; it is at the present time possible to give a valid description of the comparative functioning of political parties; yet it is essential to do so. His aims are to dissolve this paradox and to sketch a parliamentary general theory of parties

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conjectural and necessity approximate- which may serve a basis and guide for detailed studies.”7 As a matter of fact, the political parties of Pakistan not only playing its role in individual spheres but, also collectively in pololitical alliances. In this connection, the great scholarly work of Akhtar Husain’s Political Alliances in Pakistan (1954-99) cannot be ignored. He argued in his thesis on the other alliances like National Democratic

Front(NDF),

Combined

Opposition

Parties(COP)

and

Pakistan

Democratic Movement(PDM) etc…opposed against a totalitarian regime of Field Martial Ayub Khan and mentioned alliances had rooted out the autocracy of Ayub Khan.It also let down great impacts on the future of the state. Z.A Bhutto’s era was the witness of political parties alliances.Accordin to Bhutto United Democratic Front (UDF) and Pakistan National Alliance(PNA) named it as an electoral turned alliance, all these are discussed and their real impacts on Bhutto’s regime in Akhtar Husain’ Political Alliances(1954-99).He also discussed Movevement for the restoration of Democracy(MRD).8 Susan Scarrow “Political Parties and Democracy in theoretical and Practical Perspective”, Implements Intra Party Democracy, as published by The National Democratic Institute for International Affairs (NDI)

provides

practical

assistance to civic and political leaders advancing democratic values, practices, and institutions. NDI works with democrats in every region of the world to build political and civic organizations, safeguard elections, and promote citizen participation, openness, and accountability in government. It reveals that Intra-party democracy is a very broad term describing a wide range of methods for including party members in intra-party deliberation and decision making. Some advocates for intra-party democracy argue, on a pragmatic

level,

those

parties

using

internally

democratic

procedures are likely to select more capable and appealing leaders, to have more responsive policies, and, as a result, to enjoy greater electoral success. Some, moreover, converge on the premise that parties that “practice what they preach,” in the sense of using

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internally democratic procedures for their deliberation and decisions strengthen democratic culture generally.9 If we put the weights of these against the current situation, the scholarly work of M.Rafique Afzal ‘Political Parties in Pakistan’ vol.1, 2, 3, are worth of mentioning. In his glorious work done he had sketched the complete picture and political culture of different political Parties in Pakistan. He had discussed that how the pioneer’s political party in Pakistan had lost its momentum, although this pioneer party was the Pakistan winning party; meet with complete failure verses the new parties rise to power, side by side with showing the complete picture of the political parties in Pakistan. He also argued that deals with martial law administration, the state of the political parties’ framing in Framework order. Numerous old and new parties emerged on the political scene, advocating different ideologies. Not only he had sketched the who lipstick political parties’ culture in Pakistan, but also the next looks at religious political parties like the Jamiat Ulama-i- Pakistan, the Jamiat- ul-Ulam-iIslam, the Nizam Islam party and the Juma, at.e. Islami Pakistan, while the one after deals with the Pakistan Aawmi League, the National Awami Party and the Pakistan People’s Party.10 The book of Qayyum Nizami as it reproduced by Sani Hussain Panwar; member of Sindh council; PPP is also a worth of seeing.He quotes in his book the Bhutto’s quotation as: ‘‘The third human race has to lookout against domination however, the most excellent way to watch not in favor of supremacy in the direction to stop ‘coupegemony’. The major tie of the outer colonialism is the inner colonialism. Armed takeover is the most terrible foe of the state unity. Coupegemoney is the link in excess of which the domination marches to follow in excess of the land.”11 It is great and worth of mentioning the schalarly and accedemic work of Nasr, Seyyed Vali Reza. The Vanguard of the IslamicRvolution;The Jama’at.i Islami of Pakistan; Berkeley : University of California Press, 1994.According to him ‘Ever since the advent of the Iranian revolution Western scholarship has been convinced that revivalism is inherently antistatic. This is not necessarily the case. The Jama’at is the first instance of Islamic revivalism that participates in the political process, rather than

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trying to topple it. Its development tells much about how Islamic revivalism will interact with democratic forces across the Muslim world in the coming years. Western scholarship has also assumed that Islamic revivalism, once unleashed, will control Muslim political choices. This again is not supported by the facts at hand. The Jama’at’s ideology and activism have been important in Pakistani politics and to revivalism across the Muslim world, but the party has failed to seize power in Pakistan. It can be credited with forming a national alliance that has been advocating the cause of Islam in Pakistan for four decades; it has helped create a distinctly Islamic voting bloc; it has institutionalized religiopolitical action, and sacralized national political discourse. It has contributed to the Islamization of Pakistan and has helped shape Pakistan’s history since 1947; it has had a role in the outcome of social movements and political events and is likely to continue to do so.12 The scholarly work done by Maryam Jameelah, Islam in Theory and Practice is also worth of mentioning. She has enlighted the the JI’s tight and sound disciplined organizational stance. Acording to the JI’s constitution and rigid discipline she says! “Irrespective of party’s strong commitments, caliber, and rigid constitution many affiliates had brought into the JI as a selection tool to increase its strength. All those were for observing, evaluating and inculcating its member’s potentials to reduce the disciplinary problem prior to accepting them, for the purpose. The members had made obligatory to the party discipline and decision. Great and noble task had given to the members for creating pious community. JI member’s wives have encouraged creating women wings and their sons to become the student’s wings programmers. Some JI members has employed inside and those who were joined other white collar unions has given training by the JI, to educate them the political and organizational task.”13 So for as about other PPP’s and JI related literature as I have studied in this regard, I want to describe them as: Dilip Mukrjee, Zulfiqar Ali BhuttoQuest for power, someone has conceived it as a Machiavellian cunning. An analysis which set up as soon after come back in Khan Abdul Wali khan’s frustrated declaration to the Guardian (London) that “Bhutto is not the sort of person you can do business with.” 14 Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto,

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Commitment to History, he expressed in the better way for democracy as! “The objective in defeating Ayub’s dictatorship was that we wanted democracy.All the parties want democracy because that means the rule of the common man.People don’t have any voice in a dictatorship.”15 Herbert Feldman in his precius work done described as!, From Crisis to Crisis, Pakistan 1962-1969,

‘The Bengali peasant leader had motivated to the

reasonable perception in the company of the Ayub establishment. Moreover, in a deal with a trick exploited by Bhutto and Bhashani, had stirred and sat out the 1965 elections, an aspect which several believed that enable Ayub Khan victorious in East Pakistan.’16 Khalid Kashmiri in, Awam ka Sadr says! A document to set the result was arranged and offered to Bhutto at the meeting. It is worth mentioning that Bhutto initially in public utilized the idea of the new party, on 23 November, 1966, while he experienced that the country’s troubles might not be solved the hope of it to became a “true Islamic socialist state”17 Abul A’la Maududi, First Principles of Islamic State, “All world views and systems of thought, belief and action which deny God’s sovereignty and the authority for Divine guidance”. 18 Khurshid Ahmad, Islamic Law and Constitution, “organized campaign of mass political action” a network should exist that can carry the movement through.”19 Abdul Rashid Moten, in his scholarly work, “Jamaat-e-Islami in the Politics of Pakistan”, says! “That Islam constituted the ultimate source of power and legitimacy among the Muslim community.” 20 Rudad-i Jama_at-i Islami (RJI), 7 vols, (Lahore, 1938_1991), they contain the records of the variety of Jama_at everything else event’s record between 1941 and 1955. 21 It has the precious JI’s records and through which we can easily access to the historical facts. All these have given me a lot of valuable knowledge and clear destination about Pakistani politics and the role of political parties of Pakistan in the past especially with regard to JI and PPP. It also gave me clear directions in connection of the future perspectives of Jama’at Islami of Pakistan and the Pakistan People’s Party. As a matter of fact, the scholastic work of Philip E.Jones “The Pakistan People’s Party Rise to Power”. Oxford University press Karachi.According to him, “Indeed for most of its fifty-five years history, Pakistan effectively has been governed by a military-bureaucratic oligarchy. For more than half of this period, military 9

governments have ruled directly and at other times as thinly veiled guardian of centrally directed civilian regimes.Military civilian supremacy has been challenged by rising middle class politicians and urban party leaders which have come to power through elections”.22 The researcher has analysis to precede the rise of political marketing. In a worth mentioning work by “Authoritarianism and Political Party Reform in Pakistan Crisis Group Asia Report N°102, 28 September 2005, Promote internal democracy by: (a) Holding regular elections for all leadership posts in all units up to the district level, with term limits for office holders; (b) Requiring every district office to elect delegates to annual provincial and national party conventions by direct vote of the district branch membership; (c) Holding regular elections among district delegates in the relevant province for all provincial party leadership posts; and (d) Electing two thirds of the central executive committee membership through delegate Votes in provincial party branches, with remaining.”23 In Monthly Tajuman-ul-Quraan Khurram Murad, Hikmat-e-adeen Mafhoom Taqazey aur Buniadi Osool, he elaborated the democratic views of Islamic democracy as: “Any testing process is deficient in the concept of justice requirements if and when the person concerned doesn’t enjoy the liberty of his actions and selections” 24. Sayyed Qutb Shaheed Translated by Khalil Ahmad, ‘Jada-o-Manzil’ is also a precious contribution toward the democratic stance of JI in this worth mentioning contribution he states: “This liberty ( free choice of selection and actions) is the actual crux of the democracy and the final end of human struggle has been to achieve such freedom for huminity”.25 Sayyed Abul Aala Mawdudi, ‘Islami Riyasat’ is the most outstanding and remarkable book which denotes us the following aspects about the democratic and real approach of democracy as:

“

As such the aim of our struggle must be an

establishment of such a system in our society. “He thus continuous write the first question is as to weather and how human affairs be addressed but under which fessible style- as if such affairs belonging to the prople, demand to appoint a leader of their own choice who as supposed to go forward with their collective consent and consultation, thus such leader will play their role till the axcellent level of confidence of the people entrusted in them”.26 10

In Sarwat Solat, ‘Mawlana Mawdudi Ki Taqareer (part- 2), he stated: “I (Mawdudi) shall be fighting against dictatorship in all its manifistations, till the last touch of my life.”27 Dastoor-e-Juma’at-i-Islami Pakistan, also elaborate us the party democratic stance in article-3 as: “The party will be functionin democratically for bringing a revolution and keeping in view the public reformation.”28 Sayyad Abul Aala Mawdudi, in ‘Tafheemaat (Part- 5), also categorically cleared that: “Democracy happens to be the prime intentions of Quraan and Sunnah as well as the dominating ambition of the countrymen. It clearly implies that the country does not belong to a particular group or persons/ individuals but, it is infact sharable to all of them, who are living in it, or atleast it should be processed ahead under the consent of majority”.29 The eldest politician of Pakistan Nawabzada Nasrullah Khan stated in , ‘Juma’at-i-Islami ne hamesha Jamhoori Anasir ka saath diya’ as: “ Since 1947 till 1958, the party has sided with democratic elements for vivil liberties under the leadership of Sayyed Mawdudi”.30 Saeed Khalid bin, ‘The Political System of Pakistan’ also mentioned as: “It may be noted that Mawdudi and the Juama’at have expressed themselves in favor of a democratic regime in their opposition to Ayub’s system of government”.31 Sayyad Ahmad Gilani, about ‘Juma’at-i-Islami Jamhoori aor Shuraai Nizaam’ stated in Roznama Jasarat that: “The party has the ambition for a real and most healthy democracy to be established in which all the citizens must be upholders of rationality inorder to exercise there free opinion in the formation and demolishing of the government”.32 Hassan Askari Rizwi ‘Military and Politics in Pakistan’ “In this way, most of the political alliances were characterised prominently in advancing a political proceeding for establishing a democratic system in Ayub Khan Tenure, the following were most remarkable, Democratic Action Committee, Pakistan Democratic Movement, and Combined Opposition Parties (COP).”33 The precious work done by the Benazir Bhutto ‘Reconciliation Islam, Democracy and the West’ cannot be ignored she stated as: “On the whole, I found Reconciliation a worthwhile and informative read. Bhutto is correct in her overall thesis that dictatorships (of whatever stripe) and Western interference in Muslim

11

countries have retarded the development of Muslim democratic potential, and that this has helped spawn the Islamic extremist threat to Islam itself and the West.”34 ‘Daughter of the East’ is also worth of mentioning she (Benazir) stated here as: “Democracy - she goes to great lengths to suggest that Islam's doctrines of consultation (shura) and consensus (ijma) and independent reasoning (ijtihad) make Islam and democracy compatible. Today, on an occasion so personal and solemn for me, I want to re affirm my public pledge to the people of Pakistan, and restate my most solemn vow to devote my life toward the welfare of each citizen and the freedom of this great nation of ours from dictatorship," I'd written in a statement released the morning

of

my wedding. "I will not hesitate to make any sacrifice, be it

large or small, as in the past. I will work shoulder to shoulder with my brothers and sisters—the people of Pakistan—to create an egalitarian society that is free from tyranny, from corruption, and from violent tensions. This was my goal yesterday, this is the dream I share with you, and this will remain our unwavering commitment forever."35 “

12

REFERENCES 1.

Prof.Dr.Muhammad Sarwar, Introduction to political Science; Ilmi Kutub Khana Kabir Street, Urdu Bazaar Lahore,2010.

2.

Quoted in Renske Doorenspleet, Democratic Transitions, Exploring The Structural Sources of the Fourth Wave, Viva Books Private Limited, 4262 Ansari Road, Daryagaj, New Delhi-110002, 2006, p.14

3.

Ibid., p.15

4.

The Netherlands Institute for Multiparty Democracy, a Framework for DemocratiParty

–Building”.

The

Huge,

2004,

available

at

accessed on 28 March 2014 at 9 am 5.

Quoted in Md. Saidur Rahman; Institutionalization of “Democracy in the Political Parties in Bangladesh Does culture matter?” North South University, Bangladesh,

available

+Saidur+Rahman%3B+

at

http://www.bing.com/search?q=Md. Institutionalization+of

+

%E2%80%9CDemocracy+in+the+Political+Parties+in++++++++++ +Bangladesh

+Does+culture+matter%3F

%E2%80%9D+North+South+University%2C +Bangladesh&go=&qs=n&form=QBRE&pq=md.+saidur+rahman%3B +institutionalization+of+ %E2%80%9Cdemocracy+in+the+political+parties+in +bangladesh+does+culture+matter%3F%E2%80%9D+north+south +university%2C+bangladesh&sc=0-1&sp=-1&sk= accessed on 28 May 2014 at 9 am 6.

Prof.Dr.Muhammad Sarwar, op. cit.

7.

Maurice Duverger political parties; their organization and Activity In Modern State

8.

Akhtar Husain’s Political Alliances in Pakistan(1954-99)

13

9.

Susan Scarrow “Political Parties and Democracy in theoretical and Practical Perspective” Democratic Institute for International Affairs (NDI), available at

10.

M.Rafique Afzal “Political Parties in Pakistan”. vol.1, 2, 3 ,M/s Roohani Art Press, Blue AreaIslamabad, Pakistan.

11.

Quoted in Qayyum Nizami, as it reproduced by Sani Hussain Panwar; member of Sindh council; PPP available at < www.Bhutto.org.com>

12.

Nasr, Seyyed Vali Reza. The Vanguard of the IslamicRvolution;The Jama’ati- Islami of Pakistan; Berkeley : University of California Press, A 1994.

13.

Maryam Jameelah, Islam in Theory and Practice, Lahore, 1973. p. 336

14.

Dilip Mukrjee, Zulfiqar Ali BhuttoQuest for power,Vinkas Publishings House, Dilhi,1972.

15.

Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, Commitment to History, text of the Affidavit, People’s Book Centre, 1969.

16.

Herbert Feldman, From Crisis to Crisi, Pakistan 1962-1969, Karachi, Oxford University Press, 1972, pp.71-72.

17.

Khalid Kashmiri, Awam ka Sadr, Munib Publications, Lahore,1972

18.

Abul A’la Maududi, First Principles of Islamic State, Islamic Publications Limited, Lahore, 1960. p.5

19.

Khurshid Ahmad, Islamic Law and Constitution, Islamic Publications Limited Lahore, 1984. p.60

20.

Abdul Rashid Moten, Jamaat-e-Islami in the Politics of Pakistan, , Islamic Book Trust, Selangor, 2002, p.24

21.

Rudad-i Jama_at-i Islami, 7 vols. (Lahore, 1938_1991). These volumes contain the proceedings of the various Jama_at congresses between 1941 and 1955.

14

22.

Philip E.Jones “The Pakistan People’s Party Rise to Power”. Oxford University Press, Karachi-74900, 2003.

23.

Authoritarianism and Political Party Reform in Pakistan Crisis Group Asia Repor N°102, 28 September 2005, available http://www.crisisgroup.org/en/regions/asia/south asia/pakistan/102-authoritarianism-and-political-party-reform-in aspx > accessed on 28 May 2014 at 9 am

24.

pakistan.

Khurram Murad, Hikmat-e-adeen Mafhoom Taqazey aur Buniadi Osool, Monthly Tajuman-ul-Quraan, 1999. P.41)

25.

Sayyed Qutb Shaheed Translated by Khalil Ahmad, ‘Jada-o-Manzil’ Islamic Publicationns Lahore, 1991. p.207)

26.

Sayyed Abul Aala Mawdudi, ‘Islami Riyasat’ Islamic Publications, Lahore, 1988. P. 541)

27.

Sarwat Solat, ‘Mawlana Mawdudi Ki Taqareer (part- 2), Islamic Publications Lahore,1980. P. 140)

28.

Dastoor-e-Juma’at-i-Islami Pakistan, 1997. p. 15., Art-3)

29.

Sayyad Abul Aala Mawdudi, ‘Tafheemaat (Part- 5), Idara Tarjuman-ul-Quraan Lahore, 1990. P. 174)

30.

Nawabzada Nasrullah Khan, ‘Juma’at-i-Islami ne hamesha Jamhoori Anasir ka saath diya’ Roznama Jasarat, November 9, 1989).

31.

- Saeed Khalid bin, ‘The Political System of Pakistan’ Civil and Military Press, Karachi, 1987 . p.169)

32.

Sayyad Ahmad Gilani, ‘Juma’at-i-Islami Jamhoori aor Shuraai Nizaam’ Roznama Jasarat Karachi, November 1989).

33.

Hassan Askari Rizwi ‘Military and Politics in Pakistan’ n.d, pp.119-120

34.

Reconciliation

Islam,

Democracy

and

the

West’,

available

at http://www.amazon.com/Reconciliation-Islam-Democracy-BenazirBhutto/dp/0061567590

15

35.

Daughter of the East” available at http://bhutto.org/Acrobat/Daughter%20of %20Destiny.pdf accessed on 28 July 2014 at 2.00 PM.

16

CHAPTER-1 DEMOCRACY AND ORGANIZATIONAL STRUCTURE OF JUMA’AT-I-ISLAMI PAKISTAN AND PAKISTAN PEOPLE’S PARTY

1.1 JUMA’AT-I-ISLAMI Pakistan: Sayyed Abul Aala Maududi was the fouder of Juma’at-i-Islami. It is the better organizational, structural, social, political, economic and religious unique ideological party. It was established in 1941. So, it has a long political and ideological history as compared to Pakistan People’s Party. Mawlana Maududi has struggled for the right cause of political, social, moral and constitutional Islamic laws in pre and post independence era. Since 1941, JI addressed organizational issues and problems within organizational check and balance. Therefore, it has a sound organizational and distinctive superiority over other political parties in Pakistan, in this regard. The ways which led it to its unique organizational and structural strength and social bases are history old; not only in pre-independence era but also up to date continue the manners of distinct social, political and ideological identities. For the purpose, to abide itself by a constitutional obligation JI Pakistan has categorically mentioned in its Constitution as! Part 1, article 5, clause iii and IV The Jama’at’s permanent strategy shall be as follows: “It shall ascertain as to what is the instruction of Allah and His Prophet, before deciding on any matter or taking any step. All other things shall be secondary and kept in the view only to that extent that Islam permits. (ii) For its ideals and objectives to realise the Jama’at shall never use such ways and means that are opposed to the demands of honesty and truth or may cause ‘mischief on the earth’ (iii). For the desired reform and revolution, the Jama’at shall use democratic and constitutional means, i.e., the use of advice and propagation of thought for reforming the mind and character and preparing public opinion for accepting the desired changes. (IV). Jama’at’s struggle for the realisation of its objectives shall be open and public, and not on the pattern of secret movements. 17

‘The party strictly follows the constitutional and organizational structure in the given rigid constitutional and democratic ways to carry on for the right cause of the restoration of democracy in the country. So the given structural illustration of the party and achievements further strengthen the internal party’s democratic strength.”1

1.2

STRUCTURAL AND ORGANIZATIONAL ILLUSTRATION OF JUMA’AT-I-ISLAMI PAKISTAN From its real beginning, Juma’at-i-Islami’s organization was just consisting of

amir, the central majlis-e-shura and its prominent members (arkan). The said pattern was the same during the early years. The arkan were busying, enhancing, producing and preaching the “Turjuman-ul-Quran’s” publications and established its units of education at Pathankot, in 1942, Arabic Translation Bureau (Dar-ul-Urubiyah) was also established at Jullunder, in East Punjab, for the purpose 2. During first seven years w.e.f 1941 to 1947, the JI ranked its supporters into hierarchical chain. They were named according to their commitments to the JI. The supports that were introduced by the JI message were known as “muta’ rif”, the influenced were called “muta’athir”, the sympathizers were called “hamdard” and the last category was “arkan”. The first three categories role was not so official. They were just considered as nursery pool for the JI to join it and helping to relay its message as a public support. All mentioned categories were boosted by the JI workers/ karkun’s different ranks to deliver party administrative, political and social functions on a large scale. In 1950-51, the JI revised to make more efficient its hierarchical strength according to the “winds blow”, to prepare and tighten its structural mainstreramline, for the up-coming election of 1951, the categories of ‘muta’rif’ and ‘muta’athir, were eliminated and the fresh term of the affiliated (mutaffiq) was introduced to it, for the purpose. They were the persons who supported and favored the JI but were not prominent members/arkan. The JI supervised and organized them into various circles and clusters.3 Mutaffiq number increased than hamdard’s of Juma’at Islami. The JI had planned them into a reasonable, rigid, centralized structure and accumulated them into lower, organized units and divisions/groups. Their local groups, associate circles, and women units were 441, 177, and 215 respectively in 1978. The number had increased in 1989 as 619 at local levels, 3095 associate circles and 554 its women units respectively .4 Mutaffiq had given the opportunity by the Juma’at-i-Islami 18

constitution (Aayeen) to alignate themselves with the Party’s rigid structure and organizational discipline. Prior to all these, JI has faced serious disciplinary issues and problems, after 1941. Maududi had step forwarded in that connection to maintain the party rigid discipline by all means.5 Every JI’s member was bound to hold weekly meeting in their respective constituencies at national and local levels. In every unit, personal, local and national issues and problems were discussed. Every member has to give accounts (muhasiba) to their senior in each weekly meeting. Those who missed two meetings without solid reason were eliminated by the party rigid discipline.6 So, accumulating the local and national levels meeting each unit has emerged into a unique body through the party rigid hierarchical strength. Each unit was bound to hold and attend meeting on each week. In those weekly sessions JI members has encouraged free discussions and personal views to create collective wisdom but, if once decided through mutual consensus then it became the final words for all. Every member was bound by it. ‘Ijtemaa-e-aam’ has also introduced to show national solidarity at national levels. At Patankot, in 1945 its first all India meeting was held, consequently the meeting was held regularly till partition. In Pakistan, traditionally the meetings were continued merely for affiliates and members. The party’s first national meeting was at Lahore in May 1949 and the 2 nd at Karachi in 1951. The most important and significant among the post independence meeting was Machchi Goth which were not held at all between 1958 and 1962 martial law ban. After the prolong period of 42 years the party has opened for the first time its national meeting to the masses in November 1989 which had done in the early party’s period.

1.3 STRUCTURE OF JUMA’AT-I-ISLAMI PAKISTAN The JI started its struggle to strengthen the party structure by reproducing the offices of amir, deputy amir, secretary- general and the shura. These offices were also with some distinction at provincial, divisional, district, city, town/zone, and village/ circle levels. In 1947 JI started to unite its members/arkan at various stages. After some years, its members formally managed and controlled by a concentric hierarchy at various levels which still works and exist. Every unit has number of members and also boosting the administrative features of an area’s level. If there is limited numbers

19

of members at various villages or town levels, they will be accumulating in one circle and a number of towns converted into one zone. In administrative point of view, the circle is known as village unit in party hierarchy and zone is as town level. Every unit has the authority structure of amir, deputy amir, shura and secretary general and they will be maintained through election.

1.4 AMIR-E-JUMA’AT-I-ISLAMI PAKISTAN’S OFFICE From the very beginning the Amir-e-Juma’at-i-Islami was the first administrative unit in JI and it has great importance in this connection at large. As a matter of fact its term is five years and elected by the central shura by simple majority vote. After the 1956’s reforms now election is through JI members and his term of office is for five years. The limitation of term is not there for Amir-e-Juma’at-i-Islami. The JI shura chooses three best names suited for the “Amarat” and then kept it to the member’s mandatory decision by their votes. By secret ballot they vote for the amir and send their votes to the JI secretariat ‘Nazim-e-Intekhab’ (controller of the elections) to keep an eye on the course of action. The “Nazim-e-Intekhab” also appoints through shura. Before the election candidates list will be put forth to the shura before 60 days of elections and members must register to vote 90 days earlier to the commenced date of election7. Amir-e-Juma’at has supreme authority in JI’s office. His obedience is obligatory (ita’at-i-amir) to JI’s members. He is also bound by constitutionally rigid check and balance that had voted in Machchi Goth affair. The ideological and religious matters are firmly determined by the shura. In case of any difference of opinion he has the right to let fly the matter back to shura. If, the shura has decided what’s ever they conceive through mandatory decision, the amir will accept it or to resign from his seat. By Two third majority of shura can impeach the amir. The amir appoints the members of ‘majlis-i-amilah’ and he is bound by its decisions in case of budgetary and administrative matters concerned. The JI amir oversees the function of JI secretariat. Each stage and level of the party is the copy of the other in organizational pattern either on its lower or upper. On each lower level amir’s term is varying from one to three years, who will be elected through their constituency’s members. They are bound to abide by the shura’s decisions in their respective spheres.

20

These amirs will check upon their secretary generals. The lower level secretary general is also accountable to the top level (national level) secretary general who can minimize his power and control in administrative affairs. In the JI history, the Machchi Goth affair shown deviation from its rigid discipline and sacred trust of Amir, but have not much importance. From that period, the JI has taken its right direction of governing. So for Mawdudi and Mian Muhammad Tufail has successively passed their amarat’s period, in 1972 and from Tufail to Qazi Hussein Ahmad in 1989. They enjoyed their periods till to retirement. 8 The reality now is that the JI has got momentum and having an edge over other South Asian Islamic movements and it became much stronger after its founder’s departure. After defeat in 1970’s elections JI has called meeting at Lahore on 10 th of January 1971, 9 to know the realities about that. The head of that group was Sayyed Munawar Hussan (former JI Pakistan’s Amir), made Mududi responsible for the JI involvement in the election process. The same statements and feelings were quoted in ‘Tarjumanul-Quran’ by the JI supporters in the same months of that meeting. 10 Due to these prevailed circumstances and hapless situation the cry of the time was to demand for the fresh leader. Because of heart attack of Maududi, he had decided to give up the leadership of JI in 19 February 1972. He had stepped down and Mian Muhammad Tufail (secretary general of JI at that time), Ghulam Azam (former amir JI Bangladesh), and a long time disciple of Mududi were nominated by the shura. Mian Muhammad Tufail voted as Amir-e-JI on Novemer 2, 1972.11 Later on, the elected nominees by the shura were not proved effective and charismatic leaders. The electorates had disappointed by the JI performances in the election of 70’s. In the election of amir once again shura had played its decisive role and maintained its supremacy in the entire process of M.M Tufails selection. In October 1987, a rush of wave had caused the election of Qazi Hussein Ahmad and he became the amir JI Pakistan. In the Zia’s era the JI political career has questioned and eclipsed, in the decades of 70 to 80. In the party member had differed the amir’s policy of decision making and taking. The performances were also under observations of the members and shura’s vigilant eyes, again the amir’s selection was not as such the other party procedure his selection and election was brought into effect by the shura nomination and prescribed manner. As usual, the shura has brought three names

21

of Khurshed Ahmad Jan Muhammad Abbasi and Qazi Hussein Ahmad for the purpose. The first two were conservative in nature while the later was active and innovative in his approach. The party elected Qazi Husseein Ahmad as amir having Dewbani religious background. His close ties with Dewbandi helped him to close him to the KPK’s debandi ulema. He was quite familiar with JI since 1970 as he joined the JI. Maximum hopes were there for JI and Qazi of the former and younger JI members and they felt that it was better time for change. In KPK, he managed and thoroughly made the constituency for the JI which nowadays elect comparatively good share of MNAs and MPAs in KPK. At national level he also gave much better momentum to the JI politics in this regard. He appealed both the conservative and liberals for the restoration of democracy in Pakistan. In Zia’s era JI has good terms with him for the Afghanistan jihad. The pro Zia elements supported him but in the new generation he became popular for the cause of restoration of democracy in Pakistan. His appeal and approach has great effects for the masses, irrespective of JI concernes. It was the political and constitutional approach of JI’S shura and members to choose him as the amir. No doubt he was the first amir who held the NA office. As a senator he remained in the office since 1985 and in 1992 he became amir-e-JI, second time.

1.5 THE DEPUTY AMIR Two times in its history the Jama‘at chosen a vice-amir (qa’im maqam amir), a temporary measure on the way to fill up the position missing as a result of an absent amir. Further significant have been the place of work of second-in-command amir (na’ib amir). Three assistant amirs were chosen through the first light members of the Jama‘at during 1941, generally to make sure so as to Mawdudi remained the most senior person of the party, sharing the same rank or office. 12 Three deputy amirs were selected by the founding members of the Jama_at in 1941, mainly to ensure that Mawdudi remained primus inter pares. After two of them left the party in 1942, the office fell vacant, though the title was occasionally conferred on Islahi and Mian Tufayl to give them executive powers when Mawdudi was absent. In 1976 the office was reintroduced with a new objective in mind. Three deputy amirs were appointed by the amir, and each was given a specific area of Jama_at 22

activities to oversee.The interprenural office of the deputy amir aimed to decentralize the JI’s power during Mian tufail’s era. It rationalized the Jama_at_s organizational structure by dividing activities into separate units and delegating authority to the deputy amirs who oversaw those units. The office of deputy amir also gave the rising generation an important office to fill and brought the increasing number of peripheral activities and affiliated bodies under the party_s central command, both of which helped ease tensions within the party. The office exists only on a national level. During 1987, the duties of the deputy amirs were dignified and their actions further obviously defined plus specified legal authority through the shura’. Their figure was enlarged to five. One was in charge of dealings in the company of new political parties; one was responsible for the Teachers Union and parliamentary affairs; one handled the operations of the Jama‘at’s central administration; one acted as a link with the Jama‘at’s student organization; and one was in charge of relations with ulama and other Islamic organizations. The office is by now an established part of the command structure.

1.6 THE SHURA OF JI Subsequent to the office of amir, the Majlis-i Shura’ is the significant pillar of the party’s directorial configuration. It has vigilant eyes over the party ideological base implementation and also controlled the constitutional entanglement. The upper and lower level Shuras duplicate of each other’s but the central Shura has distinctive superiority over the later. At each level, Members of shura_s at all levels are elected.and they are the elected bodies in this regard. Every level represents their respective geographical constituencies as it distinct through JI secretariat. These constituencies, drawn up by the Jama‘at’s election commissioner, correspond by national electoral districts each time the figures authorize. Shura’s component has to be a dweller of his population. From the early post independence era of Pakistan, its members were just 12 in number, but due to the upcoming 1951’s elections its strength had further increased to sixteen and strictly to follow the ‘Machchi Goth’ constitutional reforms, to fifty.13 The numbers were increased again in 1972 giving greater representation to members. In 1989 every central shura’ member represented just about one hundred of its members.

23

The raise in extent has vested better powers in the central shura’, whereas dipping the authority of each member, which was one cause why Mawdudi took the pace in the first position following the Machchi Goth concern. By means of the similar purpose in brain, the Jama‘at’s charter has held in reserve the lawmaking authority of the shura’ in check by giving the amir, deputy amirs, secretary-general, and provincial amirs, who attend shura’ sessions, voting rights. The figure of this added-shura’ votes are twelve, a fifth of the shura’ votes and a sixth of the entire votes cast. During of a tie the vote of the amir counts as two. Regular members of the Jama‘at may be present at sessions of the shura’ by means of the consent of the amir, however contain no talking or voting rights. The Central Shura’ of JI meets one time or two times a year and may in addition be called by the amir or incase of concerned the majority of members votes. It evaluate/review the JI actions and decides the next coming party policies. Its sub committees are ten in number which concentrate in different fields of the JI related. It also provides its special commands and expertise in various fields as they have to the shuras in policy making process. In case of religious concerned affairs and legal matters, if there is not clear cut instruction founded in Islamic laws the central shura can explore (ijtehad) for the purpose, to solve the burning issues in all spheres. In this regards, the JI shura can justify, Identify and clarify the religious matters. The JI’s shura involve itself in the real practices of religious affairs through the Islamic term of “Ijmaa” and the matters concerned are openly discussed in the shura meeting. Then, no stone will be unturned in the solution of that religious matter through mutual consensus, for which it about to go on board. During 1970 Mawdudi reported that in its twenty-nine years of movement, the central shura’ had agreed on best part judgment on no more than four occasions, the very distinguished of between them was the event to Machchi Goth. If not, the central shura’ has, time subsequent to, agreed undisputed verdicts. 14 In view of the fact that Machchi Goth, a lot of executive decisions has been placed in front of the twenty-two-member majlis-i ‘amilah. This smaller council steers the Jama‘at from side to side most of its actions at what time that central shura’ is not in meeting.

24

1.7

THE JI PAKISTAN’S SECRETARIAT

SECRETARY

GENERAL

AND

The routine activities of JI are overseen through its central bureaucracy in secretariat. In 1941 the secretary general’s (qayyim) was created. Since then,it has grown in power to become something akin to that a party boss. The concept of a party workers was introducedto the Jama‘at in 1944 while the party set up the special training camps in Pathankot for its workers.15 As the strength, size and their activities of JI has increased, the value of its works got much importance. In between 1985 to 1989, as JI took part into politics, its full time workers increased in numbers from one hundered twenty five to seven thousand five hundred and eighty three. 16 Since 1947, they have been controlled from Lahore by the secretary-general, who is appointed by the amir in consultation with the central shuraa. Over the years, not only has the central secretariat increased in size but it has also reproduced itself at lower levels in the party, creating an administrative command structure which extends from the center to the smallest unit, paralleling the command structure controlled by the amirs. The party’s many publications are furthermore controlled through the bureaucracy/ officialdom, the extent of the actions of which not merely strengthened their grips on the Jama‘at however furthermore give them a say in the party’s political aganda. The importance of this bureaucracy was already evident early on; however it rose yet farther as evident as a result of the reality that equally Mian Tufayl and Qazi Husain came to the headquarters of amir in a straight line from that of secretarygeneral. Members of the bureaucracy frequently are also members of shura’s of different units, increasing the influence of the central bureaucratic mechanism in the decision-making bodies of the party, precluding the kind of independence of the shura’ which led to the Machchi Goth affair. During the 1970s, subsequent to its crushing defeat at the polls and by an amir at the controls who institutionalized the party’s ideological enthusiasm into different norms and dealings, its secretariat increased more in volume, power, plus number of workers. At Lahore various permanent training camps were established in the party headquarter, in 1979. Just in 1980 two thousands and eight hundred fresh workers availed the facility .17 From 1970, the party’s large amount is allowed to hire these workers and expand the activities of the bureaucratic force. Except, amir, deputy amir

25

and shura’s members all the rest of hired JI workers are paid for their work done.They may serving in other salaried capacities in the party. Qazi Husain’s successful family dealing in Peshawar has helped him to settle on the problem of financial reward for his services. The growing share of individuals joining the rising bureaucracy are former students of Islami Jami‘at-i Tulabah (IJT), they are educated in modern subjects and have known to each other since university days. This extra strengthens the pose of the bureaucracy. The bureaucratic configuration of the Jama‘at is duplicated in the party’s growing female’s section (halqah-i khawatin), established in the 1950s. A number of 70 percent of them emerge from families where the men belong to the party (JI). They have no amir of their own, but have a central shura, and an office of secretary-general (qayyimah). Their head offices are placed in the central compound, from where the working nazimahs (organizers) of lower-level units aresupervised. The Jama’at-i- Islami women also have their own seminary, the Jami_atu_lMuhsinat (Society of the Virtuous), which trains women as preachers and religious teachers. The women_s wing is primarily involved with propagating the Jama_at_s literature and ideas among Pakistani women through its periodicals, the most important of which is Batul, and to incorporate Jama_at families into the holy community by recruiting from among the wives and daughters of the Jama’at’s members and by encouraging women to bring up their children true to the teachings of the Jama’at. The party secretariat moreover vigilant over the operational particular departments and according to the pre-requisites of the party their obligations can be change. During the year of 1989 and 1990, the party has various sorts of departments including finance, worker training, social services and welfare, theological institutions, press relations, elections, public affairs, parliamentary affairs, and its organizational dealings. Every unit’s headed through nazim (chief or arranger), whose chosen by the amir. They are accountable to the secretary-geneneral and deputy amir. Bureaucratization growing role of the party categorically manifested in the central role of the JI’s secretariat and workers in its head office Mansurah, in Lahore.To collect all members and votaries of the JI into a model community had a central aim of the party since its creation. However, after it’s relatively short stay (1942-47), in

26

Pakistanits members had never again been able togrther in one location, through establishing a community/headquartes remained a goal.18 Party unique organizational structure including amir, shura, secretary general, administrative and authority control connections from top to bottom is a role model for the others. The individual schalors and ulamas that differed and quited from JI comprising Israr Ahmad (founder of tanzim-i-islami) and Tahirul Qadri (The founder of Minhaj-ul-Quran) borrowed the internal structure from JI, with a little changes in their activities and titles. Growing in volume of bureaucracy and increasing functions of the party’s activities are in-need of financial support at large level, to survive. The total assets of the party, at the time of its birth was just Rs. 74. 19 In 1942, the main sources of income for JI were, mainly from the sale of books and literature, of Rs. 17,005.20 In 1947 it further grown up to Rs. 78,700 and in 1951 up to the level of Rs.198, 714 which is ten times greater increase in ten years. 21 The party’s Karachi wing budget in 1956 was Rs. 200,000.22

1.7.1 The Recent Development and Details of JI Pakistan Siraj ul Huq became the ‘Ameer-i-JI Pakistan’ on 30 March 2014. 23 He resigned from his role as senior minister of the KPK. This happened together with a drone attack on the Bajour Agency’s Madrassa. More than thirty one thousand members of the party were sent ballots, of which 25,533 members voted in secret balloting, with the majority voting in favour of Sirajul Haq. JI leadership met at the party’s central office where the announcement was made. Haq formally took the oath for his position as party chief on April 7, 2014. Siraj-ul-Haq is currently the Finance Minister of Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa. Munawar Hassan and Liaquat Baloch were also running for the position.

1.7.2 The Organizations of JI Pakistan JI provides unions for doctors, teachers, lawyers, farmers, workers and women, for example, IJT (Islami Jamiat-e-Talbaa) and Islami Jamaat-e-Talibaat (its female branch) , the Students Union and the youth group i-e Shabab-i-Milli Pakistan.The party has a number of publications from affiliated agencies such as Idara Marif-e-Islami, Lahore, the Islamic Research Academy, Karachi, Idara Taleemi Tehqeeq, Lahore, the Mehran Academy, and the Regional Studies Institute. The

27

educational body which led by Abdul Ghafoor Ahmad named as the "Islami Nizamate-Taleem", that includes 63 Baithak schools. Rabita-ul-Madaris Al-Islamia supports one hundred and sixty four Jumaa’at’s Madrassas, in Pakistan. It also operates the "Hira Pakistan Project" and "Al Ghazali Trust". The Al-Khidmat Foundation is JI's humanitarian Non Governmntal Organisation. Its predecessor, organised in the mid 1990s was the Al-Khidmat Trust. The foundation administers schools, women's vocational centres, adult literacy programs, hospitals and mobile chemists and other welfare programs. In this respect, JI interacts with the general market. Leaders of JI Pakistan and theie tenures Abul A'la Maududi (1940 - 1972) Mian Tufail Mohammad (1972 - 1987) Qazi Hussain Ahmad (1987 - 2008) Syed Munawar Hassan (2008 - 2014) Siraj ul Haq (2014–present), Khurrum Murad , Liaqat Baloch, Khurshed Ahmad (Islamic schalor), Muhammad Kamal and Mian Aslam”.24

1.8

PAKISTAN PEOPLES PARTY’S ORGANIZATIONAL ASPECTS AND IDEOLOGY “The arrival of the society at the ‘participant stage’ doesn’t guarantee that the

new citizens will find ready-to-made the psychological and social equipment which they must have in order to deal adequately with the concequences of choice and volunteer forms of associational behavior.” 25 The emotional and collective tools which they ought to have in arrange to contract effectively by the consequence of selection and deliberate forms of organizational performances.The movement from a society based on kinship to one based on cosensus is far more complex than asimple transition in time. It involves decisive alteration in cognitive and value system as well as in the form of organised social behaviour.In the plitical sphere this difficult, often mutational, process is perhaps nowhere clearer in the matter of party organization, for it is here that the degree of the development of mass public sectors determines the extent to which parties are to be able to create modern organization. As it originally developed in Punjab, party organization was based on parochial kinship, loyalties, 28

economic dependence or customary form of leadership (e.g Piri Muridi). This was situation in which economic and other interests were openly persued, and distributed, through partylineal networks. Pakistani thinkers have characterized it in various ways as hand to mouth politics (J.A Rahim) or the politics of immediate gratification (Professor Munir Ahmad), or the politics of it represent a stage in which struggle for power is neither contained in consentual institution, nor clothed in debates over ideology or policy. So far as Punjab is concerned, still the rawest forms of social and political control, some of which enlivened PPP factionalism. But, it should also be noted that elite urban social groups have for decades operated more modern consensual interest’s group organization. Nonthles, the internal dynamics of some of these volunteery organizations, with their interest-oriented rather then ascreptive membership, were still governed by partylineal cum-patronage politics. This was much truer of voluntery organization with multiple intersts and large membership (political parties and trade unions then of elite’s single interst groups).

Even in distinctively ideological

environment (the JI Pakistan), where policy and group discipline were taken seriously, the structure of leadership was essentially partilineal. Giving this wider background, it is important, it is important, when looking at the organization of the PPP, to remember that few of those who became officeholder in the party were equipped with the kind of organizational results. Many of them, themselves from newly politicized social groups were having with the PPP, their first experience of political organization and responsibility. The results of Ayyub’s modernization (financial growth and idealised good reason), had guided on the way to a peak of deliberate wellbeing links in the resulting Ayyub’s period, as well as the era of November movement 1969. Though, the domestic self-motivations of several of the intentional organizations, by the concentration oriented rather than quality membership, were, still run by patrilineal – cum-patronage politics. It was to a large extent truer of intended organization with manifold benefits and better membership (political parties and trade unions) than of elite. Single-interest groups (the CSP association, Engineer’s Action committee, or Central medical Body). Yet, in typically ideological environment (the Jama at-i-

29

Islami), where policy and group regulations were in use sincerely, the composition of leadership (PPP) was fundamentally partilineal. On behalf of the NAP-B inside Punjab, it was evidently established subsequent to the 1970 election ‘while its combined leadership’ broke into patronclient groups with the aim of separately or in amalgamation shaped the new political parties; the kisan Mazur party (Maj., Ishaq), the Pakistan Socialist party (C.R Aslam), and Pakistan Worker’s party (Srdar Shaukat and Mirza Ibrahih), given the wider background. It is significant, when glancing by the side of the organization of the PPP, on the way to remember so as to a small amount of of those who turn into officeholders in the party were prepared by the variety of organizational skills, one contacts with a current political party.Alot of of them, as of the recently political societal groups, were having, the PPP, their first experienced of political organization and responsibility. This was a problem that obviously affected more than just the PPP. As A.J Rahim observed insightfully of the anti-Ayub Movement: “As that time there was so much emphasis on Democracy and so many people thought that democracy meant voting, constitutions, parliaments and parties. But the real concept of democracy the people didn’t have, this was the type of civic behavior that, without which, we could not have democracy”. 26

Z.A Bhutto was also aware of the fact when he observed that the organization of the PPP had been much influenced by the social conditions in Asian countries like India and Pakistan, that is “the tendency for groups and factions to occure” 27. But, having social all this and keeping in mind the mitigating circumstances of such conditions, ‘can it shall be said that the PPP leadership pursued the policies that were best calculated to take advantage of organizational possibilities that exists in Punjab? This is an important question, for in many respects the ultimate failure of the PPP was a failure of organization.

1.9

ORIGIN OF PAKISTAN PEOPLE’S PARTY ORGANIZATION AND POLITICAL STRATEGY In one of his few public utterances on the subject of political parties in the pre-

1967 period, Z.A Bhutto noted that ‘the aim of all political parties is to capture power, and it took all measures [necessary] to become the government of the country. 28As a

30

minister in the early Ayub Cabinet, he had witnessed the impossibility of avoiding the emergence of party groupings in the National Assembly, even though the 1962 constitution had been designed to function without them. In the debate of 10 July 1962 on the Political Parties Act, which he supported on behalf of the government, Z.A Bhutto agreed that ‘the role of political parties is essential to every state whether it is democratic or dictatorial’.29 He was an early member of Conventional Muslim League’s Working Committee and later served for a short period as its SecretaryGeneral. In the working committee he favored a policy of inducing members of the administrative services to join the CVML ( Coventional Muslim League) and to function thereafter under ‘party discipline’.30This would be a means of exerting party control over the bureaucracy and evidently originated in Bhutto’s frustration, as a politician in technocratic regime, at the grip of the bureaucracy on all aspects of political life.His tenure as Secretary General of the CVML doesn’t seem to have been distinguished, largely because by then, foreign affairs had come to pre-occupy his efforts. However, he is reported to have helped to conceive a new party constitution that was ‘extremely centralized with as few elections as possible’. 31 Thus in his early contact with party matters, we finds in Bhutto a tendency towards centralization, but no strong view of the role of parties in a political system, or the manner of the organization. Certainly’ Z.A Bhutto expansive grasp of history and politics made his knowledge about the functions of political parties in various systems, both historic and contemporary. Yet, for the most part Z.A Bhutto has been curiously silent on the question of party orgranisation. He did a glimpse of his view of parties in Pakistani politics in an interviewe with Hanif Ramay on 10 November 1968, just three days before his incarceration .32 Z.A Bhutto suggested that the weaknesses of political parties and the episodic nature of popular protest had basic historical causes. The first of these was the character of the Pakistan Movement. The ‘war which the Quaid-iAzam’s Muslim League had waged for the achievement of Pakistan was a legal and constitutional struggle,…not an armed struggle’.33 Jinnah had succeeded because he won the confidence of the Muslim of India, a confidence which he has demonstrated in their support of the ‘Direct Action Day’. Bhuto suggests that there was a casual relationship between the degree of psychological and organizational solidarity of the

31

people with the League on the one hand, and the extent to which Jinnah had to prepare both for situation that could become ‘war like’. Direct Action Day was a first step towards arm struggle, but it was also the last, because it alone was sufficient to prove Muslim solidarity and demonstrate the fact that Britain could deny Pakistan only at the cost of civil war in India. Thus Jinnah prepared ‘the League physically and mentally for the highest sacrifice,’ the sacrifice itself was unnecessary. Further, suggested the Bhutto very rapidity with which Pakistan emerged after Direct Action Day focused the gratitude and loyalties of the Pakistanis more on Jinnah than on the League. It also meant that the League had not been forced by circumstances to build up its organization. Hence, after Quaid-i-Azam’s departure, the league rapidly lost its spirit, cohesion and popularity. But, the league been forced to wage an armed revolutionary struggle for Pakistan, than the thread of trust between the people and the party would have emerged unbreakable,’ much as has happened in Russia, China, Algeria, Cuba and Vietnam. 34 A second limiting factor was that ‘none of our political parties have had to pass through a hot period of total war against external aggression.’ The nation has tasted Indian aggression in 1965, and our people stood firm and united, but, ‘all the popular awakening that the challenge of war afforded us was to be wasted because of the cease-fire.’ We did not have the opportunity, as Yugoslavia in World War two, to wage a long struggle through which we could form experienced and responsible institution. Finally, none of our political parties had to pass through the miseries of civil war.’ According to Bhutto, civil wars have a way of strengthening popular political organization, as happened in the United States and Ireland.35 Though Bhutto did not press his explanation beyond these historical generalities, his perception that strong political parties really emerged from prolonged historical crises may will have influenced his views of the potential organizational capacities of a party in a nation that had experienced no much crises. Bhuttoo was not an ideologue determined to create Pakistan version of the Chinese Communist party; he was at heart a pragmatic politician, interested in power and moving according to his own conception of what was most advantageous in the gaining of it. It is too much to say that his socialism was simply a front wall, since there are many signs that he genuinely believed some form of socialism were the answer for Pakistan.

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To a very large degree, his apparent attitude to party organization, ideology and factionalism, were a reflection of a larger strategic view of the People’s party as an instrument with which to win the 1970 election. This was the reason for his insistence that the PPP be an open-ended multi class, and broadly polarizing agency, not restricted, class-based ideological party. Here, of course he disagreed with Maulana Bhashani, but, with asignaficant section of his own party, who wanted party organization to be adopted for revolutionary struggle. Bhutto mastermind lay first in perceiving that the people aspirations were nationalist, participatary, and economic, not revolutionary, and secondly in understanding the implication of their massive voting power. He realized that new techniques (mass meetings) and new economic slogans would be needed to garner public support, but, his broader approach would always be to knit to gather within the party, a broad coalition of nationalist and radical forces. Hanif Ramay put his finger on his notion when, during period of internal struggle in the PPP, he observed that the party itself was a united front.36 The PPP Chairman’s insistence on an ‘inclusions’ rather than an ‘exclusionist’ membership policy—‘anyone who agreed with us could come in’, 37 meant that neither the organization nor the ideology of the party could be rigid. One result of this ‘election approach’ to party organization was a questioning among party leaders, journalists, and scholars in Pakistan as to whether the PPP ever really became a political party. One of these was Hussain Naqi, a columnist for Nusrat who often toured with Bhtto during the pre-election period, who observed; “The PPP is not a political party. It is a loose sort of mass organization, a mass movement, a lashkar, that is a mass of people coming together for a specific purpose, led by a man who holds his leadership by right of superior vision”.38 This does not mean Bhutto did not see the People’s Party as a new and bold departure from the pattern of established parties in Pakistan. The later he described to Ramay as rootless coalition of personalities who were living in the past and using the techniques of the past, being led by events rather than leading, incapable of scientific analysis given to flights of imagination and bravado, completely opportunist, willing to switch policies and allies at a moment’s notice, and often the creature of foreign or domestic interests. The PPP Chairman observed that none of these attributes was applicable to the people’s Party. He observed that in the twentieth century, a political 33

party needed more than simply a good leadership, it needed an ideology and organization, and it needed to be dedicated to the service of the common man. Otherwise, it ‘becomes prey to confusion’, where Bhutto saw the PPP most significantly as a departure from the past was its willingness to act to arouse mass support for its economic program. The PPP would not simply pass a few resolutions, hand out press release, or celebrate this or that holiday with procession or meetings. It continually go down to activate the people, spread its program and organization to every urban muhallah, town and village and drive its force and legitimacy from mass support. It would come to power, not because its leaders had made the right connections in the elite establishment, but because the people demanded it.39 Bhutto pronounced himself to Ramay highly pleased with the first year of the PPP’s existence. Granted, ‘the soil was well prepared,’ but, even so perhaps ‘never before in history has a political party made so much progress in on year’. It is a ‘new party with a new style (naya uslub),’ ‘that is both sincere and spirited’, the party’s ‘clear and scientific programe has appealed to the people.’ In less than a year, ‘to a great extent, readied its organization, prepared its workers for coming election and consequent events, and begun a compaign of political education through its party literature.’ With its ‘revolutionary character’ and its experienced leadership, the party was fully prepared for the ‘crucible of people struggle.’Bhutto even permitted himself to look into the future, where he saw the People’s Party leading a ‘cultural revolution’ (sqafati inqilab) in Pakistan. This he would call ‘The Movement to purify the land of Pakistan’ (Tehrik-i-Pak surzamin ki Pakizgi). It would end the social problems of the present system corruption, male-practicing, scapegoating, predatory, and joblessness, and place people on a modern and progressive footing.40 It was Bhutto earliest indication to the People’s party the same as a upcoming driving force of behavioural change inside the country.

1.10 PPP: OFFICIAL ORGANIZATION The official organization of the Party was consent by its interim constitution, which was ratified as a result by a vote of the founding convention. Its rationale, as described in the ‘preamble,’ was:

34

“To

govern the working of the Party during the organizational period, it is designed

to organize the party throughout the country, promote its growth in the masses and foster collective leadership within its ranks. It provides for adjustments that may be found necessary by experience through participation of the people in the party. This interim constitution shall remain enforce until another constitution is adopted by the National council to be constituted after the party has been built up on the widest base and election held democratically upwards from below”.41 The provisional charter was a straightforward text and a number of twentythree articles, without the highly structured mix up of details and various subsections uniqueness of publicly permitted identification in the Sub-continent. It visualized two steps: the primary organizational period, for it granted an adjustable format for managing the party; and a afterward period at some point in which more permanent structures would function under a new constitution. The founding convention passed executive authority in the party on to the Chairman it would elect, who then act to constitute three post-convention committees. The first two of these, the organizing and principal committee, were to be constituted by the Chairman “In constitution with’ the steering committee of the founding convention. There functions were, respectively, to ‘undertake the organization of the Party. The interim constitution also provided that the Chairman of the party shall be ex-officio Chairman of these two committees and shall be capable to co-opt [new] member later in consultation with these committees.”42 The third committee, the central committee, would, “be the highest authority of the party for interim period.’ It would be constituted by the Chairman, in consultation with the organizers and leader of the party, in the country.”43 It was acknowledged so as to the central committee would be constituted after the founding convention, at the discretion of the Chairman, who would be highest authority in the party until then. The central Committee would elect the other national officers of the party: Vice-Chairman, Secretary-General, Treasurer, etc. It was also competent “to effect amendments in the interim constitution subject to later ratification by the National Conference."44 National Conference could be held by the Chairman at any time after Consultation with the central Committee. These would have the authority to re-constitute both the Central and Organizing Committees and

35

re-elect the national party office-holders, with the exception of the Chairman. Such matters as the accreditation of representatives to a National Conference and its agenda would be determined by the Chairman “in Consultation with the Organizing Committee and the provincial Chairmen.”45 The Interim Constitution provided for a process of downward vertical staffing as its original style of party organization. In the supervision of Chairman, the organizing Committee would set up “Organizing Committees by the side of Provincial (for two wings of the country), Zonal, District and City Levels.’ Further, ‘The Chairman of the Party shall in meeting with the Organizing Committee of the party, authorize Chairman of the Organizing Committees in the Provinces, Zones , Districts and Cities.”46 These Chairmen would, in meeting with the then higher chairman, make up their own organizing committees, which they in turn would discuss with prior to certifying the chairmen of organizing committee by the side of the after that lower level, a practice which would carry on, in the course of the sub-divisional (tehsil) and ward level units to primary units. Once party divisions had been formed next to every point, the Party Chairman, in discussion by the Organizing Committee and the Provincial Chairmen, could allow the holding of party conference at the provincial, zonal, district and city levels. The meetings would be part on the way to replace (or maintain) the unusual chairman and party organizing committee in support of the ranks in the way of elections. Once this practice had been accomplished, the organizing committee would at this instant be called party committee or party councils. The interim constitution recognized that the primary units would be the basic building blocks of the party. They would be delimited by their respective districts and city organization and would elect their own office-holders and a primary committee to be composed of one committee-man for every twenty party members. In a system somewhat reminiscent of the Basic Democracies, the primary level committeemen and party office-holders would be ex-officio members of the district or city council. Though the language of the interim constitution is somewhat un-clear, it is apparent that only at primary unit level would the party membership vote for office-holders and committeemen. The district and city councils would elect their own office-holders and committees, as well councilors to the Zonal Council, all on the basis of fixed elector-

36

electee ratios. The process will be repeated for the Provincial Council. Finally, the two Provincial Councils would elect from among themselves 110 National Councilors, who would form a National Council of 220 members. The National Council, which would be convened by the Chairman in consultation with the central committee, would then elect a chairman for the party, determine the constitution of the central committee, and adopt a permanent constitution.47 An attractive quality of the interim Constitution was the capability of the party committees lying on all levels on the way to co-opt members by fixed ratios. It curtails as of Article 14. It grants with the purpose of ‘representation shall be guaranteed into the organizing committees and later in party committees, at all levels, for active party members from amongst the workers, peasants, the youth, the women and the intellectuals.’ Two committees would be able to vote as a group for representation in the zonl councils. Representatives of these groups in the two Provincial Councils would be able to vote for a total of 20 of the 220 elected members of the National Council. Clearly, the Party Chairman was the pivotal figure in all the crucial formal functions and organization of the PPP. In essence he controlled the expansion of Organizing and principles Committees, the constitution of the central Committee, the selection of the unit chairmen down to the district and city levels, the timing, agenda and representation of the National Conferences and the calling of the National Council. He also had a major part in maintaining party discipline. According to the Article 10 of the Interim Constitution: (1) “During the initial Organizational period the Chairman of the Party may in consultation with the Organizing Committee of the party and the Chairman of concerned levels, withdraw the accredition [sic/selection of a laboratory inspection choice/certificate body is an informed choice] of the Chairman of any Organizing Committee and accredit another Chairman who shall reconstitute his Organizing Committee. (2)---During the Organizational Period of the Chairman of the Party shall be competent, after Consultation with the Chairman of the Provincial and lower levels, to expel any members from the party who is found to deviate from the party’s principles or acts contrary to the principles and constitution of the Party”.48

37

In addition, the party Chairman was the final court of appeal for internal dispute of the party, settling those that Chairmen at successively higher levels were unable or unwilling to solve.49 A number of other aspects of the Interim Constitution are important and worth of note. It is interesting, for example, the PPP the Principle of parity between East and West Pakistan for the purposes of its own organization. Another feature was open membership, without restriction for any class or occupational group. Article 6 ensured that membership was open to ‘every adult Pakistani who endorsed the principles of the party’ and who pays the membership fee of 25 paisas (about $.06 US in 1967). A further feature was the requirement that ‘Urban areas having Corporations, Munciplal Committees and Town Area Committees shall have city Organizations independent of the District Organizations.50 According to one informant (Philip E Jones), this was done at the behest of strong contingent of urban lawyers and professionals at the convention. They did not want city organizations to be made subservient to district organizations because they believed the later very likely would be dominated by rural interest. Finally, we should note that the Interim Constitution provided for both Planning Committees and Special Organs. The former were to be constituted by the Chairmen of party committees down to and including, the zonal units. These would ‘investigate, analyze and prepare on scientific lines recommendations on important problems of an economic social and political nature.’ 51 The Special Organs were ‘special functions’ and were to be constituted by the Party Chairman in consultation with the Central Committee.52 It was under this article that the Central and Provincial Parliamentary Boards for the 1970 elections were appointed. The separation of district and city organizations is one indication that the Interim Constitution reflected compromises between various groups that originally made up the People’s Party. Some of these compromises would soon become focal points of factional tensions within the party. The leftists at the convention were reportedly not happy with the centralization of the party hierarchy and were especially upset at the process of vertical recruitment downward as the original mode of party organization. This they saw to be essentially feudal and would have preferred to see the higher party levels but, upward from previously established primary units. The provision of party conferences and elected

38

officers and committees was a partial recognition of their demands. The left group combined with the ‘parliamentary democracy group’ to ensure that the principles of elections and collective leadership were recognized in the ‘preamble’. Further fearing that ‘class enemies’ would infiltrate the party, the leftists were not happy with the open membership clause, though they were somewhat placated by Article 14, which guaranteed the representation of workers and other groups, albeit at ratios that would give them a little influence if applied restrictively. The provision for Planning Committee represented the continuation of old liberal leftist demand in Pakistan politics that parties in power, not the bureaucracy, must have the dominant role in the policy-making. Finally the, the liberal-leftist groups argued for a provision (Article 15) that committed the party to completing its organization ‘as soon as possible.’ These groups believed that the sooner the party moved into its permanent stage, there would be a greater scope for the party committees and councils to exert influence over policy and patronage.

1.11 THE ACTUAL ORGANIZATION OF PPP The serving or acting in sub-ordinating capacity of the party organizational affairs, in the direction of the wider planned purpose of winning elections was obvious as of the initial existence of People’s Party. Here, the distinct dissimilarity on the way to its enormous attractiveness, the expected increase of local party in many parts of Punjab and Sindh, and the necessities of the Interim Constitution, the worker of organizing the official structures downstairs as of the Chairman was amazingly not rapid, predominantly in Punjab. During the first press Conference, following the founding of the party, Bhutto proclaimed: “We are not in any hurry and the appointment of mere office-bearers is not the main point. We don’t want to make our organization a ‘party of patronage.’ We will do our organizational work slowly, gradually and with the consensus and approval of friends”.53 According to PPP high ranking nobles, close to the centre of actions into the People’s Party, party organization was not a main concern of the Chairman and party organization was set aside basic in support of a number of time, following the founding convention.54 The Central Organizing Committee and the Principles

39

Committee were chosen soon later than the convention, however neither functioned not including the definite guidelines as of the Chairman. Both Committees were reserved small, drawing on the most influential leaders at original convention. The Central Committee was not selected in anticipation of 10 and 24 January 1971, which is, until and after the election. A dusk Central Committee does appear to have survived in advance, prepared fundamentally of the organizing and principle Committee members, jointly with those invited as a result of the Chairman. It’s most significant and merely recorded gathering captured position on 23rd March 1969 at Karachi, where it committed the PPP to a policy of dismantling the one unit Scheme.55 Therefore the Principle Committee made up of Bhutto, J.A Rahim, Dr. Mubashar Hasan, Hanif Ramay (appointed in1968) and Abdul hafiz Pirzada (appointed in1969), acted off and on as an ad hoc Central Committee in matters of party discipline and policy enunciation.56 J.A Rahim was made Secretary General of the party in early 1970.57 This had the effect of removing Bhutto at least one step away from some (but not all) of the divisive internal disputes. It was Rahim for example, who investigated the situation that lead to the expulsions of Major Aslam Jan of Rawalpindi and Maulana Nuruzzaman of East Pakistan. None of the other national party officers appointed later in 1970 were founder members of the party, but were figures of note and influence that joined the party during the election compaign. They were: Makhdum Talib ul-Maula (Pir Jhandewaro of Hala Sharif), named a ViceChairman, mian Muhammad Ali Kausuri, also made a vice Chairman, and Maulana Kausar Niazi, appointed propaganda Secretary. Organizing Committee for the provinces was problematic. The PPP made some efforts to organize in East Pakistan between 1968 and 1970 and, at one point in 1968, claimed organization in all of East Pakistan’s districts. However, it was unable to penetrate the Bengali mainstream and rested on somewhat unstable minority groups (Biharis and West Pakistani residents) and their student organizations. On 4 March 1969, The East Pakistan People’s Party (PPP/EP) suspended 58 the happening was linked in the direction of the quittingof Malik Hamid Sarfaraz as of the party in late February 1969. To a large extent of the original PPP/EP was controlled by associates of Malik Hamid Sarfaraz, himself a former colleague of H.S. Suharwardy. A new effort to organize the East Pakistan branch was begun under

40

Maulana Nur-uz-Zaman, Acting Chairman of thr Provincial Organizin Committee. But, this effort met with disaster on 30 January 1970, when acting on the recommendation of J.A Rahim, the Principle Committee suspended Maulana Nuruzzaman from his party office.59 There were a number of issues involved in this breakdown, though perhaps the two most important were PPP/EP autonomy and organizational matters. Rahim who had a little love for ‘Maulana’ (he called them ‘priest’), maintained that Nuruzzaman’s negotiations with other parties and leaders in East Pakistan had done without the concurrence of Bhutto. Nuruzzaman responded by calling Bhutto’s leadership of the party ‘dictatorial’ and reported that the PPP/EP Working Committee had asked the Party Chairman on 28 December 1969, for the last-time to form a Central Working Committee and Central Council (i.e., Central Committee and National Council), ‘which he did not even after two years of party life.’ 60 Clearly PPP/EP leaders felt they could function better in East Pakistan, where Bhutto was not especially popular, with more articulated party organizations. In classical fashion for Pakistani politics Maulana Nuruzzaman formed a splinter group, which claimed to be the legitimate PPP/EP, and which called itself the PPP (pro-eleven points). It was able to claim the support of few of the Maulana’s appointees, but rapidly faded from view. The pro Bhutto elements –A.Kassim Choudhury and others attempted to reorganize a fragmented PPP/EP but, the party in the Eastern wing never recovered from the Nuruzzaman debacle. So weak was it that, unlike other major parties with their main bases of support in West Pakistan, the PPP failed to run a single candidate in East Pakistan for the National Assembly in 1970 elections. A provincial Organizing Committee for West Pakistan does seem to have been appointed, but it was never active as a body. It was redundant to the Central Organizing Committee in membership and function. From the beginning, Bhutto chooses to concentrate on Zonal Organizing Committees in West Pakistan, the Zones corresponding to the pro-one Unit provinces of the West Wing. With the end of One Unit, announced on 28 November 1969, these Zonal Committees would become Provincial Committees.

41

By concentrating on this level, Bhutto was able to compartmentalize and separate leaders and issues, ideological and provincial that might have Torne the party apart if handled at West Pakistan level. The Chairman of the Organizing Committees for Sindh and KPK were chosen immediately after the founding convention: Mir Rasul Bakhsh Talpur for the former and Hayat Khan Sherpao for the latter. Both choices were good one: Talpur because of his social connections with the old landed elites and his known sympathiser for social politics. He would be a valuable link to rising forces of Sindh regionalism and would help to soften Bhutto’s original unyielding stand on ‘Sindh Desh’ issues. 61 Sherpao was chosen over Sardar Inayat Ullah Khan Gandapur for the KPK because his tribal and political connections were in the heart land of Pakhtuns politics, though Gandapur was given a free hand to organize the southern districts. An Organizing Committee for Punjab-Bahawalpur was not appointed until 4 September 1968 that for Azad Kashmir appeared on 26 February 1969, while the Balochistan Committee was delayed until 30 December 1969, only two days before the start of the 1970 election campaign. The delay in the appointment of Punjab-Bahawalpur Organizing Committee stemmed from the fact that none of those who attended the founding convention from Punjab stood out as a leader who could straddle the ideological, political and interpersonal rivalries apparent in the Punjab delegation. Bhutto who always regarded Punjab as the ‘bastion of power’ in Pakistan moved consciously on this matter, perhaps hoping for a consensus candidate to emerge---a most unlikely event in Punjab. In the end , after considerable pressure from students, ‘new left’ professional s and emergent labor leaders , Sheikh Muhammad Rashid, the leader with the most organizational experience, was made Chairman of the Punjab-Bahawalpur Organizing Committee. However, in a move that clearly demonstrated his concern over the PPP Chairman and the sixteen members Committee as well. 62 The committee attempted to balance the early groups in the Punjab party and included several individuals who Bhutto felt were personally loyal to him. Ghulam Mustafa Khar, Sahibzada Farooq Ali , Sheikh Safdar Ali and Ahmad Raza Khan Qasuri, who had little organizing experience and who was barely known in his home district out-side of Kot Addu tehsil, would soon be made Scretary-General of the Punjab-Bahawalpur PPP.

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Students radicals were represented on the original committee by Amanullah Khan, students liberals by Aftab Rabbani, 63 young layers by Mian Muhammad Aslam, Islamic Socialists by Hanif Ramay and already emergent sub-provincial unit by leaders by Sheikh Usman Fateh (Gujrat) and Rao Abdus Sattar (Sahiwal). Seven of the original seventeen (including Sheikh Rashid) were lawyers two were substantial landholders, two were student leaders, two were women, one was journalist, another a middling businessman, and finally one was aspiring trade unionist. Seven would win election to the National Assembly on the PPP ticket; three would likewise win election to the Punjab Provincial Assembly. This committee would expand fairly rapidly under Sheikh Rashid and ideologically, would move significantly to the political left. The 23 March 1969 edition of Nusrat announced that the first National Conference of Pakistan People’s Party would be held from 4-6 April 1969 at Lahore . 64

This was clearly an attempt to consolidate the gains made by the PPP during the

November Movement. Delegations were invited from among students, women, lawyers, intellectuals, journalists, peasants and workers, as well as from established PPP committees. Although, it did not included the expected banning of political parties, the imposition of Martial Law on 25 March 1969 include a prohibition on political activities and the PPP conference at Lahore had to be called off. The first National Conference would be held from 1-3 July 1970 at Hala Sharif at Sindh, the second, and perhaps the last, at Rawalpindi on 30 November and 1 December 1972. The PPP in Punjab expanded more rapidly at the bottom than at the top. The first occurred immediately after the founding convention, when delegates returning home organized the first primary units and set off a wave of ‘spontaneous’ party organization. These units were organized by local groups on their own volition, without reference to higher units, which in most cases, did not yet exist. Most of these original units would later seek accreditation or be discovered by district organizations, though a few of them would fall afoul of local rivalries. Approximately eight to ten percent of all primary units organized between December 1967 and December 1970 were set up in the first three months after the founding convention. 65 Interestingly, a large proportion of these units emerged in the towns and in district and tehsil capitals like Gujrat, Jehlum, Kasur, and Khanewal. Major urban units were generally the next

43

category to be organized, followed by district organizations, which help to absorb new entrants and ‘professional politicians’ as the party expanded.66 Though the major urban units were founded before November 1969, the anti Ayub Movement greatly strengthened them and also led to the formation of the bulk of district level committees. The second surge of primary unit organization came in the urban areas in late 1969 and early 1970 and was related of both to the approach of the elections campaign and to urban unrest among workers, students and journalists. During this period many of the local units based on special interests were formed, including women’s units. It also brought the high tide of leftist influence in the Punjab PPP. The third period of rapid expansion was less visible, but it began after the conference of students, workers, and peasants at Toba Tek Singh on 23 March 1970. This conference had a major impact on the countryside and lead to the spread of PPP units in villages and Mandi Towns in the heartland and canal colony tracts. According to informants in Cambellpur, Sheikhupura, and Rahim Yar Khan District, not a few of these village units (PPP panchayats) stayed underground until after the election. The final burst of party organization at the primary unit level occurred between July and mid-December 1970. It was occasioned by the proximity of the elections, the efforts of the PPP candidates, and the bandwagon effect of the PPP campaign that brought a wave of the old type of political figure into party. As fifty percent of all primary units in Punjab were recognized during this last period, in some cities e.g., Lahore the percentage ran much higher.

1.12

AN INSIGHT INTO THE POWER STRUCTURE OF PAKISTAN PEOPLE’S PARTY (PPP) “Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP) is currently the ruling party of Pakistan and is

one of the two leading mainstream political parties, the other being PML (N)”67. It has its basis detained well-built with being the leading power runner in the country and with one of the strongest voters’ bank. Founded in 1967 by Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto the party has for long been the family of the Bhuttos and it gives the feeling to continue the case for an extended time. Party Chairman is Zulfiqar Bhutto’s grandson, Bilawal Bhutto Zardari and the Co-Chairman is of course his father, the President of Pakistan Asif Ali Zardari.

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Right from its inception till to date, PPP has remained the preserve of Bhutto family where father’s death made the daughter, Benazir Bhutto incharge of the party and subsequent to her heartbreaking and brutal killing her son succeeded the throne without any party elections. After the death of Benazir, her will was enough to put Zardari in charge of PPP to overlook the party affairs as Co-Chairperson since Bilawal was by all accounts also immature to come out in the open and guide the party. Hence it was strong-willed that Zardari would maintain the control of the party in check for as long as it would take his sonto complete his studies (abroad) and to be ready to take over his realm. And now as five years rule of PPPin government reaches to an end and Pakistan moves towards another election bilawal came back to the scene as the rightful heir of the party. Some call it the nice play of cards at say perfectly right time so as when ppp reaches out to the voters they could once again call for the slogans of ‘sacrifices of Bhutto’ and to claim power in order to run the country from front step, in style of bhutto. However, no matter how strong a contender PPP has remained over the decades it has ironically always bypassed the tradition of intra-party elections for one reason or the other. When asked by a member and provincial leader of PPP that why has this been the case for like always, he swiftly remarked that ‘in a multi-class society’ (like of Pakistan) intra party elections would benefit only the well-off people of the party. We fear that if elections were to be held in the party, money would play a major role and it will be difficult for sincere and loyal members of ppp to get party offices”. Well yes, money could play a pivotal role in determining the power structure within a party but then isn’t the essence of democracy demands the right of vote to be put on test no matter what may come? And the whole ideology behind this vote and test rule is to let the voters decide and meanwhile let the system of elections develop itself for ‘sincere and loyal’ members to have a go for the power when time comes. But like most of the other political parties in Pakistan, PPP also like to maintain a status quo for the elitist power holders to keep a powerful political party completely under their control to manipulate it the way they want. So while ‘power comes with great responsibility’ the power holders of PPP cares more for power and less for responsibility and likes to keep the way things are going so that they could run PPP as a Bhutto dynasty and not as a truly democratic party.

45

REFERENCES 1.

Constitution

of

Jamaat-e-Islami,

Pakistan,

Part

1,

available

at

<

https://www.google.com/#q=jumaay-e-islami+pakistan+constitution> accessed on 25 May, 2014, at 11.00 AM 2.

Rudad-i Jama_at-i Islami Pakistan, 1972 (Proceedings of the Jama_at-i Islami of Pakistan, 1972). Lahore:Jama_at-i Islami Pakistan, n.d., vol. 1, p.p. 35-37 and 40.

3.

Maryam Jameelah, Islam in Theory and Practice, Lahore, 1973. p. 336.

4.

Quoted in Mumtaz Ahmad, Islamic Fundamentalism in South Asia,The Jamaat-i- Islami and the Tablighi Jamaat, in Martin E. Marty and R. Scott Appleby, eds., Fundamentalisms Observed ,Chicago, Chicago Press, 1991, p. 492.

5.

Rudad-i Jama_at-i Islami Pakistan, opcit, vol. 1, pp. 45_56, vol. 2, pp. 16_28; vol. 3, pp. 53_96; and vol. 4, pp. 37_40.

6.

Maryam Jameelah, Islam in Theory and Practice, Mohammad Yusuf Khan, Lahore, 1973, p. 337.

7.

Ibid., pp. 338-40.

8.

During Mawdudi’s tenure of office, on a number of occasions, other Jama’at’s leaders served as provisional amirs. While Mawdudi was in prison in 1948_1950, _Abdu_l- Jabbar Ghazi and _Abdu_l-Ghaffar Hasan were jointly provisional amirs. According to one account, Mas_ud _Alam Nadwi also served briefly as amir during this period, between 1949 and 1950; see RJI, vol. 6, 144_45. In 1953_1955, when Mawdudi was again imprisoned, first Sultan Ahmad and, later, Amin Ahsan Islahi served as provisional amirs. In 1956, when Mawdudi was away on a tour of the Arab world, _Abdu_l-Ghaffar Hasan served as the overseer of the party. Finally, in 1969, when Mawdudi underwent medical treatment in England, Mian Tufayl Muhammad served as the acting amir.

9.

The date of this meeting is cited in A_in, April 25, 1985, p. 6.

46

10.

Tarjuman-ul-Qur’an (June-August), Lahore, 1971.

11.

Mian Tufayl joined the Jama_at in 1941; he served as the secretary-general of the Party from 1942 to 1972 and for a period was deputy amir and vice-amir.

12.

Mawlana Muhammad Manzur Nu_mani, Mawlana Mawdudi Miri Sath Rifaqat ki Sarguzasht Awr Ab Mira Mauqaf, Lahore, 1980, p. 38.

13.

Rudad-i- Jama’at-i Islami Pakistan, opcit, vol. 6, p. 154.

14.

Sayyid Abu-l-A’la Mawdudi, Jama’at-i- Islami ki Untis Sal, Lahore, 1970, p. 42.

15.

Rudad-i- Jama’at-i Islami Pakistan, op. cit., vol. 6, pp.131-32.

16.

Ibid., vol. 7, p. 60.

17.

RJI (Ijtima Se Ijtima Tak), op. cit. vol.2, p. 44.

18.

ÂSeyyed Vali Reza Nasr, the Vanguard of the Islamic Revolution: The Jama'at-i-Islami of Pakistan, Pakistan. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1994.p.53

19.

Rudad-i- Jama’at-i Islami Pakistan, op. cit, vol. 1, p. 84.

20.

Ibid., p. 77.

21.

Ibid., vol. 5, p. 92; and vol. 6, p. 168.

22.

Quoted in ÂSeyyed Vali Reza Nasr opcit, p.53.

23.

available

at

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jamaat-e-

Islami_Pakistan#Organizations> accessed on 25 April 2014 24.

Available

at

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jamaat-e-

Islami_Pakistan#Organizations> accessed on 25 April 2014 25.

Quoted in Philip E.Jones, The Pakistan People’s Party Rise to power, Karachi, Oxford University Press, , 2003. p.201

26.

Ibid. 202.

27.

Ibid

47

28.

Ibid. 204.

29.

Ibid.

30.

S.M Zafar, Through the Crices, Book Centre, Lahore, 1970. P.364.

31.

Ibid, p.55.

32.

Quoted in, Nusrat, No.16, 12 January 1969, pp. 8-14.

33.

Ibid., p. 9.

34.

Ibid., p.10

35.

Ibid., p, 10.

36.

Editorial in Nusrat, No 56, People’s Party ka Qom par Asatanah Kardar aur Is ki Ahmiyat, 19 October 1969. p. 3.

37.

Quoted in Philip E.Jones, opcit, p.205

38.

Ibid, p.206

39.

Ibid

40.

Ibid. p.207

41.

PPP Interim Constitution, preamble, sec iii.

42.

Ibid., art. 5.

43.

Ibid, art. 7

44.

Ibid, art. 12 sec. IV.

45.

Ibid, art. 12 sec. ii

46.

Ibid., art. 9 secs. I and IV.

47.

Ibid., arts. 16 and 17.

48.

Ibid., art. 10.

49.

Ibid, art. 2.

50.

Ibid., art. 9 sec. iii.

48

51.

Ibid, art. 21.

52.

Ibid, art. 22.

53.

The Pakistan Times, 3 December 1967.

54.

Quoted in Philip E.Jones, opcit, p.212

55.

Nusrat, No. 27, 30 March 1969, pp.7-8.

56.

For example the, the Principle Committee was given the task of maintaining party Discipline in Punjab on the one Unit policy, letter to Ahmad Raza Qasuri, from Dr. Mubashar Hassan, member, Principles Committee, 9 July 1969.

57.

The first report of J. A Rahim acting as PPP Secretary-General appeared in Morning News, 17 January 1970. Dates and aspects of early party organization are hard to pin down. Apart from Nawa’e Waqt, newspapers did not report PPP internal affairs until 1970, and then only partially. Nawa’e Waqt’s earlier reporting was haphazard. Party Offices were run by inexperienced individuals who used rudimentary filing systems and who did not immediately see the value of saving documents. The PPP did not set up a central archive until 1972, when the PPP Central Office was moved to Rawalpindi from Karachi. By then important records were scattered or lost. This included those of the Punjab-Bahawalpur PPP Office at 4-A Mozang Road, Lahore, the heart of the Punjab-Bahalpur PPP until 1971. The best future source on the early PPP will be private papers of Z.A Bhutto. The Bhutto family has long maintained an excellent library and we can confidently assume that efforts were made to save party correspondence and other documents.

58.

Dawn, 5 March 1969.

59.

The Pakistan Times, 31 January 1970.

60.

Ibid., 2 February 1970.

61.

See Bhutto’s Comments in Dawn, 16 February 1969.

62.

Nawa’e Waqt, 5 September 1968.

49

63.

Soon to be expelled from the PPP on grounds of being an informant for the CID. 62- Nusrat, No. 26 (23 March 1969), p.4.

64.

Quoted in Philip E. Jones, op.cit. p.216.

65.

Ibid

66.

Something of the magnitude of the party development can be seen in newspapers reports. On 15 July 1970, the Gujraat District PPP was sufficiently organized to hold a District conference of more than three hundred councilors from local units. Masawat (Lahore), 16 July 1970. In Sialkot District, during one Two week period in late August, forty-four new units were recognized, bringing to 144 the number of units in the District. Musawat , 25 August 1970.

67.

Available at http://ppppunjab.wordpress.com/2013/04/26/an-insight-into-thepower-structure-of-pakistan-peoples-party-ppp/ accessed on 5th July 2014 at 8.02 pm.

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CHAPER-2 VIEWS OF JI AND PPP ABOUT DEMOCRACY IN PAKISTAN 2.1 PPP FOUNDER’S VIEWS ABOUT DEMOCRACY IN PAKISTAN As Ayub Khan departed, he conveyed to Yahya Khan, for his legal duties, in March 1969. He then took the charge and declared himself as Commander-in-Chief, the Chief Martial Law Administrator, the Supreme Commander and the President of Pakistan. The Supreme Court of Pakistan later on declared him unlawful. However, it was excessively not on time. His era was a black chapter in the history of the country. The country divided due to him, in that period into two wings. Consequently, Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto came in and his speeches awakened the dormant people, for democracy in the country, especially in the West Wing. He expressed the electoral politics and created a hope for the depressed people with respect to bread, cloth and house slogans. He linked his manifesto to the living standard of the people of Pakistan. He added the Islamic Socialism, for the first time in the country’s politics for their welfare. By this, he enclosed himself through the so called programs the guardian of the country and Islam. So, here I am going just to share the views of Pakistan People’s Party founder (Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto), mostly he delivered in various speeches for the ‘Marching Towards Democracy in Pakistan.’ During his era he visited the people throughout the country and met them face to face, for the purpose. He persuaded them for the right cause of democracy, educated them, and prior to all these, convinced them that they were sovereign. He also pointed out that not to vote for their traditional bosses, rather than to serve a lay man.1 He always favored the poor’s of the country and gave a clear cut manifesto for their future concerned of ‘bread, cloth,and house. To him, his party workers were everything. He therefore justified them even they were in jail or in the parliament. He stressed and sided with the majority of the masses in one of his election campaign on January 4, 1970 as! “The Pakistan People’s Party will always side with the people, and with the poor workers and the peasants and the students. By

51

people of Pakistan I mean the majority of this country, not a few families, and neither a small minority.”2 He further added that Ayub Khan had created a class life in the country. In this regard, he argued that the people of the country were his team, not the upper class, as Ayub Khan favored them. He also added that his politics was for the lay man in collective spheres. He also condemned the Ayub’s regime with respect to the suppression of the masses struggle in his era. 3 Democracy, in his point of view is not contradictory to the Islam. He categorically given the stance about religion and democracy as! “In democracy the people are represented and their opinion carries weight. That is why the people of Pakistan want democracy and we have struggled for it. This struggle was not against our religion. There is no conflict between our religion and the principles of democracy”4. He gave clear direction to the democracy and mentioned the real components of democracy for the people’s welfare in the following parameters as!

“In democracy

there is freedom of expression, the courts of justice are independent, and there is government by the people. But they feel offended when we speak of the poor, the peasants and the laborers. The fact of the matter is that in Islam, socio-economic equality or Musawat has been given the highest priority. The Prophet (peace be upon him) emphasized the importance of Musawat. We shall, therefore, bring about Musawat. No power on earth can stop us”5. He struggled for the people’s government and stressed through one of his speech as! “The objective in defeating Ayub’s dictatorship was that we wanted democracy.All the parties want democracy because that means the rule of the common man.People don’t have any voice in a dictatorship.” 6 Bhutto was a democratic personality therefore, he wanted nation’s consensus on a legal document to run the government through democratic ways (constitution), in all walks. “A constitution is badly needed. We want to frame a practical constitution. If other countries can formulate their constitutions, why can we not do the same? The Pakistan People’s Party will make every effort and will offer full cooperation in this regard”7. He had experienced in Ayub era at various ministries and came to know the nation’s feelings and conditions, in real sense. By this, he envisaged, categorically

52

stood and gird up for the change in the country. For the purpose he mentioned the poverty causes and drew a line between the upper and lower class. He also pointed out the destination for the nation in the following manner as! “Our foremost principle is that unless capitalism and exploitation are ended the problems of the people cannot be solved with the help of the constitution and a parliamentary system alone. We want a change in the economic system. Our opponents are those who have sucked the blood of the common man. Our objective is to bring their hegemony to an end.”8 Bhutto viewed that for the social justice, the ideology, democracy and the economy our stance denoted and cleared the main manifesto of the PPP in the following manner. “Dear friends and brothers, our party has three guiding principles. Islam is our religion, democracy is our polity and socialism is our economy. These principles are in no way against Islam and the ideology of Pakistan. We are all Muslims. That is why I say, Islam is our religion. Islam has taught us democratic principles. Hence democracy is our polity. Islam envisages Musawat and teaches equality among human beings. Therefore, Islamic Musawat or Islamic Socialism is our economic program.”9 With respect o Pakistan ideology, he educated the masses that if, you people considered the ideology just a paper work then it is nothing for the welfare of the state to run accordingly. To him, ideology in a real dynamic mean eradication of corruption and in-justices in the society, to make sure the rule of law and to establish the peoples authority rather than to maintain the monopoly of the upper the class.“ Pakistan’s ideology means that Muslims should govern Pakistan to make it a prosperous country. There should be no corruption and injustice. It is not Pakistan’s ideology that a few people should have a monopoly over government and wealth at the expense of the people at large who are left to suffer the worst economic difficulties and denied any say in the running of the State”.10 Bhutto declared the PPP as the people’s party and reckoned the fact that everyone has the right to speak and demand according to the democratic spirits. Therefore, he stated! “The Peoples Party is important not because I founded it, but

53

because it is your party and always reflects your opinion and demands. It will never betray the people.”11 He favored and educated the betterment of the majority rather than to award the upper classes. He further blamed the class who exploited the masses in the name of ideology and religion. He categorically explained his party stance in the following manner! “The progress of a nation means the betterment of the lot of the common man. In Pakistan, the majority of the people, the workers and the farmers are becoming poorer every day. Our opponents who are responsible for this state of affairs and have exploited the common man will never accept the responsibility for their misdeeds. They can only try to cover their exploitation behind the slogan of ‘Islam in danger.’ They never can explain how Islam is in danger.”12 Bhutto expressed full support to the majority of the people of Pakistan and favored them. He blamed those who just governed them and had not given them the democratic stance and rights. As they introduced the family politics and formally used the democracy for the sack of their government prolonging, and to him, the party would not use the mentioned tactics and the key of our success. “We had full faith in the people and we were with them. We called upon them to co-operate with us in the movement against the dictatorship. The other politicians did not believe in this method. They used to come and make speeches occasionally, but they would not have been able to remove him. He had been in power for a decade and was thinking of nominating his son as his successor. He did not feel any danger from these politicians. They used to come sometimes and hold small meetings and make speeches but in the evening they used to go to the district officials and apologize for what they had said. That was not the way to fight against a dictatorship. Because we were with the people and we believed in the politics of the masses, the people co-operated with us. We burnt our boats and came into the open. That is why we were successful.”13 In democratic structure, the party is in need of various offices at everywhere in the country. So, as such he stimulated the party’s workforces to organize themselves and familiar themselves with the party discipline. He inspired the party’s workers for the fight of their rights. He persuaded them and stated as!

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“You have to set up offices. You have to pay attention to organizational matters because no party can be run without organization. In fact there is need for organizing the party. You have to acquaint yourself with the party principles. You have to think them over. Do not think you will get your rights so easily. You will have to fight for them. The people should not think they will get their rights while sitting idle at home. You will have to undertake a long struggle. You cannot do all this with one stroke. You should be ready to work. We are with you, if you are vigilant no anti people conspiracy can ever succeed”14. The two times Pakistan’s ex- Prime Minister and Chairperson of the PPP Mohtarma Benazir Bhutto (shheed) had also stressed for the restoration of parliamentary democracy. As she viewed about democracy not only in the country (Pakistan) but also in the whole Islamic World is the remedy to eradicate the sectarianism at large scale. Once, as she addressed the John Hopkins University School of Advanced International Studies in the US on February 7, 2007. She embarked on “Pakistan: Politically at the Cross roads” as! “That democracy in Pakistan and the Muslim world at large was crucial at this point of time to avert the dangers posed to its future by terrorism and sectarianism.”15 She further added in this regard that in democracy we can expect that everyone would be satisfied through social justices and every one would tolerate each other and the sectarianism would be abolished. Her stance was! “The democratization of Pakistan is important to the war against terror, to the interpretation of Islam as a message of freedom and enlightenment as well as to the empowerment of the people of Pakistan”.16 One of the pre-requisite of democracy is the free and fair election and she demanded the same from the Musharaf government to hold free and fair election for the purpose. “She said there was an opportunity this year for the restoration of democracy because of the general elections. Free and fair elections were critical for the restoration of democracy and that is why the PPP had prepared a paper which she said must be adopted by the rulers if they were really committed to holding free and fair polls as claimed by it. She said that the “Party was still waiting to hear from the Chief Election Commission to whom a copy of the paper had already been sent...”17

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She greatly emphasized that the government is in need to abide itself to the ARD (Alliance for the Restoration of Democracy) because the alliance has the accumulation of all the political parties of Pakistan and the majority decision has to be obeyed. The government is in need to implement these for the betterment of the country. As she stressed for the imposition the ARD’s demands side by side she suggested for the then government to hold free and fair election in the country. It was not merely her individual stance but, was the bold, legal and right decision of the collective and mutual consensus, for the restoration of democracy. To her, the democratic government is in need of an independent Election Commission, to hold free and fair elections. All these are the very need to strengthen the federation, not the kin party. Further she added, that dictator cannot hold free and free election in the country. She argued the PPP government achievements in all walks and added it with the democratic set up, as we cannot move forward further without democracy. Benazir Bhutto talked and stressed about the human rights and blamed that the elected Prime Minister was in exile and NAB always targeted the opposition. The NAB always favored the ruling party which was totally against the human rights and totally injustices. "We cannot claim to believe in moderate enlightenment if we do not fight for it in our own homelands. We cannot say Islamabad respects human rights. While elected Prime Ministers are forced into exile, we cannot say Pakistan has human rights. While NAB finds corruption only in the opposition and not in the ruling party, we cannot say Pakistan has Justice."18 She totally rejected the military rules in Pakistan and stated that dictatorship support was for the time being. She added that the International community also not supporting the dictators. To her, the dictator support in Afghanistan was the root causes for the military support in Pakistan which also caused the alarming results in the country. According to her speech, she expressed that the global response is to promote democratic stance and value in the world. She added that due to dictatorship, our country badly suffered politically, financially, and socially. The prolong period of dictatorship from 1977 to the Musharraf era contains more or less than twenty five years of dictatorship dominancy led to the uprising of armed struggle, poverty, hunger, unemployment, conflicts and communal riots. The extremism is also due to 56

the military rules in the country. She pointed out the very remedy for the eradication of such an alarming situation as! "Only by the restoration of civilian control and supremacy the tide could be reversed".19 She stated that without democracy we cannot move forward socially, economically, culturally, which is appropriate to the democratic structure of the country. We are lacking in the democratic structure and set up in the country because we were expelled from the scene and eliminated from politics by various means. The regional peace and international peace are inter-related with democracy. She elaborated that in democracy, the Muslim and non Muslims co-operate each other irrespective of religion. Tolerance and mutual respect always in democracy which causes and promote religious tolerance. "We can do this only if we adhere to the values of democracy, equality and development on a non discriminatory and nonselective basis.20 According to her, the Charter of Democracy document is the only solution to save federation and ensures social and legal justice for the entire masses of the country. The said document is also the peace development document for the people of Pakistan. Again she categorically stressed that without democracy we cannot expect prosperity and peace in the region. “Democracy enhances the country prestige, dignity and honor while dictatorship causes militancy, disputes of various type and over-rule the masses rights and previledges. The very requisite for the democracy in the country is rules of law, which led to the prosperity tranquility. Therefore, through democracy we will achieve these and stated as! “It is time to get our priorities right and putting country's resources into education, health and providing the necessities of life to the people”.21

The

most

democratic

http://www.ppp.org.pk/new/)

quotation

which

is

(available

at

Bilawal (Zardari’s Son), has used and categorically

expressed as! “My mother (Benazir Bhutto) used to say: “Democracy is the best revenge, he said this in a firm tone when he was made the Chairperson of “Pakistan Peoples’ Party.”

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2.2

VIEWS OF THE JAMA AT-I-ISLAMI PAKISTAN ABOUT DEMOCRACY As a matter of fact, the JI’s founder Maulana Sayyed Abul Aala Maududi in

his speeches, catagorically says that our struggle is for Islamic and Democratic Pakistan. He not only stressed on Islamic System but, also greatly emphasized that our struggle (Islami Nizaam ka Nifaaz) is in need of democratic atmosphere in Pakistan. Therefore, he struggled for the restoration of democracy, in pre and post Ayub’s era and still their Islamic and Democratic Struggle for the noblest cause of Islam and democratic set-up. In his speeches, he further strengthened the stance of Jama at-i-Islami Pakistan and consequently stressed for constitutional and democratic struggle, to re-store Democracy in Pakistan.22 His speeches are the precious and great assets for Jama at’s struggle, for Islam and democratic set up. According to his views, if, there we establishing Islam in our country, it will be merely through democratic values at large. In the Movement of Restoration of Democracy (Tehrik.e.Jamhuriat.e.Pakistan), all the Political Parties stressed to abolish the Ayub’s dictatorship and restore the 1956 constitution. He stressed that Jama at-e-Islami Pakistan will never launch a separate movement, and will join hand with the “Tehrik.e.Jamhuriat” (Movement for the Restoration of Democracy). In this regard, Madudi has contributed will through his speeches and practical struggle for the restoration of democracy in Pakistan. As a matter of fact, these are the significant history for the democratic struggle, of the Islami Democratic Republic of Pakistan. Later on, we are still suffering a lot generally of the dictator’s influential, un-democratic, un-constitutional and secular (pro-western) steps. They are the alarming pictures of the suppressions of Fundamental Human Rights and exploitation of the masses, at a large scale. In the Ayube Regime, there was a law, to isolate the political parties and their leaders from the state affairs and politics. It is known as EBDO (Elective Bodies Disqualification Order). Through EBDO, the JI top leaders were imprisoned, and banned Juma at-iIslami. All its officials and offices were sealed. In September 1964, the court declared the Jama’at’s ban un-constitutional, Maududi and 43 workers of JI released. The country as a whole and political parties and Institutions, has suffered a lot due to Ayub’s un-constitutional tactics. Very few politicians were there to oppose the un-

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democratic regime. In the circumstances like these, very few were there to tolerate and display against for the purpose, the Ayube cruelties. Some were waiting for the right time to come and observing the situation. In such conditions, Jama at-i-Islami Pakistan, in the continuation of its democratic struggle steps forwarded and fought at that time for the right cause with great religious and political consciousness. Maulanana Maududi by self created awareness among the masses and pointed out their political and fundamental rights to fight against the dictatorship’s cruelties and un-constitutional constraints and hurdles. Maulana Maududi issued a charge sheet against the dictator at that time, for the purpose. The Maududi’s factual speeches and campaign attracted the masses, at large extent. To him! “We know that there is no need of secret movement, for the Islamic State or government because its results are not good for our democratic and Islamic movement. We don’t like to conspire for military or radical revolution, and we want to establish an Islamic and democratic government in this regard. If, we dimiss one government through undemocratic tactics, and the next one is the copy of the previous one than the result will be the same, as the former government was. To eradicate the bad and undemocratic practices, we believe that to create openness and common touch with the masses, to preach and disseminate our views and preach them our ideology, rights, religious, political, electoral and democratic spirits, for the purpose.”23 Maulana Maududi believed, that without electoral politics you can address your creeds, moral values, and day to day affairs but, you can’t bring a pious and honest leadership. Voters can train themselves through active participation in the election, either direct or in-direct. If, we (pious leadership) don’t participate in national election, as a result, materialistic, wrong doers, illegal representatives will dominate and the government will be in the hands of such scrupulous and irresponsible representatives. Further he says that in absence of honest leadership how can voters discriminate between the two? He says, that it is obligatory for us now to avoid un-fair means, fraud, rigging, biasness, religious or group favoritism, immoral and un-constitutional, black-mailing,

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horse trading, fraud voting and through fraud tactics to change the election results. Free and fair election is the cry of the time. The people have to give a freedom of chance of their own, to elect their representatives of their own well-wishing. He further greatly emphasized that the candidates or the stake holders are in-need to show their respective programme and agendas before the people of the Republic of Pakistan, clearly.24 He took part in the campaign of “Restoration of Democracy”, during Ayub’s period. This was precious and un-prcedented struggle of the founder of the party against the dictator. JI still works for the right cause of democracy and Islam. The following are the combination of the speeches that Maududi has delivered during mass contact, at that time, in various cities of Pakistan.

2.3 JEHLUM MASS CONTACT, 14 NOVEMBER 1967 Maulana Maududi mentioned the very purpose of the party’s struggle and the ongoing process of the time in his speech. Through his speeches he argued the creation of Pakistan as for the real practices of Islam, and not the way to serve in the various field as a servant, to render jobs in materialistic sense. The mission slogan of Pakistan was religious (Pakistan ka matlab Kia? “LaIlaha Illalah”). In his persuasions he evaluated the situation and appealed the masses to joined hands with the JI, for the purpose and for the democratic future of the country (Pakistan).

2.4 WHAT IS THE AIM? First of all, he elaborated that aim, for which the masses were gathered. He stated that our aim is the same, as it was for the acquisition of Pakistan. JI wants to fulfill that mission and ideology of Pakistan. Most of the people perceive that in combined India, the Muslim were jobless due to the dominancy of Hindus. Trade and Commerce was in their control and by all means the Muslims were inferior to Hindus. A group of people demanded for the partition with respect to job and other materialistic approaches. They boosted for their sweet desires and wish to controle the monopoly over trade and commerce and the government. This was a class who were few rather than majority but, organized and influencial one. They dissiminated their plans and literature through their links to gain the sympathy and empathy of the nation. Acoording to him, the case was not like this. The Muslim community was not the trader and employers. It’s a serious joke to perceive that Pakistan’s creation as a 60

result of economic and materialistic issues. As a matter of fact, Pakistan’s creation was on the base of ideology and he categorically declared it as: “We were in-need of such a homeland where we establish an Islamic government, where the Quranic laws will impose and where we practice our social lives in the prescribed limits of Quran and Sunnah.”25 This aim was not the prolong study of Muslim’s books reading. Millions of Muslims were low literate, at that time. But they have a sense as a Nation that if, they don’t acquired the pre- requisite of the separate Homeland and where there they haven’t established an Islamic government, as a Muslims they can’t exist anymore. Therefore they perceived that their slavery was due the un-islamic system. Individually the British government not banned them to perform their belief and rituals according to Islamic customs, like like Prayers, Fasts, Zakat, Al- Quraan recitation and something else. The first thing they had done the exclusion of Islam as a “State Religion” and established a secular state and imposed their education system. Later on, imposed such a system, due to which they deprived them from their due rights of appetite (Rizq). The learned and qualified Muslims were considered as illiterate, who denied western type of education. The Muslim got the education that was not God’s conscious and they were taught materialistic type of education rather then spiritual. Due to this reason, their concepts were not Islamic in collective spheres and almost contradictory to over civilization. They (Britishers) succeeded in their mission that they got it without firing a single bullet, very easily. The Muslims had forgotten the real spirits of Islam and Prophet Muhammad (pbuh). They became doubtful about religion and Allah, all these were due to the Western Type Education. He reminded that, there is big difference between Muslim’s government and Islamic Government. Islamic government is not confined to just oral display and business. It is in need to go ahead and practically implementation at any cost. Further Maulana Maududi has extemporaneously and briefly described all these concerned one by one at large scale, in his speech to a large gathering of Jam at-i-Islami’s workers and masses, at Jehlum. He further elaborated the British implemented laws, the ups and downs of the Muslims believes, piousness, their honesty, the de-gradation of all the Muslim’s including men and women. He also pointed out that all these were due to the back-up of the British government. He also stressed that we have been

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deceived by the name of our Ideology. It was not the business and concerns of the few people of employees, business-men and the upper (Haves) Class. He categorically emphasized that there are big differences between the Western type of democracy and Islamic Democracy. He also condemned the quantitative strength of the opportunist and corrupt masses over the less learned knowledgeable community. He greatly stressed for Islamic Democracy rather than Western style. He says, that there is not allowed a single person to rule as a Dictator, in Islam. Islam doesn’t allow a person to hostage the masses by sword. It is not the spirit of Islam to impose Martial law according to his own wishes. Islam greatly emphasized, that consult every matter amongst each other (Shuraa).

2.5

ISLAM WILL BE IMPLEMENTED THROUGH DEMOCRATIC PROCESS Maulana Maududi stressed that Islam will implement in this country through

democratic culture. After partition, we came under the Mind set of British legacy. They are totally in favor of the western interests. Physically they departed, but mentally the rule us because of their trained mentality, which exists here in all respects. The existing bosses are enjoying their tenure on behalf of the western interests. The person who not liked by the west, cann’t rule the country, until not show their ultimate obedience to them, in all affairs. They were not shy to give freedom to the Sub-Continent’s people, this was not the issue, and the real issue was that to run the divided India as a British Legacy in all respect. By and large, the mentioned legacy well aware of the fact that that here the majority are the Muslim Nation and they like the religion by heart. If, here the free and faire election will hold, after the departure of their Bosses, the majority will vote in favor of Islam. As a result, the Islamic Government will emerge and the legacy will be excluded, or they will be in the position to take shelter in a country. Therefore, they are creating hurdles in the way of such well known fact of the democratic process. I am going just to tell you about that her e the Legislative Assembly has dis-missed through un-democratic tactics because, the said Assembly was trying to practice and to make laws according to the Islam and Sunnah. The people were stressing to implement Islamic Laws.

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In 1956, a Democratic Constitution has made through mutual consensus. Juma at-i-Islami was also satisfied with that. All the Ulemaas also declared that the basic thing regarding Islam has fulfilled. Now the General Election is must to move further, for a Representative Government. When it was decided that the General Election would be in February 1959, than conspiracy theory has got its momentum, and hurdles were created for the purpose. So, in 1958 the Martial Law has been declared through a “Coup-Deta”. Again, the Islam will be implementing just through Democratic ways. I strong believe that Muslim has strong faith in Islam. The majority will favor Islam. Consequently, the Democracy will restore after transition period, and the next government will be Islamic through the majority of the Muslim decision (votes). Maulana Maududi has sketched a brief and clearer mape on circumstances and worse situation of that time in his speech. He also condemned the “BDs” and categorically pointed out that the said system is merely for the protection and the tactics to prolong the Dictator’s Regime. He stated that in the dictatorial constitution of 1962, there were no Fundamental Rights. Finally, he claimed that the said speech in not the safeguard of my own secret agenda. These are the remedies for the betterment of the people of my beloved country. So, you (people) has to come forward, restore democracy and change the scenario for the sake of the nation’s interests.26

2.6

DEMOCRATIC MOVEMENT OF PAKISTAN GUJRANWALA, 15 NOVEMBER, 1967 Maulana Maududi claimed in his speech that the people has made their

perception and cleared their minds that here the last destination for nation is Islamic System (Islamic Government). In the 1956 Constitution is reflection of that and explained the Islamic basics in it. He also claimed that the six points of Bengalis were fatal for the Islamic state and also endangered the solidarity of the nation at large scale. He further elaborates that their demands will be recovered in such a way that the solidarity of our nation will be restored. He further claimed that they were agreed upon, the eight points of the “Movement of Restoration of Democracy”.

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2.7 PEACEFUL MOVEMENT He said that our movement is the first historical movement which will try to overthrow a dictator through peaceful means. He said that it is un-precedented in the history that dictator has been over throw through peaceful means. We have started just in the name of Allah. If, we succeed, it will be a best example to the world. Unfortunately, such environment has been created that led to the unfair means. In these tactics, they made their minds that they will prevent the peaceful revolution and change. But, change or revolution is a natural process. No one can change its way by all means. The big different is that if, we changed a scenario through unfair means, it will bring drastic and fatal results for the entire nation. It’s also not useful to the nations of the world, universally. The consequences of unfair means are too bad and the nation will suffer a lot for a long period by these. We are trying to avoid such bad practices which cause the nation’s humiliation and destruction forever. He further added that the result and destination is in the Hand of Allah. The rulers has to vigilant now that the persons, Institutions or group involved in such bad practices, which can endanger the entire nation, will face the consequences later on. We are trying to take away the frustration of the people. Because, if there is frustration, the perception of the masses will be on the same manner and the nation will collectively act and react in the same fashion. As a result, the government will be in the hands of un-constitutional and un-democratic persons. We hope that if, all the masses conceive and well aware of their rights, not to become enslaves by their own brothers and self made ruler/ dictator/ not by an elected persons. They will have to perceive that in post independent period, will become slaves if, and not took measures for the eradication of the dictatorship spirits. We are expecting that the people will support us in the Restoration of Democracy Movement. If, the whole nation united, they can change the dictatorship into democratic set up. He said that we will trust in Allah for the better results. We have to avoid selfishness, self interests and think for the betterment of the nation. Finally, he prayed for the solidarity of the nation, country and unity amongst the political parties, to restore democracy and to take the country on the real track of democracy.

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2.8

THE DICTATORSHIP IS THE OPPOSITE OF DEMOCRACY HYDERABAD LARGE GATHERING OF THE PEOPLE 1ST APRIL, 1968. In this address to the nation, Maulana Maududi has enlighten the situation

prevailed that time, throughout the country and presented the remedy that how to over-ride the situation collectively. Maulana has added that we have lost the very aim of our country’s ideology. Now here such a system has been imposed which is totally wrong. The pre and post generation of independence knows very well that how and for what the Pakistan emerged? This country is not the product of a Military or Government Servant. Its emergence is the result of combined people’s democratic struggle. Its basic aim was to establish such a laboratory where the Muslims will practice according to their great Civilization and Religion. They were in-need of such a homeland. The spirit of freedom was eternal and universal, to survive as a Muslim nation, in the world.

2.9 AN EXAMPLE If, there are millions of share holders invest their investment, in an institution for a purpose, mutually. Then, they nominate and authorize a staff for supervision and to look-after it. But, the said staff irrespective of the millions share-holders consents took the control of the Institution and declare themselves the real master rather than employees or sub-ordinate. The same case is in our country. As a dictator the ruling class now fully controlled everything of the country. They deprived the public from their due rights in all walks. It is totally wrong and the consequences will be fatal and alarming for the nation. The dismissal of the government was due to the corruption, instability and inconsistency. The new setup failure causes are thr same as the previous one. There were the charge sheets for their dismissal. The question is that if, there was anarchy, than the real stake holders (people of Pakistan) are having the responsibility to address the worse situation and think for that reason. Except, the people of Pakistan there is no right of other to do so that without the people of Pakistan they do the prerequisites for the State. Other serious allegation has been put up in this regard that there were internal and external threats, therefore the military solution was right and democracy has failed in this country. He added that the self-made and false allegations 65

are not right because in real sense democracy has never here given a chance in Pakistan, then why a person claiming in such a way and blaming the People of Pakistan and democracy. If, we give a chance to the masses to run their social and administrative affairs, than they can do the said things. If, we haven’t given the required chance to the public, then why we blamed the entire nation. If, the nation once doing so there are chances of committing blunders but they will learn from their mistakes and faults it’s their privilege also. Democracy is the name of gaining something from your experiences and mistakes. Free of choice, if you do good or bad is up to the people, seek a way which is prerequisite for their betterment, at their own choices. Just a person/dictator has no right to interfere in the public selection and choices, and to influence their freedom of thoughts and fundamental rights. As a nation, we have the right to of maintaining and sustaining, forever and as an individual/dictator we cann’t maintain and sustain democratic norms and values in the country. We cann’t afford dictatorship for better success. One person cann’t claims that he is the symbolic ruler and the representative of the nation, in his own capacity. The well-wisher of the country provides an alternative leadership, instead of dictating the people. In dictatorship, in absence of the Central Command the western legacy are not feelingwill, in democratic set up it provides the alternative solution or leadership. In democratic set up if, president taking rest the alternative will available to fill-up the gap and the state machinery never fail, and it is the beauty of democracy and the people’s government. In the government of people there is satisfaction, while dis-satisfaction in the dictatorship. The very principle of democracy is that there will be a balance between the three state pillars (Executive, Judiciary and Legislation). Its very purpose is that they will work in due shares independently and to provide the speedy justice to the people. Unfortunately, in the country, the executive is all in all in all walks of life, legislation is too paralyzed to work freely without the consent of president or they are enjoying their roles according to the pleasure of their boss (dictator). Side by side the Judiciary has also made paralyze to provide speedy Justice to the people. Therefore, in the non co-coordinating, among these significant pillars of the state the system became dis-order.

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He stressed that through the ‘Basic Democracies’ dictator will become a president according to his sweet wills, irrespective of turn and tenure. The dictatorship will prolong through these tactics and the masses will become passive. He equally made the electronic media to keep aware the public all the time contiously. Finally, he stressed that we now in a cyclone, which has badly affected the nation and we still suffering a lot in this case. The real emancipation from all these and the onlysolution to over-ride this worse situation is the just cause of the absence of democracy in Pakistan. “Democracy happens to be the basic liberty of the creation of human objectives.”27 Almighty Allah has stated the aim of creation of human life in the following words: “He who has brought to existence the system of life and death so that you are subjected to test in the goodness of your action” (Al-Mulk). It seems if life is a testing phenomena and a continuous trial of virtuous action. So the first and foremost demand of this principle is to testify human intentions, level of choicing and freedom of action. Any testing process is deficient in the concept of justice requirements if and when the person concerned doesn’t enjoy the liberty of his actions and selections. This is something as a matter of basic freedom of man granted to him by the divine authority.”28 “This liberty is the actual crux of the democracy and the final end of human struggle has been to achieve such freedom for huminity. When it was questioned by the Persian commander ‘Rustam’about the prime ambition of fighting a holy war, Hazrat Rabi bi Aamir (RA) and his companions clarified their objectives in the following words: “Allah has ardanined us to take-out the common people from the slavish grips of others like them, towards the true obedience of a single creator,”29 A major and considerable part of the theoretical and practical struggle of Sayyed Abul Aala Mawdudi has been devoted to the same purpose. He has proved with the help of arguments that the establishment of Islamic democratic system is infact the only solution for human imbroglios. As such the aim of our struggle must be an establishment of such a system in our society. “He thus continiuous write the first question is as to weather and how human affairs be addressed but under which fessible style- as if such affairs belonging to the prople, demand to appoint a leader of

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their own choice who as supposed to go forward with their collective consent and consultation, thus such leader will play their role till the axcellent level of confidence of the people entrusted in them. Or otherwise, an individual or group become the leader all by themselves just to implement their own sweet will to run the common affairs in such away to exclude the willingness and intervention from their selection and other related matter being run by them- will just be futile.In the first modality (democracy), it appears to be the right path of justice dictated for us will be absolutely justified and there is no need diverting over attention and where else even a single step. Hence the whole premises of our discussion should be focused upon the first modality for its real implementation to the maximum level of its practical method.”30 For the same reason, the major part of his life remained devoted to establish a democratic society by fighting against the dictatorship. In the very early days of Pakistan struggle he clarified in a meeting with the press representatives on 17 August 1950: “The sole remedy is the ideal Islamic democracy for countless social evils, in the modern times.Hence, “I shall be fighting against dictatorship in all its manifistations, till the last touch of my life.” 31 Sayyad Mawdudi also managed while dressing up himself with the democratic determination that his established movement must take up a democratic style. At the same time, it must be persuing all the democratic doctrine. For the same reason JI happens to be the sole democratic faction out of the entire bulk of political parties in Pakistan.It has been observing democratic norms and fashion in the selection of its leadership at every possible level.The charter of JI vividly includes the following statement! “The party will be functioning democratically for bringing a revolution and keeping in view the public reformation.”32 Sayyad Mawdudi has illustrated his methodology in the following fashion“We have undertaken it quite deliberately that a true system is the one that is being formulated under democratic spirits and style. Hence, it excludes the revolutionary means where by I mean secret conspiracies, un-lawful gestures and corrupt approaches. To change or replace a system, these are extremely improper methods. It is imperative to inculcate the principle, its mood and objective of a particular system

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into the minds of the common people. In this way, the common choice of the masses will approve quite self operatively and the resultant change would be correct and valid for lasting values.”33 So, it is the demand of such firm attachment with democracy that it must clarify the essential features of a real Islamic democracy. As such it was an obligation done by him nicely and with a sense of prideful beauty. He defines democracy in the following words: “Democracy happens to be the prime intentions of Quraan and Sunnah as well as the dominating ambition of the countrymen. It clearly implies that the country does not belong to a particular group or persons/ individuals but, it is infact sharable to all of them, who are living in it, or atleast it should be processed ahead under the consent of majority. They should enjoye this right and practical oppurtunity as a matter of principle to choose their leaders independently according to their will and similarly to remove them in the same measure.”34 Sayyad Mawdudi has illustrated the democratic system from the holly verse of the Holy Quraan- “Whosever, amongst you becomes and up-holder of faith and virtuous actions, then almighty Allah has given them a covenant to authorize them as a caliph on this earth”. (Al-Noor-55) He therefore, used to derive the two basic principles of Islamic democracy from the holy verse: 1)- “The word ‘Caliph’ has been used to signify the appointment of a leader of Islamic state, will be a representative of the sovereign authority, thus using the delegated powers entrusted in him by following all His sweet will and prescribed limitations/boundaries.” 2) - The holy verse promises with all the true believers to be made Caliphs and is not specified for a particular person, family or otherwise group of different individuals. Hence, in Islamic democratic society the following orders will be exist: 1)-“All the inividuals will enjoye an equal status of oppertunities. 2)-They will also enjoy an equal level of evolution of their persnality, growth of personal abilities of each and every person and party.

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3) - Such a society has no room for ditatorship, simply because each believer happens to be a caliph. The actual status of aleader is that all the Muslims or in literal meaning, all the caliphs will have to repose and cocenterate their willingness and authority of administrative objectives in him. On the one hand, he is answerable to almighty Allah on the other, before all those caliphs who have entrusted this caliphate in him. Now incase he becomes an irresposible dictator, so he will earn the position of a traitor, instead of being a caliph be dictatorship is infact the negation of caliphate under common term.” 35 4) - “Such a society must be providing the right of self-determination to every male and female muslim havng a level of reasoning and rationality for the entitlement a caliphate.”36 Sayyed Mawdudi had a clear mind that a democratic system has the following five liabilities: 1) - “Ditribution of Powers: “Executive, Judiciary, and Legislative must have a crystal clear sphere of working. 2)- Civil liberties and fundamental rights must be guaranted upon which the supervison of judiciary must be empowerd. 3) - The promulgation of administrative and legal steps to preserve the freedom of elections by ensuring the real viladity of the results in the eyes of common people to be given a touch of satisfaction. 4)- The Rule of Law: The leader of the subject must be handeled under one and similar law to observe that the courts njoy the right to apply the same on every citizen. 5)- The government employees wether belong to civil or military services must not intervene and accept the ruling model for obedience, which enjoyes the constitutional majority of the people to handover such authority to the ruler.” 37 At another place, while describing some charicteristics of the Islamic democratic system, he wrotes: “ 1)-The head of the state and his government shall not be dictatorial but, consultative in nature – means that he will progress perform hid dties after consulting his elected members for the obligation of the government. 2)-He shall not be authorized to hold in abeyance the elected government, partially or otherwise in full. 3) - The head of the state shall enjoy just the equal rights of the common public and he will not be above of law. 4) - the faction authorized for the

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election of head of the state, shall exercise powers for his legal removal under the image of majority” 38 “He regards freedom of expression and genuine criticism to be the basic features of a democratic set up.” 39 But, at the same time he has distinguish between islamic and western democracy, thus he wrote: “The democdracy of the westren style claims the common people to be the sovereign authirity, while the muslim consider that the common and qualified people entitled to become the caliphs. Th affairs that state demand a high regard to the public opinion which can form or modify the style of any gonernment, and likewise our drmocracy also asks for the same pattern. But, the main distingtion is that western democracy consider the state to be fully authorised by the people while, according to Islamic concept, democratic caliphate is bound to observe the will of the ‘Devine’.” 40 The sincere efforts rendered by Sayyed Abul Aala Mawdudi in favor of democratic obligations, were not cofined to his thoughts boudaries…..rather he wanted that the country should be handeled under the charge of islamic princiles and democratic norms. So, he was one of those prominent political elders, without giving a reference to him, the democratic and hitorical struggle of Pakistan would not be accomplished. Different statements of the political leaders and books on political history in Pakistan testify the fact in the same measure as a writer the eldest political leader of Pakistan; Nawabzada Nasrullah khan states: “Since 1947 till 1958, the party has sided with democratic elements for vivil liberties under the leadership of Sayyed Mawdudi. A number of political alliances were set up in 1962 like National Democratic Front (NDF) or United Opposition etc, Pakistan Democratic Movement (PDM), or United Democratic Majlis-e-Amal ….. JI Pakitan has been shoulder to shoulder in all such political movements. Atlast, we succeeded in our demand for direct elections on the basis of parliamentary system by casting votes from president Ayub Khan. Afterward, during Bhutto regime, United Democratic front (UDF) and than pakistan Natinal Alliance were established successfully for democratic freedom and values, so the party also was in the front line.” 41

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The most prominent stage of the democratic struggle of Sayyed Mawdudi was in times of Ayub Khan’s dictatorship period in which he criticised quite openly by voicing loudly to establish democracy in the country. The famous political historianKhalid bin Saeed writes in his book ‘The Political System of Pakistan’. “It may be noted that Mawdudi and the Juama’at have expressed themselves in favor of a democratic regime in their opposition to Ayub’s system of government.” 42 During 1958, the following passage under his leadership….expressing his association with real democracy: “The party has the ambition for a real and most healthy democracy to be established in which all the citizens must be upholders of rationality inorder to exercise there free opinion in the formation and demolishing of the government.” 43 In this way, most of the political alliances were characterised prominently in advancing a political proceeding for establishing a democratic system in Ayub Khan Tenure, the following were most remarkable, Democratic Action Committee, Pakistan Democratic Movement, and Combined Opposition Parties (COP).” 44 The democratic and views and efforts of Sayyad Maududi cannot be covered in these few pages, it’s just a collective analysis of his struggle and democratic thoughts. It was his mission of life to demonstrate the Islamic democratic system and domination of the will of God. He was really convinced that Islamic system is the name of a real democratic set up and as result all the efforts of his life can be regarded as truthful democratic adventures. Nowadays, Pakistan undergoes democratic democratic phenomena once again and JI of Sayyad Mawdudi has become a torch bearer in the front line.

Qazi Hussain Ahmad’s Views: Qazi Hussain Ahmad added, on the question of “What type of Islamic system of government we desire for?” 45. So then, with respect to this question he said that this question was styled out for the demand for the demand of Islamic system soon after the creation of Pakistan. It was there and then the liberal minded elements questioned……which type of Islam and of which Islamic school of thought?

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While answering this question he pointed out that thirty one Islamic scholars from different schools of thoughts organised almost twenty two major and aggriable outlines. In which the basic characteristics of Islamic system were enutiated. Prior to this, as a result of the demand for the Islamic constitution, the Objective Resolution was aggreed upon on March 1949, by the first constituent assembly, under the leadership of Liaqat Ali Khan, he added. He declared that the Objective Resolution happens to be the actual bases of constitution. The Supreme Court of Pakistan has recognised it as a foudation for the state in its various verdicts, where in it has been decided that even the elected parliament does not enjoy the the authority to bring about changes in this resolution or shuffle the state from this basis. The sole sovereignity of almighty Allah has been recognised upon the entire universe in the ‘Objective Resolution’ and the people of Pakistan have been entrusted the right to utilised its custody within the prescribed boundaries of the ‘Divine Authority’. The common people will use this delegated status for theier chosen representatives. Democracy, freedom, equality, tolerance and social justice shall be the actual guiding principles for Islamic interpretation and action carried out there upon. It will be a stae obligation to enable the Muslims that they should managed and led their lives according to the liabilities of Quraan and Sunnah, in theirindividual and collective fashion. Further he stated, the ‘Objective Resolution’ also ensures the religious rights of the minorities along with a gaurantee for their fundamental rights. These fundamental rights includes an equal rule of law for all, social and political justice, freedom of expression, belief, religious worshiping and congrigational liberty. The full and complete freedom and suirty for judiciary is also embodied in the Objective Resolution. It was given an empathetic endursement by the JI and its founder Mawdudi had also recognised Pakistan as an Islamic state. There was also a great influence by Maulana Shabir Ahmad Usmani in the approvsl of ‘Objective Resolution’. He further elaboratd that the Objective Resolution itself admits the fact on priority bases that the state is responsible of educating and training the prople that----all of them should be able to understand islamic liabilities to be observed in the shaping out of their individual and collective life. According to him, in the wording of

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Objective Resolution ‘It is the basic obligation of the government to shape out society by observing the Islamic requirements’. He catagorically said in the Musharaf’s era, that Islam and democracy are the undisputed pillar of the state, have been made contravercial. He further added that the common people stand deprived of their fundamental rights. The Judiciary has been restrained and there is personal ruling of a single person, who enjoys to the full black and white of this country. What is the actual expediency and interests...its fate will not decided by the court or an institution but, just by a single man who himself has declared to be the chief executive and president, simultaneously. It has been regarded as a rebellion even to talk against him. He has been given the right for bringing necessary amendments whatever he likes, or otherwise to do lrgislation by suspending other parts of the constitution. He has practically proved that he can sign any international treaty/package because there is no one stopping him in the path. He (Musharaf) remarked while speaking in France “I command and they fallow”. Qazi added, that the charter of an Islamic system has reflected in the Objective Resolution, in which the constitution of Pakistan explains the matter too much. It demands such a government in the country which should be under the full trust of the common people, in the shape of genuinely elected representatives and not to be imposed forcefully. He also stressed that an absolute freedom of judiciary happens to be another feature of the Islamic system of governmnt. He pointed out that an indiscriminate justice is the quality of this Islamicism. He stronly emphasised that real freedom does not seem to be possible without individual and collective liberty and expression of opinion. To establish a real and justifiable society is the main objective of Islamic system, each member of which enjoyes the conviction of being independent and honourable citizen of his nation. He further elaborated that each individual of the state should be fearless of everything except almighty Allah and simultaneously he must not be obliged to and dependant to any one. According to Qazi the stae and society are purpose to be the custodian and defender for his honour and property. The individual is not to be a slave to anyone or vice versa.

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To him, each individual should embellish with the basic education, wether male/female. The basic aminitiesmust also be equally available to everyone alongwith basic education and other necessities of life. He elevated that in this way a nation comes into existance, from the combination of different individuals-- such a nation will becomes self reliant as well as self respected. He added that destitution and begging happens to be counter running to self reliance. Depending upon own resources, standindng on sound putting, gaining self sufficiency in basic aminities and food etc, negotiating with other nations or equal terms, avoiding begging and taking loans, defending one’s own freedom and egoism becomes the obligation of an independent and honourable country, he added. He also distinguished that the Islamic leadership and its workers will not accept any distingtion after joining the government. They would rather present themselves equally before the law, like all other citizens. If, the country enjoys a government of such poitical party, inorder to become the practical model before the consttutional codification, then the rule of law shall be realized gradually al by itself. Each department and institution will be restored under the rule of law, every invidual wil enjoyhis full rights, all the department will be rectified, bribery and nepotism shall be pressdown, everyone will do and perform his duties lovingly, peace will be restored and the courts shall also performing excellently. Ameer-e-Juma’at-i-Islami Pakistan Sirajul Huq Views: “JI means no harm to democracy”: Sirajul Haq” 46 “Provincial assembly represents trust of the people and they have not taken the reports of assembly’s dissolution positively,” he observed. Sirajul Haq dubbed as wrong the Federal government’s decision to ‘hand over Islamabad under army’s control’.He said the nation’s boat was stuck in a whirlpool and it had to be pulled out to safety through mutual consultation. On another occasion he categorically expressed as: “Won’t allow derailment of democracy: Sirajul Haq”47 Sirajul Haq and Khursheed Shah were speaking to media persons after holding a meeting here in the backdrop of Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf’s Azadi March and Pakistan Awami Tehreek’s Revolution March.Sirajul Haq said the entire nation is apprehensive on whatever is happening in Islamabad but added that derailment of democracy and

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constitution will not be allowed in any circumstances. “Martial law had never proved appropriate for Pakistan,” the JI Ameer observed. Opposition leader in National Assembly, Khursheed Shah said one should not lose hope. “We should put our heads together to come up with a solution of the issue at hand,” he added. “Siraj ul Haq, Abdul Malik agree to resolve crisis through dialogue”: 48 Jamaat-e-Islami Ameer Sirajul Haq and Chief Minister of Balochistan Dr Abdul Malik Baloch had a telephone conversation to talk over the current political scenario. Both leaders agreed to resolve the political crisis through dialogue. In a conversation between Ameer Jamaat-e-Islami Sirajul haq and Dr Abdul Mallick the current political situation was analyzed. Sirajul Haq said that his part is fully striving for the safeguard of democracy and to protect the integrity of constitution. In order to save the democratic process and maintain political stability in the country, Jamaat-eIslami is in touch with all the political parties, said Sirajul Haq. He stressed the importance of resolving the political differences in a democratic way. On the other hand, Chief Minister of Balochistan was of the view that the current political crisis can be resolved through negotiations and dialogue.In order to normalize the current political turmoil caused by Imran Khan and Tahirul Qadri’s rallies and the latest sit-in protests outside the parliament, Sirajul Haq is holding meetings with other political party leaders. Earlier, in a meeting between Jamat-e-Islami Ameer Sirajul Haq and Opposition leader in National Assembly and of Pakistan People’s Party Syed Khursheed Shah at his residence in Karachi and both leaders discussed the current political crisis.Sirajul Haq said that the political leadership should resolve the crisis politically, the democracy should not be derailed at any cost, and stressed that martial law is not an answer to the current political scenario. According to opposition leader Khursheed Shah all the parties should sit down and resolve the political differences.Speaking with media after the meeting, Sirajul Haq said that the protest rallies in Islamabad are causing problems throughout the country. He is of the view that democracy should not be derailed at any cost. Khursheed Shah, on the other hand, said that we must not lose hope and there would be no compromise on the supremacy of the Constitution, rule of law and continuation of

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democracy. Earlier, Governor Punjab Chaudhry Mohammad Sarwar contacted Jamaat-e-Islami chief Sirajul Haq and discussed prevailing political crisis.The leaders contacted each other after anti-government protestors led by Pakistan Tehreeke-Insaf chief Imran Khan and Pakistan Awami Tehreek Chairman Dr. Tahirul Qadri arrived in the federal capital to hold sit-in till Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif’s resignation. Later, a meeting was scheduled between Ch Sarwar and Sirajul Haq in Mansoora area. “Politicians should learn from past mistakes, resolve

issues amicably”: 49 Siraj-ul-Haq Amir Jamaat-e-Islami (JI) Siraj-ul-Haq said politicians should learn from past mistakes and resolve their issues amicably for strengthening democracy. Talking to news channel, he said unity among political parties was imperative for existence and promotion of democracy in the country. He hoped that the current political issue would be resolved through dialogue between Pakistan Tehreek-i-Insaf (PTI) and the government as there was already agreement between them on majority of points. To a question, the JI chief said state institutions were in favour of resolving the issue through political means and negotiations. Commenting on Pakistan Awami Tehreek (PAT) decision to end the sit-in, Siraj-ul-Haq said PAT chief Dr Tahirul Qadri should have decided this earlier especially after the police registered a First Information Report (FIR) of the Model Town incident. However, he said it was a good decision of PAT to end the sit- in and prayed for good health of Tahirul Qadri suffering from heart ailment. Replying to a question, the JI chief said his party was working on the manifesto to ensure provision of all basic facilities like home, education, health and edible food items at controlled rates to the common man across the country. About recent decrease in prices of petroleum products, Siraj- ul-Haq welcomed it and appreciated the government for giving relief to the public. It would help bring down the inflation rate, he added. To another question, he said bilateral relations between Pakistan and India could not improve without resolving the longstanding issue of Kashmir in accordance with the wishes of its people. He said

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Kashmiris must be given their legitimate right of self-determination according to the resolutions passed by the UN Security Council.

78

REFERENCES 1-

Quoted in Marching towards democracy A collection of articles, statements and speeches,1970-71 By Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto reproduced in pdf form, by Sani Pansar available at accessed on 2 june, 2014, at 2.00 AM.

2-

Public Speech, Launching the Election Campaign, Nishtar Park, Karachi, January 4, 1970

3-

Ibid

4-

Ibid

5-

Public Speech, The Change in Foreign Policy, Liaquat Gardens, Rawalpindi, January 17, 1970

6-

Public Speech at Mardan, Basic Issues are Economic, February 25, 1970

7-

Speech at a Public Meeting, Socialism is Islamic Equality, Gujrat, March 1, 1970

8-

Ibid

9-

Speech at a Public Meeting, India’s Attack on Pakistan, Lahore, March 8, 1970

10-

Ibid

11-

Speech at a Public Meeting, A Long March for People’s Rights, Abbottabad, April19, 1970

12-

Public Speech, Equality without Justice, Mansehra, April 20, 1970

13-

Public Speech, Their Watches Stopped In 1950, Dera Ismail Khan, April 23, 1970

14-

Speech at the Opening of the P.P.P. Office, Orangi Karachi, July 7, 1970

15-

Benazir Bhutto’s Speech, Democracy in Muslim World and Pakistan essential to avert Dangers, John Hopkins University School of Advanced International Studies

February

6,

2007,

available

at 79

http://www.ppp.org.pk/mbb/speeches/speeche80.html

accessed

on

28

April,2014, at 10.Am. 16-

Ibid

17-

Ibid

18-

Ibid

19-

Ibid

20-

Ibid

21-

Ibid

22-

Quoted in Akhtar Hijazi, Guftar-e-Maududi, Idara Ma arif-e-Islami Mansoora, Lahore, June 2008. p.4.

23-

Ibid, p.5

24-

Ibid, p.7

25-

Quoted in Akhtar Hijazi, op.cit.

26-

Ibid

27-

Qazi Sultan Mahmood, ‘Sayyed Mawdudi Key Jamhuri Afkaar’, unpublished

28-

Khurram Murad, Hikmat-e-adeen Mafhoom Taqazey aur Buniadi Osool, Monthly Tajuman-ul-Quraan, 1999. P.41

29-

Sayyed Qutb Shaheed Translated by Khalil Ahmad, ‘Jada-o-Manzil’ Islamic Publicationns Lahore, 1991. p.207

30-

Sayyed Abul Aala Mawdudi, ‘Islami Riyasat’ Islamic Publications, Lahore,1988. P. 541)

31-

Sarwat Solat, ‘Mawlana Mawdudi Ki Taqareer (part- 2), Islamic Publications Lahore, 1980. P. 140

32-

Dastoor-e-Juma’at-i-Uslami Pakistan, 1997. p. 15. Art-3

33-

Mawlana Mawdudi ki Taqareer, opcit. P.96

80

34-

Sayyad Abul Aala Mawdudi, ‘Tafheemaat (Part- 5), Idara Tarjuman-ul-Quraan Lahore, 1990. P. 174

35-

Islami Riasat Opcit. P.143

36-

Ibid., p.143

37-

Sayyed Abul Aala Maududi, op.cit., P.178

38-

Solat Sarwat, op.cit., p.216

39-

Mawlana Mawdudi, op.cit., p.433

40-

Ibid., p.320

41-

Nawabzada Nasrullah Khan, ‘Juma’at-i-Islami ne hamesha Jamhoori Anasir ka saath diya’ Roznama Jasarat, November 9, 1989

42-

Saeed Khalid bin, ‘The Political System of Pakistan’ Civil and Military Press, Karachi, 1987. p.169

43-

Sayyad Ahmad Gilani, ‘Juma’at-i-Islami Jamhoori aor Shuraai Nizaam’ Roznama Jasarat Karachi, November 1989

44-

Hassan Askari Rizwi ‘Military and Politics in Pakistan’ n.d, pp.119-120 (see also Sayad Wali Raza Nasr, Vangaurd of Islamic Revolution, The Jama'at-iIslami of Pakistan,

Pakistan. Berkeley: University of California Press,Â

1994. Pp.159-161 45-

Asia, 27 February 2002., p.11

46-

The News, August 02, 2014

47-

Available

at

http://pakistan.worldnewsviews.com/2014/08/17/ppp-ji-wont-

allow-democracy-to-be-derailed/ accesed on August 17, 2014 48-

ISLAMABAD, Dunya News, AUGUST 21, 2014 also available at http://www.dunyanews.tv

49-

Buisiness Recorder, Pakistan’s Financial Daily, and Premier Thursday, 04 December 2014

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CHAPTER - 3 STRUGGLE FOR DEMOCRACY IN PAKISTAN: THE ROLE OF JI AND PPP 3.1 DEMOCRATIC STRUGGLE OF THE PPP Foundation and Social Origins of the PPP “The Pakistan people’s party is Zulfikar Ali Bhutto”, 1 This statement is often used in the PPP. Definitely, it is complicated to visualize the ppp, not including its founder/ the first Chairman. Irrespective of excessively overstatement, it can be said that the supremacy of the one entity is the vital factor shaping the organization and political guidelines in use by the party. May it would be meaningful to differentiate here among an organization bases or Bolshevik type of party that emphasized the discipline, ideology, objectives of the party and a single leader. The other party model was ‘Fuhreristic’ in which objective of the organization and ideology are subordinated to the particular tendencies and revelation of the utmost boss. In spite of the fact, that equally they are gathering movement phenomena. The Bolshevik party copy is the extra systematically radical in them its aims to confine the pre accessible state institutions and to furnish them to its personal ideological, as well as political goals. Fuhrerist parties hence are likely to reduce their individual organization becoming part of the state appratus. Evidently, away as of party state dealings, these two models have very significant outcomes in conditions of control styles, organizational strategies recruitment political and ideological emphases. In its early years, when it was not in government, the party was not completely a Fuhrerist party though the tendency toward single leader dominance was visible to anyone who looked strictly as much as necessary. Those were the days of the dominancy of the ideological building of the social gathering. It styled the outer sign of the Bolshevik copy in its prerequisite for a Chairman and a central committee and its grass roots organization’s plan. However, in the cultural and political circumstances established in Pakistan, it was possibly merely a subject of time prior to the PPP would change itself evidently interested in a fuhrerist party through this practice was sound and was in progress prior to the 1970 election , it became further

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clear in the days of its authority. The prolonged inner great effort between the ideological and the political stances, made the Party like a midway composition era of mass polities. What held the party together in these circumstances was the remarkable ability of Z.A Bhutto to stand above this interior rift in the party and to function in the previous privileged order which at the same time as arousing gathering sectors with the forces of his image and his demand for foremost societal alteration.

3.2

THE PPP EMERGENCE AND THE LAST STAGE OF AYUB’S ERA The period, between his (Z.A Bhutto) departure from the cabinet and founding

of PPP was for ZA Bhutto one of the calculated manoeuvre to keep his political prospects afloat to gauge the intentions of an increasingly hostile government, to understand the directions of public opinion, and to test the strengths and weaknesss of the varios opposition parties and their leaders. In this period, he experienced various optional strategies in his exploration for a reliable essential function in national political affairs, the very of them we may name ‘in-house strategy/internal strategy’ as it was estimated on expending a pre existing political stand within the system. The rest of alternatives were all forms of an external strategy. It refers, Tashkent regularity and employing it either (1) to generate an alliance of opponent/ opposition parties led by the pre Ayub khan elites.(2) to deal of access into the leadership rank of an established opposition party, or (3) to put in order his personal political party and to seek power through socialist policies. However, political condition would slowly shift Z.ABhutto far from the internal strategy in the direction of establishing his personal party, it’s part of the measure of the men, and a mark of his outstanding political quickness, that he did not practice all those changes in sequences, however at the same time as it is. This practice of dealings along with manifold arenas certainly effect a mass miscoceptions, loose ends and beaten egos, however it was, and would continue, feature of Bhutto’s political fashion. Like Piloo Mody has printed “Zulfi has always been fond of saying that consistency is the hallmark of mediocrity and has then…set out to prove his own greatness.”2 A Punjabi elected official, who had been left hanging by one of Bhutto’s unkept assurances during this period , “described this technique as the calculated use of unpredictability”3. Someone has conceived it as a Machiavellian cunning. An 83

analysis which set up a soon after come back in Khan Abdul Wali khan’s frustrated declaration to the Guardian (London) that “Bhutto is not the sort of person you can do business with”.4 Evidently, that was a time of complicated talks used for the ex- Foreign minister. Not including dully tracing all of his visions, political and geographical, around Pakistan, allows me to feel briefly on Bhutto’s quest of all dynamics and options.

3.3 INTERNAL STRATEGY The ‘internal strategy’, was a potetial alternative for this reason. First, Bhutto already had pockets of support in the army, among younger and lower grade civil servants, and in the ‘Convention Muslim League’ and its affiliated student organization, the Muslim ‘Student Federation (MSF)’. Secondly, the regime was apparantly not happy at the prospect of Bhuto moving decisively into the opposition. According to Bhutto, for more then a year, after his break with Ayub he was contacted at various times and places by the emissaries of the president- ambassadors, police and intelligence officers, a central cabinet ministers, Governor Musa, and members of Ayub family- ‘unofficial advisor on foreign affairs. The driving force of those efforts was in Bhutto’s words, to allow him to, “remain in active political provided I avoided one or two sensitive subjects and gave a categorical undertaking that I would not personally contest the president election of 1970”.5 However, he would not be prepared to accept Ayub khan on those conditions, Bhutto was not more than trying to observe if rather might be completed every part of this. Happening, his earliest trip to Lahore next to the coming back as of Europe in October 1966, he had stationed himself at Falettish Hotel and met a chain of delegations collected of lawyers, students and a variety of political bodies. Surrounded by the student wings, was that of the MSF (Muslim Students Federation). It had adopted Bhutto as its national patron in 1965 and it now declared that it woud follow him whenever he decided o go politically, thus becomong the first organization to back the future Prime Minister6. More significantly he also met with, what we may call it the Islamic socialism group of writers, professors, and journalists who had gathered around the magazine “Nusrat” a monthly of highly literacy quality. .

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It had became the medium in favor of a group of thinkers, in them, Hanif Ramay, Safdar mir (zeno), Professor Muhammad Usman and Maulana Ghulam Rasul mehr, who required to build up Islamic socialism as a scholarly association that would facilitate the country, completely with rtespect to its religious fundamentals, to get a way to innovation between the materialistic stances on the left and frequent westernization and religious on the right. Consectively, the September and October, 1966 Nusrat’s editions had strongly preached and boosted the Islamic Socialism. It was the mainly far-reaching dealing the matter had time-honored in Pakistani text and it would ultimately turn into as Hanif Ramay laid down it, “the Bible of the people’s movement”. His group had cordial relations with the Conventional Muslim leagues and a most dynamic person. He was the founder of yhe Nusrat on one side and the propaganda secretary of the west wing CVML (Convential Muslim League). He was also the supporter of MSF (Muslim Students Federation ), at the thirty five of his age. He was disappointed by the Tashkant accord of Ayub Khan with India. In this connection now it was great opportunity for him to start team work with his group of intellectuals and supporters, especially the Z.A Bhutto for the Islamic Socialism to revive the country’s political fortune.7 A document to set the result was arranged and offered to Bhutto at the meeting. It is worth mentioning that Bhutto initially in public utilizd the idea on 23 November, 1966, when he observed that Pakistan’s problem could not be solved until it become a “true Islamic socialist state”.8 This observation was made at the famous meeting at Lahore YMCA Hall, organized by the MSF, at which Bhutto spoke on Afro-Asian issues to an overflow crowd. It was his first public appearance in West Pakistan after leaving the government. Later on October, debate in Lahore, Bhutto had gird up to sustain the program of a forward Bloc of moderate forces within the CVML. The countrywide journalists had reported two days earlier than Bhutto’s speech by the side of YMCA. This idea was vigorously resisted by the CVML high command, who recommended Daultana’s classic use of the old leagu’s organization to gain Punjab Chief Ministership from Mamdot in 1951, and by the presidential circle, which rightly saw it as an attack on Ayub’s policies. Indeed after his October discussion, Bhutto found himself excluded from the inner councils of the CVML. He received no credentials for the meeting of

85

either its Working Committee or the Council held at Dhaka in November 1966, though he was the member of both the bodies. On 10 December 1966, the president of the West Pakistan CVML, Malik Khuda Bukhs Bucha , a bureaucrat turned politician, ruled out the possibility of any forward or backward block in the Muslim League, and suggested that Bhutto either accept the view that the government party was to function an aid to economic and social development, not as an instrument for discontented to gain power or quit the party altogather. Though Bucha’s statement seems to shut off the forward block alternative. 9 Bhutto neither executed a hasty departure from League, nor discontinue his contacts with sympathatic elements in the regime. At late as 8 February 1967, he was honoured at Lahore by a group of civil officers. Bhutto did not resign from the Convention League until April 1967.

3.4

EXTERIOR APPROACH; ASSOCIATED BY OPPOSITION GROUPS Along with these negotiations, the ex- foreign minister was searching the

potential of an outdoor approach. Bhutto had warmly held up along with metropolitan groups, in them included lawyers, the bookish/writers and educational intellectuals. However, predominantly among the wider student wings in the West Pakistan was very active iin this regard. No other group had been more deeply affected by the war, Tashkent and the pro-China eupharia that followed. Apart from the well organized groups associated with the conservative Juma’at-i-Islami, Bhutto had captured this constituency long before he had been removed from the government. “.Ample evidence of this support was demonstrated in the huge crowd that assembled to greet Bhutto in Rawalpindi, Lahore and Karachi after the announcement of this leave of absence from the cabinet.”10

The decision to travel by train from Rawalpindi to Karachi before proceeding abroad was a calculated one, and the receptions at numerous stations along the way were organized by the students group, but the response nevertheless was massive and enthusiastic. The reality, that Bhutto remained quiet and apparently motivated throughout this passage, stimulating the dealings by further importance and attractions. The conclusion at the back of the pro China and opposed to US stance of the students, plus they demanding to him not to go out of the country, was a claim so as to the foreign minister to move forward and direct an opposed to Ayub lobby 86

group. Yet, by the side of that moment, and really all over his political line of business, Bhutto was doubtful of the strength and durability of student hold up. He was conscious of the speedy return of student wings and understood that student shore up could be seriously unsound and interrupted. Bhutto has organized to make use of their qualities when the time was mature. However, he was not ready to rely on them merely in support of his political prospects. Bhutto would have felt more comportable with a decision for early open opposition had the established opposition parties, closed ranks with him in a united front strategy reminiscent ( recalling the past experiences ) of that which produced the Combined Opposition Parties ( COP ) of the 1964-65 elections, that he sought and failed to secure such an option was clear. Even before leaving Rawalpindi, ha had a long meeting with Nurul Amin, leader of the opposition in the National Assambly, and reportedly discussed just such a possibility. In the 1966’s discussion, at Lahore, Bhutto had met with various political workers whose prior loyalties were with COP (Combined Opposition Parties), while an ex-COP group, unclearly led by Mian Faqir Muhammad, Supreme Court Advocate and President of the Pak-China Cultural Association, aliged with Bhutto at this time. The United Front initiative had failed to draw the required support of the key entities like Mohtarmah Fatima Jinnah, COP Presidential candidate in 1964-1965, and Main Mumtaz Khan Daultana, the central body in the post-EBDO Council Muslim League (CML). Its option was not the merely deviation of the outside approach initiated via Bhutto during this period. By all means, he was furthermore dynamic here, linked with the political parties in individual sphere. Regarding these, there was some controversy, Bhutto revealed as quoted in Philip E. Jhones’s Book: “Yes, there were general discussions with other parties, but there were no tergiversations on my part. This was done to see how the land lay and how the other parties and their leaders were thinking. These parties tried to get me into their ranks and made great efforts. Daultana, Nawabzada Nasrullah and the ANP tried. I had long discussions with these people and when they asked me to join them I couldn’t refuse

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absolutly. Instead I gave polite and vague answers. But I never promised and I never planned to join another party.”12 This contradicts what others perceived about Bhutt’s efforts during this period. Malik Ghulam Jillani: “He wanted the president ship of the council Muslim league and asked me to talk to Daultana about it”.13 Mairaj Muhammad khan: “At one pointBhutto was considering joining the NAP, if the Bhashani and Wali Khan groups could rejoin, or Awami League, if they would change their programme.” 14 Mian Muhammad Ali kasuri: “After he left the Ayub cabinet, Bhutto asked me on several occasions if he could join NAP”15 Bhutto was mainly concerned in each the Council Muslin League (CVML) or the National Awmi Party (NAP), although he hadn’t joined them. His debates went utmost in the company of the leftist, liberal and moderate NAP. Here, in a number of ways it was cleared Maulana Abdul Humid khan Bhashani, the leading NAP’s head, had enthusiatically favored the pro-China policy of the Bhutto in Ayub’s era. Moreover, the meeting with Mao Tse-ting and Chou en lai in October 1963, during that the Mao had asked Bhashani to give us an option to get deeper our closeness with our government.16

The Bengali peasant leader had motivated to the reasonable

perception in the company of the Ayub establishment. Moreover, in a deal with a trick exploited by Bhutto and Bhashani, had stirred and sat out the 1965 elections, an aspect which several believed that to enabled Ayub Khan to win in East Pakistan. 17 Both had met at Dhaka, in November 1966 and later on during the year and in early on 1967, met in the company of the west Pakistan NAP’s leaders, at the Lahore residence of M.A Kasuri who was the enthusiastic support on the NAP part of a proposal for Bhutto membership actually at least, the talks broke down above Bhutto insist for an assured position in the NAP and the second requirement that he came in like the ordinary member and prove himself before rising to a position of leadership. The Punjab NAP leadership, C.R Aslim, A.H .Manto, Major Ishaq, Shaukat Ali, Main Arif iftikhar and Mirza Ibrahim

were not convinced that Bhutto’s

ideological stances were valid and assumed that his disagreement to Ayub errupted basically of his removal from office of the cabinet. They were not insignificant concerns on behalf of an idividuals who loved their ideological firmness and who had great effort and tolerated for them in the labor and peasant movement. Another 88

important concern must have been the attractiveness of Bhutto’s personality in an organization that, for all its Marxist pretensions, was still essentially a collection of parrellel leader followers groups held together at the top by a collective leadership committee. As one old communist leader noted, ‘the pirs of the left were afraid that Bhutto would steal their followers. This is, infact what happened, but it happened from the outside when the new Pakistan Peopl’s Party later co-opted most of the leader echelon NAP-Bhashani group workers. Beyond these ideological and organizational issues were political concerns. These had much to do with the fact that the NAP alongwith its allied students group, the National Students Federation (NSF), was then in the process of breaking into two groups, after years of internal strain, now exacerbated by the increasingly temptuous / very stormy Sino Soviet rift. The follow-on of this was the coming out of two separate groups in the NAP: the pro Moscow, provinialist NAP Abdul wali Khan (NAP-W) group,with its bases of support in the minority provincees of West Pakistan, and the pro-Peking, anty feudalist NAP Bhashani group (NAP-B), with its strength in Punjab, East Pakistan and Karachi. The growing dis-organization of NAP was evident to Bhutto in his contacts with the Punjab leaders. It was an aspect on which he attempted to play in his negotiations, but it also added weight to the argument, increasingly heared in leftist circles in Karachi and Punjab, that the NAP was on the decline and the time was ripe for a new progressive party in the west. Indeed, the NAP had been spoiled by its organization, though implied, in the company of the Ayub Regime. It was the case during January 1967, when the NAP-B identified itself with the government’s position on the successful railway workers strike. This strike was carried out to protest the rapid post war inflation, despite the opposition to it of both the government sponsored ‘official’ union and the more popular unofficial union, headed by Mirza Ibrahim and associated with the NAP_B. Evidently the regime was able to persuade Ibrahim that the CIA was behind the strike and, in solidarity with the ‘anti –imperialist’ and pro-China Regime. The NAB opposed the strike only to find its union leaders by passed by more militant’s gross roots leader among the workers. 18 This strike which halted all mainline rail service in West Pakistan, for two days and left at least three strikers dead, shook the established left in West Pakistan, for it showed that the NAP-B had not only lost touch with its

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most important constituency but, also with the powerful undercurrents of antigovernmet opinion in the province. It also suggested that that labor crisis could produce new leaders that might not be constrained by prior political affiliations. It is certainly of note that most of these new leaders, as well as NAP-B union organization who broke with the party line on the strike, would be among the first trade unions to join the PPP. 19 Despite, their non success, Bhutto talks with the opposition parties were an important indications of the direction in which he wanted to move. The fact that made his most concerted efforts with the Convevtional Muslim League, and the National Awami Party (NAP), is particularly significant. 20 For it suggests that Bhutto had come to envision the recreation of Muhammad Ali Jinnah’s broad nationalist coalition as the most effective means of countering, even overthrowing, the gripe of the vice-regal institutions on the state. Both parties were product of the Pakistan Movement, CML having the most direct organizational connection, the Punjab NAP tracing its political lineage through the Azad Pakistan Party to the progressive group in pre-1947 Punjab Muslim League. Like mentioned facts, in the detailed as given, each group, as social entities during the pre independence league were key to the accomplishment of the Pakistan development in Punjab, the Daultana bond, as it had brought the leading societal strength within the province. The various groups in rural as well as in urban areas accumulated their strengths. In them, Zamindariat, Progrerssive Groups (lawyers, students, artisans and the progressive ulemas) supported the Muslim League’s fundamental programs in 1946. The CML had been deeply damaged by its political failings during the precoup years. Moreover, the EBDO having expired on 31 December 1966, it was now an elite deeply divided between those who wanted to concert with the Ayub regime, in return for pre-requisites of power, and those who were admant in opposition. For Bhutto, who was aware that a reconstruction of Quaid-e-Azam’s natinalist coalitionalbeit on an expanded social base, required the broad polarization of political forces against bureaucratic forces, the vaccilation by the CML was unacceptable. The NAP posed more serious troubles for Bhutto. He saw its internal alliance of provincial autonomists and anti feudal revolution as a potential threat to the

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survival of the Pakistani state. The racial linguistic autonomists were seen the same as a danger to the dominance of Muslim nationalism. In similar to approach the opposing feudal revolutionaries were a risk to the means of social structure block in the unique state forming coalition, be supposed to nearby group come to power jointly within a mass movement, or touch by the Bengali nationalists of the Awami league, the consequence might sound be the break up of the state or the appearance of the yet the sound shape of Bonapartism. It is not that Bhutto was disparate in the direction of the anti feudal revolt. Its start was in one shape or another chronological need. Relatively, it was a worry that the shape it would similar to would have foremost long term outcomes in co-operation for the state. For Bhutto, then Pakistan most basic interests would best be protected but the anty feudal revolution could be submerged with in a strong recrudescence/ revival of material of a broader Pakistan nationalism. However, Bhutto would later be pushed farther than to be the left by a result of an urgent need or demand People’s Movement that he would otherwise have been inclined to go, he not at all lost sight of his unique/original conception. It would afterward be observable in various ways- in his attempts to convince Mian Manzar Bashir to put in order the PPP in West Pakistan, 21 in this quiet, but president courting/the body of directors of an organization, the old League zamindariat during the 1970 electionsand in the reality that it was the People’s Party in 1972 that at last put the Punjab Muslim League menifesto of 1946 into law.

3.5 THE NEW PARTY STRATEGY Although the reason of those stances ever more pushed him to reflect the idea of a new political party, the unique movement. The original impetus for such a strategy came less from Z.A Bhutto than from Jaludin Abdurahim (J.A Rahim). Once again, in his political career, an old man stepped forward to give Bhutto a new political direction An ex-ICS official, a man of prominent scholar regulation and an affirmed Marxist, Jalaluddin Abdur Rahim was the imminents in Pakistan. The son of a high court judge, Rahim had his early education in Madars and Calcutta, took higher degrees from Cambridge and Munich, and appointed as ICS (Indian Civil Servant) during 1931. His services in the ICS is the most excellent memories on behalf of his

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authorship of the Haj particulars , it led to better strength and flight services for Indian Muslims who prepared the pilgrimage to Mecca. In 1946, J.A Rahim was seconded to Egypt as a commissioner of Roads. While Pakistan comes into existance the next years, Rahim held early Egyptian ambassadorial credit on behalf of the new state and put up the first Pakistani charge in Cairo. He afterward assisted to organize the Foreign Office and the Pakistan Foreign Services and considered to be the foreign secretary. The maximum non political selection in the foreign ministry, afterward, in anticipation of his departure in 1966, he rendered within a variety of capitals like the country’s envoy.22 Retirement freed J.A Rahim to engage himself in progressive political circle both at home and in Europe. Anywhere he visited during 1966 and 1967, in addition to go after the plan of a legitimately socialist party intended for the country. He was a socialist greatly in the British tradition. Rahim’s links during that era were in the company of Lord Bertrand Russell, who had an immense respect and love in support of Bhutto. The North Vietnamese within Paris, the left division of the British Labour Party and leftist Pakistani immigrant circles in Britain the latter included Tariq Ali, an essential body in the Cambridge student movement of 1968, and the Pakistan Socialist Society (PSS), a London based group of students, young lawyers, and emigrant labour leader with ties to British trade union circle.23 One of the founding members of the PSS was Taj Muhammad Khan Langha, an adolescent advocate as of Lodhran Tehsil, awho was then a legal Advisor in the Ministery of Housing in Richard Crossman. Access the world press had provided those emigrant groups a serious assessment of the September War and opposite to their countrymen at home only some assumed Pakistan was the understandable field champion. Pakistan’s armed and ambassadorial shotcomings, they supposed, rooted out as of the composition of Pakistani culture. The hold of the military-bureaucratic elites, its intimate ties to feudal land lords and “comprador capitalists” (A section of an indigenous middle class allied with foreign investors, multinational corporations, bankers, and military interests) , and its servitude/ obedience to the neo-colonialist powers, through the technique of unequal deal, armed and intelligence dealings. 24 Their prescription was for a massive, systematic restructuring of Pakistani society along socialist lines. These were not new prescriptions, but the war had intensified

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and given them focus. Our incapability to succeed in opposition to India was degrading. One of the UK returned, PPP’s lawyer afterward recalled, and we observed what a well-built defense certainly existed on an economically and political tough society.25 In the wide-ranging claim for systemic alteration, there were various specific demands. One of the more common is the demand for the growth of heavy industry in Pakistan foundation of armed self capability. However, the key requirements for achieving the kind of basic changes farsighted and insighted by the left were the gaining of political power. In the meticulous political and social conditions in Pakistan, where the Nasserite element (Egyptian and pan Arab Movement) had been defeated of the equipped forces In 1951, the merely genuine way to authority was seen as that however a new political party which would demand to the peoples lying on the basis of a collective agenda. At this juncture, surely their prescriptions coincided in the company of individuals of J.A Rahim more as might be estimated in social order that was still largely paternalistic, which a party could be structured . Similar to Rahim, who had vigilantly observed him as of their existence in the foreign ministry, they saw Z.A Bhutto as the mainly evident being to fill up this position. At the same time as the just exceptional leader in the Ayub’s cabinet, and the maker of a moderate foreign policy. He had acquired huge plus point in the looks of the left disposed emigrants. “He was responsible for the first trade agreement with Russia. He guided and influenced the pro-China policy and made contact with such a progressive third world leaders as Nasir, Sukarno and Bin Bella. He gave a welcome touch of progressivism to Pakistani politics. His anty Indian stand was very influential.”26

The proposal of an innovative political party was presented to Bhutto by Rahim in Paris and with a number of emigrant groups, in London. Subsequent to his 31 October 1966 speech at Conway Hall, London to several thousand of Pakistani, he met wih the PSS organizer of this meeting. Here he was pressed to form a new left party, based on actual organization ather than personal cliques, with a socialist programme taken down to the people rather than simply slogans, and with professional cadre, who would hold national above personal interests, rather than the

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Basic Democrat functionary, who was typically subservient to the bureaucracy and very often also corrupt.27 In this regard, Bhutto’s socialist persuits are the distinct feature of his approaches/thinkings. He perceived that the party’s pre-requisites are sufficient funds, organizational skills, and the international links. Before November 1968 Movement, a sizable fund collected from PPP’s expariate/emigrants in Britain, and also from the British Labour Party. The most prominrnt member ofBhutto’s inner circle, Ghulam Mustafa Khar said, that Bhutto had decided to form new political party 28, after a successful meeting with Rahim in Paris. Although Rahim conceived that Bhutto was not confident in this connection, until they (Bhutto and Rahim) met again in Genewa, in 1967.29 From Bhutto’s life records/memories/accounts we come to know that he was commttitted to form a new party. He formed PPP after returned from Europe in 1967. Bhutto talks failure with NAP and CML does not mean the abandntment of his primary strategy. Only that he would have to pick up the loose end of the nationalist movement outside the body of established parties and weaves them into coherent organizational and programmatic whole. That was the genuine implication of Bhutto’s early on association in the company of Rahim, this affiliation was the crucial basics of a “Jinnahist” alliance of nationalist and radical social fundamentals. Rahim relied on these factors, and also on Z.A Bhutto’s strong concerns of the protection of Pakistan while he told this student. “Bhutto owns learning was always nationalistic. He always emphasized the the nationalistic side, while I inclined the other way and emphasized the internal social change, believing that we could take the nation, and its existence in the frame-work of the state, for granted.”30

Surely, as of the start of his previous cabinet era there were groups and individuals in Punjab that persuaded Bhutto on the way to shape a fresh political party.31 This was predominantly the reply of the new societal groups that were, not including well-built earlier political firmness, approaching into the political ring. On behalf of these groups, the well-known parties of in cooperation with the government and opposition were fake coins which had deceived the national concern. In the post Tashkent environment, of political upheaval in Punjab Bhutto as sought out through a

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figure of moderate groups to identical thought the usual political growth of the nation had turn into detracked subsequent to the coup of 1958. Those were official organizations similar to the bar associations and student federations, the similar as unofficial political chat groups. The second, which are usually identified as halqas (circles) were wings of politically oriented general public who met frequently to discuss and talk about the issues of the day.32 In February 1967, Bhutto had worked through different choices existing toward him and partially in respond to the stresses of the unstructured electorate that was starting to set about him, was ready to get a new open position in opposition to the Ayub Regime. His previous speech at Conway Hall the YMCA and Islamia College had lying on foreign Policy and were only obliquely critical of Ayub’s polices, although they pledged sure messages and informations for the future. In his speeches and meeting with the Colligiate Students Body at Lahore, on 24 February 1967, Bhutto condemned Ayub’s regimepublicly, 33 and demanded for the democratic government after two days of the meeting.34 Here, a text dispersed, after that day not printed via the media, he demanded a judgment of the people resting on all state hurdles, as well as posed a series of metaphorical questions which come into view, planned to plea, toward a range of revolt of the divers opposition: “Is the future of the people of Pakistan to be based on economic exploitation and inequality or is it to rest on socialist principles of equality and egalitarianism? Is the ideological basis and state sovereignty to be strengthened or is to become a victim of international power politics? Is the rule of law and the freedom of the individual to be inherent composition? Is the future to be based on the universal participation of the people or is the order of the day to…. be governed by then monopoly of power.”35 On 27 February, Bhutto was programmed to attend the Lyallpur bar association and drove down with Ghulam Mustafa Khar, who was hereafter to turn into his regular accompanying person and generally a person of various jobs for him and for the party as well as to a large extent to his revelation, Bhutto was hailed through excited demonstrations of peasants and townsmen each and every one along the fifty unusual miles connecting Sheikhupura and Lyallpur. Far, from the Lyalpur, Bhutto’s car welcomed by an immense crowd of the people and to noise their 95

slogans---- Ayub khan kutta hi hi and Bhutto zindabad. Bhutto made speech for them from the bugalows with out loud speaker. In a country wherever it is doubtful of all unstructured demonstrations, this occasion does give the impression to have been now that intended unstructured demonstrations by and large encompass additional substantive slogans. One Lyallpur’s lawyer noticed so as to more than one hundred buses a day run from Lahore to Lyallpur , recommended that Bhutto speeches of the earlier day, in somebody's company with the news that he was approaching to Lyallpur, had extend extremely quickly along the road and all the way through the city . He compared this utterance of mouth, the message with the intention of of the enormous revolt of 1857, when chapattis (indigenous bread) were distributed as a sign of revolution. It should moreover noted that Lyallpur the Manchester of Pakistan is a growing manufacturing city, which fourth-fold its residents between1957and 1972 and which is encircled through canal colony villages whose residents have generally been extra politically alert than the peasantry of the old settled areas. The Lahore and Lyallpur meetings showed that key suggestion of opposition rested in Punjab by practically all societal point and that rather of a political development was thrilling the lower social guidelines. His progress into open opposition at the moment while supplementary opposition leaders were unvoiced, served to set up Bhutto illustration as an opposition form and to allay the doubts of some, but by no way all who counted his current closeness with Ayub Khan. He also began to feel the hard pressures of being in the opposition. On the one hand there were the demands of the constituency for greater militancy he was confronted at Lyallpur regarding his constant membership in the CVML and grateful too early to disconnect himself, openly at least, as of the government party.36 Lying on the other hand, the government started to intimidate and bother Bhutto and his supporters to provide audience toward his previous political enemies in Larkana District. It also started to impose section 144 CCP, lying on any city or town where he went to speak, thereby in suspense to make certain that not anything distantly similar to level of proceedings by the side of Lyallpur would reoccure. 37 During June 1967, in the sharp environment shaped by the Arab Israeli six mass rally in Lahore Gol Bagh. The meeting was disobedience of section 144 CCP, pointed out Bhutto readiness to step up his opposition as of oral disapproval to a conflict in the

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road. The management responded by herding the grounds and introducing live wires and by distributing in a company of wicked men to disturb the gathering and rough up Bhutto, the entire of which succeeded in throwing to rally forever into chaos next to the beginning of Bhutto’s speech. It moreover places the responsibility lying on the management for stand-in to split up a in favor of Arab’s rally.

3.6 THE FOUNDING OF THE PAKISTAN PEOPLE’S PARTY The government hadn’t dispersed the Gol Bagh gathering, 38 Bhutto committed with his political distination. His followers and supporters were shoulder to shoulder to him. As he returned from Europe, he made his mind and all efforts to form new political party. Bhutto and J.A Rahim from the Mir Rasul Bukhsh Talpur, at Hyderabad took an initiative for the new political party (PPP). By the side of Rahim he declared the choice in favor of a new party as of the Hyderabad seat of national progressive organization comprising its family tree deep in the masses parity in East as well as West Pakistan.39 The then, ten week was a time of concentrated action in support of Bhutto here for each wings of Pakistan. In the October 1967, he was satisfactorily convinced to plan the founding convention of the new party, and on 30 November, December 1967 to sign up Malik Asla Hayat, the valued of the Lahore District Bar Association to be its convener.40 The choice of Lahore to be the convention site was to br expected, if only because it contained the largest grouping of pro-Bhutto elements. However, Lahore was also right as its intense chronological and symbolic importance. For Pakistan, its Mughal monoments linked the present back to the golden age of Indo Muslim civilization and imperial rulership, which with its more recent past as host to the Pakistan Resolution, AIML (All India Muslim League) Convention of 1940, gave Lahore the historic distingtion of being the city from which the Pakistan Movement began, more while the new nation’s foremost educational and civilizing origions, as well as the provincial wealth of ‘One Unit’ West Pakistan. Lahore was regarded by conservative insights, like the measurement of public outlooks in the west division and the floor of upcoming political stances. Indeed, cities similar to Karachi, Hyderabad, Quetta, Bahawalpur and Peshawar nurtured their personal next polictal tendencies into their individual localities, on the other hand, set the overriding control

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of Punjab in the armed, management, financial and cultural life of West Pakistan, and its population majority of 57.6 per cent (1972), Lahore was vital ring, equally, politically and symbolically. A degree of urgency was imparted to Bhutto’s party building effort by the earlier formation of the Pakistan Democratic Movement (PDM) on 1 May 1967. The PDM comprised most of the pollitical parties in the old COP, with the important exception of the NAP. 41 Now, as the hot season gave way to a new political season. At the moment, while the warm period gave way in the direction of a novel political period. It was necessary in support of Bhutto not to let the pre existing season. It was essential for Bhutto not to let the pre on hand parties to gain solitary control of the anti Ayub opposition. He was not crying to assist by the PDM lying on the fundamental matters the same as the restoration of complete democracy, the contribution of basic constitutional rights, as well as adult’s suffrage. 42, except he was moreover worried about the rising requisites to contain his personal organizational foundation. For a moment, Bhutto ideas in his era, the same as his birth of a new party, is clear in the organization’s get-together documents which had dispersed at the evident in the foundation meeting, and written before in the autumn via Bhutto and J.A Rahim at Larkana.43 The documents, which immediately concers us, entitled ‘Why aNew Party?’ Characterised the PDM the same as the partial formations of thoughts, Pakistani traditional parties, and hailed that like a constructive growth. 44 The then obvious step in the March events would for the progressive parties, to form a combination among themselves similar to that of the PDM Once this had been accomplished. It would be easier to reach the destination and accord linking all opposition parties by the side of crest, in connection, to establish a legitimate struggle in favor of the restoration of democracy. However, why a new political party, according to the Bhutto and Rahim perceptins, merely an exclusive new party would be capable to unite all progressive forces and next left on to strengthen the unity of all the opposition parties. Two causes were known for the latter statement first the chronological division defined biasness dispute of the PDM’s parties and the internal clashes within the progressive parties, made it impracticable moreover for the latter to

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polarize the progressive forces several of the former to provide a gathering point about which a large anti Ayub alliance could meet.45 The second reason postulated that: “A growing and powerful body of the people, spear headed, by the younger generation, firmly believed that the old ways and the traditional methods are not sufficient to surmount the colossal problems of Pakistan. Each epoch has its own political significance, its own seismic pattern. This epoch which is both so exciting and full of challenges, requires a new party with a new face and vitality to build a new society…The people are not prepared to return to the past… They want a new system based on justice and attached to the essential interests of the toiling millions. Only a new party can discharge this responsibility.”46 That was the most obvious declaration of Bhutto’s idea of the new party, as he was in relation to establish. It would be fundamentally pro-autonomy, the crucial point to each and every one troubles, being the philosophy of the Quaid-e-Azam. 47 It would plea openly to the masses. It would represent a latest creation, a new era and a bright and scientific move toward the nation’s financial and societal troubles. It would supply first as a polarizing centre for the progressive forces, and then as a means around manifold wellbeings, and various sects could unite to re-establish democracy. Once this was accomplished, both the progressive and the coservative forces could go on to present their programmes to the people on the basis of principles, in refreshing contrast to the negative and whimical (thrill/fancy) affiliation to persnalities. 48. Here, then is Bhutto larger scenairo, clearly designed to apeal to the widest possible section of opposition groups. While the actual course of events would only fleeting resemble this scenairio , it does reveal Bhutto attachment to a revival of Jinnah’s coalition of national and radical social forces. Though he attempted to play down his own prospective role, commenting in apparent reference to Ayub Khan: “ It is not for individuaql to arbitrarily determine the life of the nation”.49, we could be convinced that he would not be pleased to be left outside the centre of proceedings. Not amazingly, the government acted to confine Bhutto collision and his organizational belongings. The National Press Trust newspapers almost immediately started on to put forward Bhutto was an rebel who could only harm the Islamic basics

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of the nation . In answer to these charges, the ex foreign minister endeavored to make clear the type of Socialism,proposing for Pakistan. This would be a republican egalitarian socialism. The new party would serve and protect the ideology of Islam and the country50. There was no idea at risk of getting the communist type of socialism in the direction of a Muslim people, by means of an antique way of life. However, in particular as there was no probable danger toward religious conviction or civilization, economic policies could be followed without complexing them in spiritual debate.51 The NPT papers also raised the question of one Unit 52, thre by hoping to divide Bhutto’s supporters between those from the former Punjab, where One Unit was particular, and the progressive groups in the old minority provinces. But, Bhutto would not concern on this issue and remained evasive, saying it was an issue for the people to decide. The beginning convention of the Pakistan People, s Party was not as Bhutto acknowledged a ‘brilliant achievement’. 53 According to PPP sources the Ayub government had moved out to substantial extents to make certain so as to this would be thus. It had endangered prospective delegate as of the district towns.54, it had prohibited the convention organizers as of hiring an appropriate hall in Lahore, and it had purchased all the seats on PIA flight as of Dhaka on the way to Lahore, on the day before the convention.55 At the end, the beginning convention was detained at the home of Dr. Mubashar elsewhere in the elite community of Gulberg, a few miles away as of the volatile inner city and the complex of educational launching in the region of Gol Bagh. According to Dawn56, a number of 300 delegates participated the convention, though the most hopeful PPP’s entities placed the digit by 500, or regarding half the quantity anticipated57, there were no delegates as of East Pakistan, a reality which allowed the NPT papers to dismiss Bhutto as a national leader, but which also ominously presaged/signified future events, since it was an original deficit from the PPP would never recover. Apart from the news repoters, the NPT papers printed commentaries that were sarcastic/ironic of the convention. ‘The Pakistan Times’ called it a ‘faceless gathering of political parties romantics, runway students, and ideological odd balls,’ not to mention the ‘briefless lawyers and cry to communists,’ who were also presnt.58 ‘The Dawn’ thought the ‘gathering looked like a teenagers jamboori than a solemn political conclave,’and pointed that, with the

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country already plagued by innemurable political parties, the addition of still another could hardly br rxpected to kindle popular enthusiasm. 59 The district management was worried but not excessively troubled and went consequently extreme as to enforce section 144 CCP lying on the city and to turn down the new party consent, to grasp its initial public meeting, which was planned in support of 3 December by the side of Mochi Darwaza.60 Inspite of the smaller than expected turn out , the mode at the covention was positive. Z.A Bhutto, who was elected Chairman of the covention on the first day, noted that the beginnings of great movement were often modest and small. 61 In fact, there were individuals who set up their shocking , set the enmity of the government, with the purpose of the convention was yet detained . Anyhow, meeting in that opinion site provided the contributors a common sense of society and duty. We should not overstress the routine facts of the gathering. In abstract we may note down so as to it approved all the way through four sittings within two days. The initial was specified in the direction of a lengthy speech through Bhutto and the next to presentations by self chosen representatives of the peasantry, lawyers, businessman, engineers and youth leaders…… which confirmed what a far-reaching the plea of the party was in the direction of political aware masses.62 In the third one, the delegates discussed the organization meeting papers and the decree drawn up immediately through the convention’s Resolutions Committee. In the fourth session, the fresh party was established. The organization determined to name itself the Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) and they selected a combination of three colors party’s flag, the final point originated most of the debates.63 It also approved the short-term constitution and as soon as asked to elect a party Chairman in harmony with article 4, the delegates one voiced the name of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto.64 The practical proceedings of the gathering are less important than the substantive ideological organization features so as to produce it up.

3.7 THE STRUGGLE OF JI FOR DERMOCRACY Jamaat started activities in Pakistan by voluntarily services in relief camps of migrators. They were considered as honest and responsible group. Jamaat increased their social work, started gathering skins of sacrificial animals on Eid-ul-Azha and

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opened many hospitals and clinics. Jamaat helped needy and poor people and opened philanthropic/humanitaran institutes. Small cities are witness of their dispensaries and mobile clinics and a clear proof of their human welfare and social work. Suriya Azeem Hospital in Choburje Chowk, Lahore is another example of their social works. Quranic lectures, religious trainings and missionary colleges under the supervision of Jamaat are big sources of spreading the basic message of Islam in people. By this Jamaat prepared a group of political workers with proven loyalty because of which political pressure of Jamaat is always felt. In Pakistan Jamaat is struggling for implementation of system of Islam. Soon after separation Jamaat raised the demand of Islamic way of government and with the support of common Pakistanis, the JI organized a movement in 1948 to convince government to initiate Islamic Constitution. As a result, The Constitution Preamble, commonly known as "Objective Resolution" was approved by the national assembly which in principle accepts that all laws and amendments will be Islamic or made Islamic. In 1953 JI led a campaign against the Ahmadiyya community in Pakistan resulting in the Lahore riots of 1953 and selective declaration of martial law. Maulana Mududi was arrested by the military deployment headed by Lieutenant General Azam Khan, which also included Rahimuddin Khan, and sentenced to death on the charge of writing a seditious pamphlet about the Ahmadiyya issue. He turned down the opportunity to file a petition for mercy, expressing a preference for death rather than seeking clemency/mercy. Strong public pressure ultimately convinced the government to commute his death sentence to life imprisonment. Eventually, his sentence was annulled. As a result of the demand of Islamic state many activists of Jamaat were sent to prison. Despite all this Jamaat continued its struggle up till Chaudhry Muhammad Ali, who was himself a fan of Maulana Maududi, made a constitution (1956) near to the ideology of Jamaat. Jamaat ran a strong movement in favor of Separate Voting System in the days of Suhrawardy’s government but Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy arranged a session of National Assembly at Dhaka and by making an alliance with Republicans passed the bill for Mixed Voting System.

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Jamaat formed an alliance with Muslim League, headed by Abdul Qayyum Khan, and Nizam-e-Islami party, led by Chudhary Muhammad Ali in 1958. They criticized activities of Iskander Mirza. Due to the activities of this alliance reputation of Iskander Mirza was strongly damaged and seeing no future he decided to enforce Martial law in the Country. From the first day Jamaat did not accept the Martial Law by General Muhammad Ayub Khan. General met with Maulana Maududi and advised him not to take part in politics but when President Ayun Khan left a ban over political parties, Jamaat was first to be active. Then Jamaat launched campaign for the restoration of Islamic articles in the constitution of 1962 and submitted 9 miles long signatory paper for basic rights. Government planned to treat Jamaat harsh and punished by forcing to arrange annual party meeting 1963 in a garden with tight space at Berun Bhatti Gate and didn’t allow for loud speakers. After all that when Jamaat refuse to cancel it then rascals were sent who started firing at the gathering. People asked Maulana to sit down but maulan replied “Who will stand if I sit”. Maulana was saved by the firing but a worker was martyred. Dictator regime not able to control the activities of Jamaat banned her in 1964 and all known activist and leaders were send to prison. Later High court freed all and Supreme Court ruled in favor of the JI as a "legitimate political group" and announced the ban unconstitutional. In the elections of 1964-65 Jamaat joined the alliance of COP and fully supported Madar-e-Millat Miss Fatima Jinnah. Religious scholars raise the propaganda against the leadership of woman but Maulan philosophy was that in one side is a man who has no quality other than that and on the other side is a women who has no fault except she is a female so we should support her. In 1965 during Indo-Pak war Jamaat helped government in appealing people for Jihad, helping war victims and getting financial and moral support from Arab countries. Leadership of Jamaat present patriot speeches from Radio Pakistan and representatives of Jamaat headed to central Asia for their back up. Jamaat was the main spirit in the Pakistan Democratic Movement (PDM) against Ayub Khan and in ground, workers of Jamaat was organizing it. When Zulfikar Ali Bhutto and Maulana Bhashani rose the slogan of Socialism Jamaat

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strongly resisted it. In the manifesto for 1970 elections Jamaat supported Provincial feedom (not up to six points) and declared Quran and Sunnah as source of law. Separating judiciary from administration and grantee of basic rights of minorities are also included in it. A strong relation with Muslim world was purposed in foreign policy. Jamaat was against the nationalization but in favor of seizing the illegal property. Maximum ownership of land was set to be 100 Acres and 200 Acres for rainy and canal areas respectively so that the uneven economic condition can be controlled. The program of economic justice is given instead of economic equality and promised equal employment opportunities for jobless people. Bonus Share Scheme was announced so that factory worker can own shares of the company. But just before the elections Nawabzada Nasrullah Khan broke the alliance which cost to Jamaat-e-Islami who was competing Pakistan Peoples Party and Awami League having socialism and provincial slogans and announcing drastic changes. Jamaat only won 4 seats of National and 4 of Provincial Assembly. Jamaa-e-Islami struggled till last moment against the separation movement of East Pakistan by Awami League. Islami Jamiat-e-Talaba organized Al-Badar and fought against the separatist army Bangladesh Liberation Army. In Bangladesh Jamaat is still facing vengeance. It is also mentioned that for the unity of Pakistan Jamaat also worked with the dictator General Yahya Khan. On health grounds, Maulana Maududi excused to lead the movement in 1972 and requested the Top Elected Body of the movement Majlis-e-Shoura to select someone else to perform the duties of "Ameer". In October 1972 Mian Tufail Mohammad was elected as Ameer. Mian Tufail is one of the 75 founding member of Jamaat and worked as Secretary General of the Jamaat till 1965. From January 1966 to 1972 he was Ameer of Jamaate-Islami in West Pakistan. In between, he also assumed the position of Ameer-eJama'at of Pakistan when the occasion so demanded, particularly when Sayed Maududi was ill and on leave. During ZA Bhutto government Jamaat constantly act as opposition. Adding Islamic Articles in 1973 Constitution is due to the efforts of religious parties including Jamaat. Jamaat ideology is Islamism rather than socialism so criticized the policies of ZA Bhutto and sacrifices much for the ideology. Vice Ameer of Jamaat Dr. Nazir Ahmed MNA was assassinated and many activist including members of Islami

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Jamiat-e-Tulba was sent to prison. Many members were politically victimized. Even after that Peoples party failed to get power in universities and colleges and youth start becoming critics of Bhutto. That struggle gave birth to, many leaders who are now in the frontline of both parties. Maulana Maududi was given the title of Imam-ul-Muslimeen in the annual meeting of Raabta-e-Aalam-e-Islami, Saudi Arabia held in January 1974. Jamaat also play a vital role in a struggle against Bhutto government and is a largest party in terms of workers in Pakistan National Alliance (PNA) who take part in the movement with heart and soul. By 1976 Jamaat's street power multiplied by 2,000,000 new entrants when it swore to organize marches to Islamabad for implementing Sharia. In 1977, Maududi cobbled together a grand alliance of rightist parties and launched a "civil disobedience campaign", leading to his arrest. So powerful had Jamaat become in Islamist ranks by then that the Sunni government of Saudi Arabia personally intervened to secure Maududi's release by dangling the specter/vision of "revolution" in Pakistan. Jamaat initially supported General Zia-ul-Haq as other parties of PNA but when General postponed elections several times Ameer-e-Jamaat Mian Tufail Mohammad pressured him for elections. Prof. Ghafoor Ahmed kept on criticizing General Zia for his dictating policies. After a long struggle for real democracy no one was in favor of Martial Law and dictatorship. Islami Jamiat-e-Tulba starts movement against the government for banning student unions. Pro Jamaat labor unions also raised against the government but Jamaat did not participated in Movement for the Restoration of Democracy (MRD) because actual leadership was in the hands of Bhutto family and Jamaat was against the reselection of Peoples Party. Jamaat-e-Islami offered important services in Soviet War in Afghanistan whose echoes can still listened. One of the strongest reasons for working with General Zia was Jamaat’s evolvement with war of Afghanistan. Jamaat is also very active in separate movement in Indian Jammu and Kashmir. Members of Jamaat not only financially help them but also take part in it. Jamaat also support government for back up of Kashmiris. In their support for Islamization of Pakistan, they piloted the Sharia bill through the Pakistani Senate in 1986. In 1987 Mian Tufail declined further service

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in the post because of a long ailment, and Qazi Hussain Ahmad was elected to the top position. Qazi Hussain Ahmad became member of Jamaat-e-Islami in 1970 and was elected to the office of President of its Peshawar branch. He served Jamaat-e-Islami as Secretary and then Ameer of Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa province. He was raised to the office of Secretary General, Jamaat-e-Islami Pakistan in 1978 till he was elected as Ameer of Jamaat-e-Islami Pakistan. After General Zia death Jamaat was entered in an alliance Islami Jamhoori Ittehad (IJI) with Muslim League. During Nawaz Sharif government Jamaat neither took any ministry nor plots or any kind of loans as others did. Jamaat announces Peoples Party and Muslim League as equal evil and in elections of 1993 tried to rise as a third power but loses own voter bank captured only 3 seats in the national assembly. Jamaat continued to act as an "eternal opponent" of non-Islamic rulers, while grabbing power-sharing chances, especially under Nawaz Sharif. Jamaat boycott elections of 1997 and cleared a way of success for Nawaz Sharif. Due to this Jamaat lost representation in Assemblies but their importance remained as a pressure group. During Indian Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee arrival at Lahore Jamaat protest and thousands of workers was arrested by the police. Jamaat welcomed General Pervez Musharraf at first but turn against him once Musharraf started reforms. Many differences arises because of Musharraf’s policies. General’s decision of becoming the part of war against terrorism also increases differences. In 2002, Jamaat formed an alliance with other religious parties naming Muttahida Majlis-e-Amal (MMA) and got 53 seats out of 272 elected member’s seats. This alliance took majority in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa Province. Jamaat constantly criticized war on terror and arranged public protest against the decision and denounced President Musharraf for "betraying" the Taliban and siding with the U.S. against them. Jamaat also denounces the presence of American troops and agencies in Pakistan. Jamaat give though time to President Pervez Musharraf and oppose him in many issues. Jamaat opposed the Women's Protection Bill in 2006. Samia Raheel Qazi, MP and daughter of Qazi Hussain Ahmed stated, "We have been against the bill from the start. The Hudood Ordinance was devised by a highly qualified group of ulema (Islamic scholars), and is beyond question".

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Jamaat-e-Islami believes that the bill did not need scrapping, but needed to be applied in a fairer way, and undestood properly by judges. Jamaat-e-Islami's senior Minister of Pakhtonkhave Province Mr. Siraj ul Haq resigned from his ministry against the drone attack on madrassa in Bajour Agency. Jamaat was also against the operation of Lal Masjid and Ameer-e-Jamat Qazi Hussain Ahmed gave his resignation from the National Assembly when visiting the camp of victims of the Operation. Jamaat participated actively in the struggle of restoration of Judges. Jamaat-e-Islami and affiliated groups have been involved in providing relief efforts in the Pakistani city of Balakot for the earthquake victims. And an intensive relief effort is made in flood of 2008 in Pakistan by its public welfare wing Al khidmat foundation. In General Elections 2008 Jamaat-e-Islami announced to boycott the elections held under President General Musharraf with almost all other political parties of opposition. Only Jamaat, Lawyers, Imran Khan and Mahmood Khan Achakzai stand with the decision. Getting re-elected for four times (1992, 1994, 1999, 2003), in 2008, Qazi Hussain Ahmad excused to be elected once more and Arkaans of Jamaat elected Syed Munawar Hassan as the new Ameer. Syed Munawar Hasan became a member of Jamaat-e-Islami Pakistan in 1967. He served the Karachi unit as Assistant Secretary, Secretary, Deputy Ameer and Ameer of the city. He was also elected to the Central Shura and the Executive Council of the Jamaat. He represented Jamaat at several platforms, including United Democratic Front (UDF) and the Pakistan National Alliance (PNA). Contesting National Assembly election in 1977, he secured the highest votes in Pakistan. He was Assistant Secretary General of Jamaat-e-Islami Pakistan in 1992-93, and became Secretary General in 1993 until selected as an Ameer in 2008. Maulana Maududi and Juma’at-i-Islami is known to the historians as the renewal dynamic action/movement which faced so many ups and down in this connection.65 Being history old of more than fifty years political, ideological and constitutional struggle, still it on its way to achieve its democratic and peaceful struggle for the restoration of democracy and Islam. Combined real facts reveales us that in its history old struggle it has tolerated the military tyranny and took some crucial political decisions for the purpose but, not publicly gained majority in the parliament for the Islamization of Pakistan. Juma’at-i-islami is the creation of

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Maulana Mawdudi which has massive capacities of societal association to great extent but, unfortunately it not been able to achieve its destination as the pre-requisite of Juma’at Islami and also tried differently as the founder started its goal from the real beginning. Maududi wrote one hundered and twenty books and pamphlets, delivered one thousand speeches, he also wrote, the Tahfim-ul-Quran, the interpretation of sensible, dynamic and political Quranic concepts. In connection of practical and political Islam, some international leaders had impressed by the Maududi’s thoughts with respect to political Islam in the recent world including Sayyad al Qutb, Hasan al-Banna followed the same in Egypt as Maududi philosophies and thoughts, mentioned by the well known historian Philip Jenkins. Among them the Ayatullah Khomeini had made strong ties with him and translated his work into Farsi from Urdu language. Abdullah Azam in Arab World the Palestinian Jurist and the Usama bin Ladin’s teacher much impressed by him.

3.8

MAUDUDI’S SOCIAL, PSYCHOLOGICAL AND POLITICAL CONCEPTS The JI Pakistan main conception and perception is the sole Islamic values and

revival of its complete charter. Accordin to Maududi; “Islam is the entire and complete system of existence, it is a well organized organism, an unfailing and the solution of all the existing and eternal troubles. Its fundamental postulate is (tawhid), the unity and sovereignty of Allah is the very base of Islam. Islamic shariah is the complete and comprehensive code of life; it is also the foundation of our faith. Due to this, our ethical, societal, political and financial structure is based. The ultimate Islamic state is that where not any law will be against the Quran and Sunnah. Mawdudi saw history as a constant struggle between Islam and the ‘Jahilliyah’, which he defined as “all world views and systems of thought, belief and action which deny God’s sovereignty and the authority for Divine guidance.” 66 It refers by him that all the world ‘sages of the ages’ and system of thoughts trust in God But, as a system they don’t accept and obey the full sertitude to God’s orders. He vigilantly observed the worsening condition of Islam in Sub-continent and all over the world. He meticulously judged that after the Fall of Ottomans Caliphate

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the Muslims are suffering a lot in connection of leadership and dominated by ignorance. He pointed out the struggles that earlier Muslims faced against tyrannical Hence it is in need of revival of Islamic movement to strengthen the real Islamic spirits for their societal calibration in accordance with the Islamic eternal principles. “An effort to re-establsih Islam in its pristine purity and to reconstruct the fabric of life and society in given space-time context in accordance with Islamic values and principles” 67. For Maududi the party’s very purpose is to establish such a movement which revives (tajdid), the Islamic values and to play a leading role of the renaissance and reformes of Islam. For this purpose, he argued his mission in his book “The Process of Islamic Revolution” very clearly. For the purpose he in-sighted and farsighted the Prophet’s revolutionary three phases. Among these the very first was the strong believes to construct enough strong and firm bases. The second, he united, trained and organized the followers. He also put them into practiced the Islamic life styles and ways of life to originate the public opinion for good deeds and abstained them from evils and wrong doings. In Madina, it took its last stage where just four hundred trained and well equipped workers, in all spheres of Islam who were capable to operate as the real and loyal followers were given the responsibility of organizational Islamic and political set up for social life and Islamic principles. They showed their girds and devotion in this regard and the whole of Arabia came under the umbrella of Islam, just in eighty years of devoted struggle. So, the JI has followed the real prophetic paradigm of identifying, selecting and organizing for their workers and followers. The party had called on them on a single platform and planned intellectual, moral and social programs for them. The party’s workers had become familiar by these programs with real spirits of Islam. To him, first of all he greatly emphasized on the establishing of such a unique knowledgeable, committed and restricted group who can provide the leadership to the society by preaching and role model to get the very objectives of the Islamic revolution. Therefore, JI launched a campaign for the whole community rebuilding with Islamic concepts of life. The rebuilding plan of converting the individual’s faiths would be quite comprehensive. Because of its revolutionary party plan and mission, created virtuous personalities in each area to oppose the wrong doers in the society and to make their

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respective areas people God conscious and truthful. So, the mass opinion would emerge to over rule the rest of secular and evil nature elements, to build a fair sort of society for the Islamic and democratic set up in the country. Consequently, the party would start to confine the state and reform the government. The JI was not merely a movement for the Sub-Continent but also for rest of the world and mankind. The Muslims can adapt the Islamic imaginary state or reform their state structure through it by all means to create an Islamic environment. Therefore, the revival (tajdeed) has started in the Sub-Continent and prevailed to the rest of the world at large. Mawlana Maududi has been blamed through the contemporary scholars that he had established “a new group of people and followers.”68 The cotemporary religious sects to that time were Deobandi, Barelvies and Ahl-e-Hadith. Even, the mentioned sect’s young scholars had joined hand with Maududi from the start just as “Manazir Ahsan Gilani, Abdul Majid Daryabadi, Husain Ahmad Madani and Shabbir Uthmani” never endorsed his message.”69 Their difference in opinion was that the Maududi has over stressed the idea of ‘tajdid’, to turn into revivalist himself and not for the common betterment of Isalam. According to them it was not an important concept of Islam. So, due to those reasons that time honored religious scholars had not allowed the Maududi’s ideology on a large scale in the mosques. With respect to social movement, the JI struggle can be defined as the ‘Brannan’ described! “deliberate patterns of contentious actions committed by groups whose members are working toward the same broadly defined goal”70.

3.9 JI STRUGGLE WITH REGARD TO SOCIAL MOVEMENT According to French scholar Fredrec Gare, from the beginning, the JI launched a social movement, later on became a pressure group and at last emerged into a political party. All these phases show that from the start, during 1941and 1947 the party had shy to reckon the governmental set up. The party had become just an exemplary social movement while it step forwarded and took a decision to work with the then government for the acquisition of their demands. In 1957, it decided electoral politics and emerged as a political party. All these show that JI keenly observe the situation and act as their internal party structure’s rigorous/strict discipline, and organization decides, in every movement and issues or matters.

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The early years of its existence would be considered as a social movement. For example, although the Hezbollah has taken part in elections as a party, it is still regarded as a social movement by Ziad Munson (2009), Kepel (1993) and other scholars in the field. Similarly, the Muslim Brotherhood, though banned in Egypt, has taken part in electoral politics by having part members run as independent candidates in the elections. The JI wants to be part of the democratic set up and wants to ensure to alignate with the ideas of an Islamic government. 71 The founder of JI in the beginning categorically had stressed that we accepted Pakistan in such a way that it should be an Islamic role model for the other nations of the world. In 1957, as he decided to take part in the electoral party politics its main cause was not to became a president of Pakistan but, to create an Islamic state, based on the Islamic shariah and became ‘mujadid’. In his six hours pro-longed speech to the JI members, at the time to joine the party politics, in that speech he started that when JI would be in power, it would establish ‘iqamat-i-Din’ or Islamic ways of life and ‘hukumat-e-Ilahiyah’ or government based on Divine pattern.72 As mentioned earlier, that the JI sustained as a social movement because it never compromised to acknowledge and absorb itself into the existing set up. It from the real start has broadened its movement, in unbroken style, because of the oppressive nature of the native ruling class. In Pakistan, the major continuous struggle (from 1941 to 1988), of the party as! 

This was true with the Common Opposition Party Alliance vs. Ayub Khan



The Nizam-e-Mustafa movement vs. Z.A Bhutto



The Movement of Restoration of Democracy vs. Zia. JI Pakistan long struggle reveale us that it had played its role, by playing and

displaying of democratic tactics from 1941 to 1988. It maintained its struggle by involving publics through processions, giving ‘fatwas’, against the rulers and the democratic means. During those eras the Jamaat’s capacity to operate as political party, was weak. As a matter of facts, in pre-independent historic era there were Britishers, after that the country has run by the interim government more than a decade until 1958. Consequently, General Ayub Khan run the government as a dictator to thirteen years and forbidden all the political parties. In connection of these hurdles 111

next there was Bhutto who emulated/strive to initiate the role of a communist dictator for his years in power using secret police to suppress all opposition and lastly, there was another military ruler, the master tactician Zia-ul-Haq, who initially gave the feeling to the Jamaat that they were in power but quickly stripped all authority from them. Thus, it could also be concluded that the Jamaat was nothing but a social movement because it was never allowed to be part of the system in Pakistan. So, by all these mentioned facts we can justify the movement is a social one. JI long struggle can be seen in the light of social movement theory as! “social resources available to unorganized but aggrieved groups to launch an organized demand for change.”73 According to McAdam, “the Political Process model claims that social movements are dependent on three factors: “the level of organization within the aggrieved population”, “the collective assessment of the prospective of successful insurgency within the same population and most importantly, “the political alignment of groups within the larger political environment”.74 An additional significant theory, while analyzing an ideological movement like the Jamaat-e-Islami, is that of “master frames” and their effects on social movement. A master frame helps “punctuate or single out some existing social condition or aspect of life and define it as unjust, intolerable, and deserving of corrective action” and hence is essential to the ideological basis of the movement”75 In this connection, if one party got their means and pre-requisites then utilized them in a constructive style, they will achieve easily. Adding classical model which relies on inequality between the haves and haves not, resources mobilization model relies on the assets accessible for the group, in which way they capitalize the available means, these matter the group success. “In this view, social movements have no distinct inner logic and are not fundamentally different from institutionalized behavior. Organizations, institutions, pre-existing communication networks, and rational actors are all seen as important resources playing crucial roles in the emergence and outcome of collective action . . . organizational and institutional structures are argued to be central throughout the entire process of collective action."76

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According to the process model, accomplishment of the party relies on internal real strength of the organization, their talent to gain benefit from the available and prevailed opportunities to enhance their communication links which caused by the movement and also the common touch between the leaders and public. In this regard, McAdam says! “cognitive liberation” of the movement is that the members of the movement identify with its goals and message, and really think that the movement will turn out to be successful; it is only then that “a large enough group of people” would exist “to facilitate collective protest”.77 He further added So, for a frequent, constant, effective and “organized campaign of mass political action” a network should

exist that can carry the movement through.78 “Prominent

‘ulema’ or scholars joined the Jamaat including six from Madrasat-

ul-Islah, four from Deoband, four Nadwis and two from the Ahl-i-Hadith. By 1945, the Jamaat boasted a membership of some two hundred and twenty four ulema, sixty of whom continued to teach at various dar- ul-ulooms (religious seminaries)” 79

3.10 THE JI PROLONG STRUGGLE FROM THE START From the very beginning (1941), its movement and struggle was social. The Muslims, compared to the Hindus were less in number and were not enough strong in any fields. The main reason was that the Muslim had not compromised on British styled education and control. Therefore, the independence war fought against the Britishers, in 1857. Due to that reason, they suffered a lot in the field of education and in all spheres of life. The real objective of Maududi was to emancipate the Muslims from the subjugation of Hindus and Western culture and to led them towards the real spirit of Islam politically and morally. To join his movement “Prominent ‘ulema’ or scholars joined the Jamaat including six from Madrasat-ul-Islah, four from Deoband, four Nadwis and twofrom the Ahl-i-Hadith. By 1945, the Jamaat boasted a membershipof some two hundred and twenty four ulema, sixty of whom continued to teach at various dar- ul-ulooms (religious seminaries)”.

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This is the reckoned fact that JI consists of well learned

individuals and ulemas.

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3.11

JI WITH RESPECT TO PAKISTAN MOVEMENT, FROM 1941 TO 1947 According to Khurshed Ahmad, “reconstructing the religious thought of

Islam”, Maulana Maududi “had from

the outset opposed the movement for

Pakistan” by the Muslim League.”81 The Pakistan creation was opposed by the founder of JI, because he perceived and conceived that state constitution of the new state would be on secular based. JI stressed on its opposing master frame of “Muslim Nationalism”. During the independence campaign, the Muslim League had presented that the idea of new state religion would be Islam, side by side they adapted the western sort of democracy, for the state running and their laws. By and large the Muslim League had hailed the western thoughts, knowledge, way of life and viewpoints. Maududi had pointed out that the restoration of colonial type government or secular types are the same in nature. The concept of ‘nationalism’ was identical to the British concepts and caused dis-harmony among the Muslim World. He further stressed that the imperialists had dominated the muslim’s ways of life and mentalities through materialistic approaches. He totally denied and declared the Muslim nationalism spirits at large scale and advocated for the Islamic socio-political set up. The Quaid-e-Azam’s using Islamic card in politics was due to the Maududi and Allama Iqbal perceptions and thoughts. As a result of the Muslim League big achievement in the election of 1945-46, Maududi firm belief was! “That

Islam constituted the ultimate source of power and legitimacy among the

Muslim community.”82 At the time of independence, ha was quite optimistic about the Islamic state. He perceived that the newly emerged state would be the leading example and model, in case of Islamic revolution not only for the Sub-Continent but also for the rest of the world. The mentioned fact was the only reason for the acceptance of Pakistan, to him.

3.12

THE POST INDEPENDENCE ERA OF JI STRUGGLE, NATION’S BUILDING, IDEOLOGY AND CONSTITUTION (1947-58). In the post early period of independence of Pakistan, Liaqat Ali Khan and

Quaid-e-Azam had sured of Islamic character of the newly emerged state. Quaid-e-

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Azam had said in this connection as “where principles of Islamic social justice could find free play”.83 He further added with the intention of “We must work our destiny in our own way and present to the world an economic system based on true Islamic concept of equality of manhood and social justice.” 84 Quaid-e-Azam further clarified that “renaissance of Islamic culture”, to “secure liberty, fraternity and equality as enjoined upon us by Islam”, to “take our inspirations and guidance from the Holy Quran” and to ‘stand guard over the development and maintenance of Islamic democracy and Islamic social justice”

85

. About the Constitution of Pakistan, he

overwhelmingly stated that “of democratic type embodying the essential principles of Islam”86 (Moten 2002, 24) His presidential address to the constituent assembly on 11 th August, 1947, illustrated that his speech had much similarity with the Islamic principles. He stressed on equal opportunity, ethics, faithfulness plus individual patience irrespective of color, class or faith. Up till now, it must be pointed out that Jinnah firmly asserted that “Pakistan is not going to be a theocratic state to be ruled by priests with a divine mission”.87 Liaqat Ali Khan continuously stressed on the Islamic foundation of Pakistan and successfully passed the ‘Objective Resolution’ in the Constituent assembly on 7th March 1947. On that historical movement, he acknowledged and related the country’s Islamic philosophy that “Demonstrates to the world that Islam provides a panacea to the many diseases which have crept into the life of humanity today”. 88 In the same manner he declared the state will take part constructively in creating “such conditions as are conducive to the building up of a truly Islamic society....”89 A leading and prominent entity of Mulum League had also acknowledged that they were trying to “put forward an alternative social system” based on Islam as opposed to “capitalism as represented by certain countries of the West and communism as represented by Russia”.90 As a matter of fact, the Muslim Leagues leaders reckoned the fact that to pertain the Islamic main beliefs however they denied the theo- demoracy as Maududi presented. The Muslim League and JI ideological point of view contradicted each other at large. Major controversies between the two were ‘Kasmir issue’ and oath of ‘allegiance’. Maududi stressed on armerd struggle through ‘Jihad’. The masses dis-liked that stance and he changed his stance for the purpose and supported the peaceful solution of Kashmir issue. In connection with the

115

‘oath of allegiance’ to the state he stated that it was just for the ‘Allah Almighty’, alone. Second, on the question of the oath of allegiance to the state, Mawdudi held that it was to God alone that a Muslim owed allegiance till Pakistan became an Islamic state, governed solely by the rules of the Sharia. He therefore refrained from taking an oath of allegiance, and even more from serving in a non-Islamic entity. Therefore, the government of Pakistan had taken the quick measures against the JI “banning the publications of the Jamaat, particularly the Tarjuman ul-Koran, while twenty-five members or sympathizers of the party were dismissed from the administration. Mawdudi was arrested and imprisoned in October 1948”91 The JI had not launched the movement of opposing Ahmadi community nor participated in the agitation until the JI representatives called on to the Muslim Parties Convention on 16th January, 1953. But since the Jamaat also did not recognize the Ahmadis to be Muslims and it was present in the Muslim Parties Convention. The government bureaucrats at that time alleged the JI for that and inquired in this connection through ‘The Court of Inquiry’. The cause of that inquiry was to know the real factors of the then agitation and they finally come to the point that the agitation was a natural one. They have reported in this regard that it was “a corollary from the Objectives Resolution passed by the Constituent Assembly of Pakistan on March 12, 1949, from the religio-political system, which they call Islam”.92 As a consequences, of the mentioned facts, Khawja Nizamuddin had been dismissed by the then Governor General Ghulam Muhammad, the former was a compassionate to the ‘ulema’. The next Prime Minister was Muhammad Ali Bogra. Both of them had favored the dismissal of the ‘ulema’s’ board. Chaudhari Khaliquzzaman the then East Pakistan governor had also considered the ulema a great menace to the country. Therefore, they presented the secondary status to the religion. The then Chief Minister of Punjab and others had differed with the ‘ulemas’. The creation of Ahmadi movement at that time was aimed to tackl down the JI’s democratic Islamic state movement and all those were under the shadow of establishment, to declare the country as a secular state. At that time’s government according to Maududi unable to

116

“Generate an interpretation of Islam that could serve as an effective, realistic, meaningful ideology” that “could fit a valid substance to the Islamic form of sociopolitical aspiration.”93 As a matter of fact, the upper class and the establishment in Pakistan opposed the Islam as a system because their materialistic and centralization of wealth in few hands were contrast to each others. The upper class has strong hold on the politics of Pakistan including administration’s key posts, establishment, commerce and the whole economy of the land, strongly opposed Islam and its political role. Although “they continued to pay lip service to the ideal of an Islamic society, given the fervent zeal for Islam expressed by the population”.94 Maududi had alleged the upper classes for keeping uneducated and un-islamic the masses at maximum ratio, to obey them in all walks of life. He further argued that the real Islamic society will bring equality to all sects of life and the haves could not afford such equality. The un-Islamic forces and the government influential class were greatly frightened, vigilantly observed and reckoned the fact of ‘ulemas’ and Islamic forces display of anty Ahmadis. Therefore, they added the role of Islam to some extent. Later on, in the constitution of 1956 the Islamic provisions were less and the secular laws were prevailed “modern, even broadly secular.”95

3.13 BHUTTO’S ERA (1971 TO 1977) AND JI In that period PPP and JI both were fruitless in the East Pakistan election in 1971 and the country faced an alarming crisis of identity and brought the ideological problem, traced to the central political discussion. As an isolated country Bangladesh, main reason was not implementing the Islamic doctrine in government running. The JI had supported Yahya Khan (the then deposed dictator), from the beginning and was strongly condemned for his non-Islamic behavior. It was its huge fault to support Yahya Khan initially and weakened its position because of it. In September 1972, Mawdudi met Bhutto in Lahore. He convinced the Prime Minister of the need to evict leftist elements from the PPP and promised; as a result JI would support the constitutional draft. Maududi had demanded for “the Islamic Republic of Pakistan”, the P.M and the President would be Muslims and the state religion would be Islam. The then P.M 117

and government had built-in these in the 1973 constitution. Since, 1973, JI started resisting the government continuously. In Punjab, at Rabwa railway station the students wing of JI (Islami Jamiat-i-Talba) and the Ahmadi’s group of people had made fight with each other. It took another national anti Ahmadi movement. The JI had played a leading role in this regard by arranging rallies, and various sort of displays against them. The then government at last declared them minority and nonMuslims through constitutional amendment. In 1976, when the Jamaat began forcefully to demand the implementation of the Sharia, it found its membership “by around 150,000 new entrants”.96 The JI confronted with PPP government in the shape of Pakistan National Alliance (PNA), in 1977 elections. It was a grand alliance of the right wing parties and JI once again had played a leading role at that last spin of Bhutto regime. Its demand was to implement “Nizam-e-Mustafa” (the system of the Prophet). The Islami Jamiat-i-Talba already had got victory in the university student’s elections in 1976. Therefore, they arranged a vital strength inside the university against the govt. The IJT had played precious role for the PNA in the universities and colleges. It produced a leading student’s political activity by means of strikes and demonstrations. In the 1977 tensions between the PNA and PPP led those towards disobedience and the opposition leaders were arrested. The Islamist particularly JI had demanded for civil and democratic rights including social justices and became a social Islamic movement. Bhutto and Maududi met once again on 16 April 1977 in Lahore and bared no fruits. Bhutto as result had taken some measures to address the issue and tried to Islamize to some extent (banning singing and dance clubs) but strongly criticized and failed to over-ride the situation. Saudi Arabia mediated and turned down the tension. Bhutto had launched anti imperialist and nationalistic programme and alleged the PNA and especially JI as pro Americans. All this came to an end when on 5 July, 1977 Bhutto was overthrown in a military coup by General Zia-ul-Haq, on the alibi of making Pakistan truly Islamic.

118

3.14 ZIA’S ERA (1977-88) AND JI The General Zia-ul-Huq era was much significant in the JI political and ideological history. In its prolonged history it was the 1 st time to deliver as a part of ruling military type of govt, for the party. General Zia-ul-Huq had declared himself that he was the demand and much needed for PNA (as they struggled for “Nizam-eMustafa”), during their electoral stance. Therefore, he joined hands with JI and other Islamic parties to strengthen his Islamization process. During his first speech as he delivered to nation he stated! “I must say that the spirit of Islam, demonstrated during the recent (PNA) movement, was commendable. It proves that Pakistan, which was created in the name of Islam, will continue to survive only if it sticks to Islam. That is why I consider the introduction of an Islamic system as an essential prerequisite for the country”.97

For the Jamaat, the decision to support the military regime was not an easy one. It disapproved of the coup and after having launched a campaign for Islam with democracy. For the purpose, the JI had started up to implementI slamic rules in Pakistan. They supported Zia as military ruler in this connection. As a coalition partner, with Zia its strategy was to peruse the government, to manage the elections. As a result of Islamization and the promise of election and democracy return on the side of Zia JI gone into the lap of dictator. Mian Muhammad Tufail had become the Amir-e-JI as Maududi had resigned in 1972. He had given the task to implement Shariah in the country. Maududi’s perception was that the government would be in the hands of fair people. During 1978, Zia and the PNA had agreed with each other on the making of government on 21st August. JI had given various authorities and ministries. Mawdudi died in April 1979, in the USA, after months of illness, and the party could never enjoy the religious credibility of Mawdudi’s writings. On 21 June 1979, a month after Bhutto's execution, Zia dissolved the government. Officially, members of the Jamaat resigned because of the perpetual postponement of the general elections scheduled initially for November 1979. From this date the Jama’at no longer refrained from criticizing the government for its delay in the process of Islamization but refused, to begin with, to rejoin the Movement for the Restoration of Democracy (MRD). It criticized Zia govt’s Islamization delay tactics and also demanded for the

119

restoration of democracy in Pakistan. This change of attitude could be seen in various measures the government took and which revealed the growing rivalry between the regime and the Jamaat-e-Islami. In this connection, he banned the students unions, in 1984. In pretext, to ban all the students’ politics from the education sector he even crashed some IJT’s activities. Prior to this, the military regime had hailed IJT’s acts, to resist the Bhutto youth (Peoples Student Federation) during 1977 to 1982. Due to Afghan war, USA and other International Forums had supported Zia. So, he was not in-need of JI at that reason, as he perceived. In this connection, he united and created Muhajir Qaumi Movement (MQM), at Karachi in 1984. The said, region was the JI’s strong hold area. He further dismissed the National Labor Federation controlled by the Jamaat. Except from these, JI has banned in the three major services areas of PIA, Pakistan Railway and Pakistan Steel Mill. These two decisions constituted a serious setback to the party and had a permanent effect on its influence in the province of Sindh. From 1947 to Ayub’s era the country feudal lords tried to sustain the democracy. As Ayub came in, he prohibited the entire political parties’ activities and stopped the democratic growth in the country. The Liaqat Ali Khan and Jinnah exploited the Islam as to legalize their authority. As a result, the former has passed the Objective Resolution in the Constituent Assembly in 1949, which was incorporated with minor modifications in the successive constitutions of 1956, 1962, and 1973. But it was just paper work because the ruling and religious parties were not on one page for the cause of Islam. Consequently, the democracy and Islam not nourish and flourish in the country. Our entire political and administrative machinery is the combination of personalities and family back grounds because they enjoyed and still enjoying the authoritative control over the country with deep routed structure. The main causes of these were the weak political parties and institutions, political competitions, restrictions on media and expression of opinions, and particularly the ruling class (wrong person for the right job/ the legacy of west/feudal lords). As a matter of fact, JI message has hostage by the mentioned political terrorism and caught up the party’s evolution of political, ideological and democratic stances. Another factor which Maulana Maududi has mentioned as! 120

As Mawdudi’s personal calculate approximately, when in 1957, the Jamaat tried to get a push in to electoral politics “only five percent of the Muslim population of Pakistan were enlightened about Islam, 90 percent of them were illiterate with blind faith and the remaining 5 percent has been corrupted by Westernization”. 98 Due to these mentioned factors, the JI’s mission has blocked by various hurdles, one way or the others. Maududi’s early stance was for the political Islamic changes (government), with the Islamic principles. The party joined the electoral politics and sidetracked its early stance and has given the priority over social and intellectuals reforms. According to Murad the most significant purpose of the party is the “leadership of the wayward with those of the men of sterling character and piety”.99 The ‘Tanzeem-e-Islami’ founder and the JI ex-member, Dr.Israr pointed out two main reasons which caused let down of the JI as a parliamentary/electoral politics. The very reason of the party failure as over whelming majority in the general election is that it entirely gone into the lapse of politics and restricted itself to it. Further the party gave up the universal faith of global Islamic revolution spirits. The Jamaat’s membership was restricted to the literate or the ‘ulema’, which meant that more than 80% of the population at the time which was illiterate was unable to be part of the Jamaat-e-Islami workforce. Yet, while the Jamaat tried to go into affairs of the state “Mawdudi, though accorded dominance to politics, was not prepared to open the Jamaat’s membership to the general public ”.

100

It was not until 1993 that the

Jamaat opened its membership to the bunch public. According to Snow and Benford, “the decline or withering of an extant cycle of protest is due in part to changes in the prevailing cultural climate that render the masterframe impotent.”

101

The masterframe can divert in connection of other

problems arising at the time. For example the consequences of 1970’s elections created bad luck for the party. The party had used the terms of piousness, truthfulness, and honesty which were significant belongings “but the support of the masses could not be enlisted only by dint of these qualities” 102. Khurram Murad mentioned that the party has committed a number of mistakes in East and West wings of the country. In West wing, the party boasted that “Islam and Pakistan in danger” and also the “1956 constitution as the solution to constitutional problems besetting the country.”103 The lay man has no interests in the above mentioned reasons by the JI. The party

121

experienced the spiritual side while the masses were interested in materialistic issues and the party had not stressed out such a stance. In East wing, the Bangladeshians were mourning on their deprivations and the JI taught them the religious lesson about their social issues and their solution in the religion. On the other hand Sheikh Mujeeb attracted them in connection of separation from the West wing as compared to the JI and gained much popularity amongst the public of East Pakistan. Therefore, the East Pakistan’s people rejected the Juma’at suggestions and caused Bangladesh as a separate country.

3.15

UP TO DATE INCONSISTENCY OF OUR POLITICAL PARTIES

According toOmar Farooq Zain, Pakistan has had following four spell of “democratic rule”, 1.

First in 1947-1958

2.

Second in 1971-1977

3.

Third in 1988-1999

4.

Fourth in 2008- up to date

As a consequence, here in Pakistan’s more than 60 years of record; the political parties were just in authority for 26 years. The rest of 36 years have also been in military dictatorship, or a quasi-democratic contentment, allow very restricted welldesigned breathing space to them. Since 1951 to 1958, seven prime ministers were removed, whereas in the similar period, the country had merely two Governor Generals and one Commander-in-Chief. From 1985 to 1999, the entire five prime ministerial tenures were terminated all the way through hasty removal from office of their governments. Nine national legislatures were dismissed prematurely, out of the twelve that had been established so far.104 “However, only one elected government in Pakistan’s history could complete its constitutional term, from 1971 to 1977”.105 As a matter of fact, the successive illegal command implemented a strategy of de-politicization of political parties. To de-politicize the associational spheres and more made political parties irrelevant to the state; the military regimes came out with non-party elections. Therefore, local body elections held during the eras of General Ayub, General Zia and General Musharaf they were non-party base. Two general elections in the country also held on a non-

122

party basis.” Electoral systems in dadvanced countries are distinguished by political parties that are highly well thought-out and be inclined towards joined action, block voting and distinct party platforms. The party regulation is required in parliamentary systems, primarily because variation from the party streak could effect in bringing down the government. Parliamentary systems require that the executive and legislative members agree upon issues, lest it forces the dissolution of the government”.106 “In case of Pakistan, whereas military take overs and establishment of nonrepresentative and unconstitutional governments resulted in bans on political parties and witch-hunt of politicians forcing political parties and their leadership to operate under structural constraints in the face of executive decrees and Martial Law regulations on one hand and on the other, political parties also failed to modernize and professionalize their structures, which is a major pre-requisite for effective democratic participation, promotion of capable leadership and good governance. Political parties in Pakistan have seen deficient on these counts.”107. Therefore, both militarydominated establishments as well as political parties are responsible, for what we call political decay in Pakistan politics.

123

REFERENCES 1-

Quoted in Philip E. Jones, The Pakistan Peiople’s Party Rise to Power, Karachi, Oxford University Press, Plot No. 38, Sector 15, Korangi Industrial Area, P.O Box 8214, -74900, 2003, p.98.

2-

Piloo Mody, Zulfi my Friend , Hind Pocket Books, Delhi, 1973, p. 141.

3-

Philip E. Jones, Op. cit. p.100

4-

Dilip Mukrjee, Zulfiqar Ali BhuttoQuest for power, Dilhi, Vinkas Publishings House, ,1972, P.33

5-

Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, Commitment to History, text of the Affidavit, Lahore, People’s Book Centre, 1969.

6-

Philip E. Jones, Op. cit, p.101

7-

Ibid.

8-

Khalid Kashmiri, Awam ka Sadr, Munib Publications, Lahore, 1972, p.18

9-

Dawn, 12 December 1966.

10-

Evidence of this support was visible earlier when Bhutto hosted the President and Foreign Minister of China around the country on their official visit in late March 1966. Liu Shao-ch’I and Chin Ye were welcomed by unprecedentedly large and enthusiastic crowds and it was noted that much adulation was also directed at Bhutto.

11-

Philip E. Jones, op. cit. p.103

12-

Ibid., 104

13-

Ibid.

14-

Ibid.

15-

Ibid.

124

16-

Bhashani recounted this conversation to Tariq Ali in June 1969. See Tariq Ali, Pakistan: Military Rule or People’s Power, William Marrow and Company, New York, 1970, pp. 140-141.

17-

Herbert Feldman, From Crisis to Crisi, Pakistan 1962-1969, Karachi, Oxford University Press, 1972, pp.71-72.

18-

Tariq Ali, Pakistan Military Rule or people’s Power, William Morrow and Company, 1970. pp.145-146.

19-

Philip E. Jones, op. cit., p. 106

20-

Ibid.

21-

Manzar Bashir’s father Mian Bashir Ahmad had recognized the MSF in 1943 into the vanguard of the Pakistan movement in Punjab and had been one of jinah’s closest advisers in the provinces. His son was regarded as something of an expert on party organization.

22-

Philip E. Jones, op. cit., p. 108.

23-

Ibid

24-

This view is best reflected in Tariq Ali, Military Rule. The preface of this book begins: “This book is unabashed and straightforward polemic against the feudal and capitalist class of Pakistan which has ruled the country since1947 in varying guesses.”

25-

Philip E. Jones, op. cit., p.109

26-

Ibid.

27-

Ibid

28-

Ibid., p.110

29-

Ibid.

30-

Ibid.

31-

Ibid.

125

32-

Halqas typically had a number of diverse origions. Without any systematic approach to the subject, this student found halqas based on single families which had expanded through martial alliances and buisiness or professional acquaintances , on web of tribal and familial relationships that had in common a pre-partitioned identity with a specific place in East Punjab, on past political associations, and simply, on fortuitous connection of like minded people. The most renowned halqa, of course, was that which met at the YMCA Hall on Sundays. It was the ‘general assembly’ of the tea house circles of the intellectuals, writers and journalists that met on weekdays in various establishments along the Mall around the old Campus of Punjab University. This halqa had a venerable history, had long been associated with leftist causes, and occasionally produced papers and discussions of high ideological sophistication. The halqas, which are most common among the urban middle classes--- there are also political conservative halqas---are a class of social phenomenon that would bear further research.

33-

Morning News (Dhakha), 25 February 1967.

34-

These meetings were Hamid Nizami Day observances, the law College Students Union and a general meeting of Lahore citizens. The Pakistan Times, 27 February 1967, mentioned the first of these meetings, but reported only the part of Bhutto’s speeches that urged ‘de-EBDO’ and other opposition leader to unite.

35-

Khalid Kashmiri, op. cit, pp. 21-22.

36-

Philip E. Jones, op. cit., p.113

37-

Section 144, of theCode of Criminal procedure (CCP) enables a Magistrate to “direct any person to abstain from a certain act….if…such direction is likely to prevent…a disturbance of public tranquility, or a riot or any affray.” The most frequently used weapon in the legal arsenal of Governments from British Yimes to present, this section is commonly used to ban gatherings in public places as a means of suppressing opposition demonstrations or for quelling political disturbances.

38-

Philip E. Jones, op. cit. p, 114 126

39-

The Pakistan Times, 17 September 1967.

40-

Nawa’e Waqt (Lahore), 28 October 1967.

41-

The PDM comprised the National Democratic Front East Pakistan, the council Muslim league, the Jama’at-i-Islami, a section of the Awami League and the Nizam-i-Islami Party. In the CML elections of early 1967, the anti Ayub faction had taken over the party offices.

42-

The Pakistan Times, 6 November 1967.

43-

Philip E. Jones, op. cit.

44-

Dr. Mubashir Hassan Pakistan People’s Party, Foundation and Policy, Shahrah-i-Inqilaab, Classic Lahore, n.d, pp 23-28. (This is the second edition of the pamphlet originally circulated at the founding convention. It expands that pamphlet to include the proceeding and resolution of the convention and the Interim Constitution of the PPP).

45-

Ibid, p. 26.

46-

Ibid, p. 27.

47-

Ibid, p. 28.

48-

Ibid, p. 26.

49-

Ibid, p. 28

50-

The Pakistan Times, 6 November 1967.

51-

Younis Abid, Chairman Bhutto ke Siyasi Afkar, Aurnit Publications, Lahore, 1969, p.12

52-

See; Abdul Majid, ‘Test for Mr. Bhutto.’ The Pakistan Times, 23 November 1967.

53-

Dawn, 1 December 1967.

54-

Philip E. Jones, op. cit., p.116

55-

Ibid.

127

56-

Dawn, 1 December 1967.

57-

Philip E. Jones, op. cit.

58-

Political correspondent, ‘Ideological Oddballs Get together,’ The Pakistan Times, 2 December 1967.

59-

‘A Damp Squib,’Dawn, Edetorial, 4 December 1967.

60-

Mochi Darwaza (‘Cobbler Gate’) is to Lahore politically, what Lahore is to Punjab. For decades politician have gone to Mochi Daewaza to prove their popular appeal—Mian Muhammad Shafi, Fazal Hussain, Maulana Zafar Ali Khan, Maulana Ataullah Shah Bukhari, M.A Jinnah, Liaqat Ali Khan, the Nawab of Mamdot, Mumtaz Daultana, even Ayub Khan,haveall their movements at mochi Darwaza. The name of a long-vanished gateway into the old city, Mochi Darwaza described an open space longe Circular Road which is surrounded by the most densely populated wards of Lahore. To the North and West is old city, with its veritable warren of alleys, narrow passages culde-sacs, and to the east and south are the teeming wards of Gwalmandi, Ramgali, and Qila Gujar Singh. Movements of even modest appeal have always been able to get good crowds at Mochi Darwaza.

61-

Dawn, 1 December 1967.

62-

Dr. Mubashir Hassan, op. cit, p.11.

63-

This was not as frivolous as it may seem, since the flag was an important symbol of political affiliation for great numbers of people who had no other way of publicly expressing their opinions.

64-

Dr. Mubashir Hassan, op. cit, p.12

65-

 Seyyed Vali Reza Nasr, Maududi and the making of Islamic Revivalism, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1996. P.45

66-

Abul A’la Maududi, First Principles of Islamic State, Lahore Islamic Publications Limited, 1960. p.5

67-

Ibid., p.12

128

68-

 Seyyed Vali Reza Nasr, op.cit., p.110

69-

Ibid., p.115

70-

Quoted in Mujtaba Isani , The Rise and fall of The Jumaat-e-Islami in the light of Social Movement Theory,

Marquette University n.d < available at

http://www.bing.com/search?q=THE+RISE+AND+FALL+OF+ THE+JAMAAT-e-ISLAMI+IN+THE+LIGHT+OF+SOCIAL+MOVEMENT +THEORY++Mujtaba+Isani+Marquette+University+%09%09&x= 122&y=9&form=MSNH14&pc=UP97 >, accessed on 26 March, 2014, at 9.00 A.M. 71-

Ibid

72-

Ibid

73-

Ibid

74-

Dough Mc Adam,Political Process and the Development of Black insurgency,1930-70,Chicago: University of Chicago Press,1982. p.40

75-

David A Snow and Robert D. Bebford, Master Frames and Cycle of Protest, Frontiers in Social Movement theory. Ed. Aldon Morris and Corol Mc Clurg Mueller, New Heaven: Yale University Press, 1992.

76-

Aldon D Morris, Black Southern Student Sit-In Movement: An Analysis of Internal Organization. Social Movements: Readings on Their Emergence, Mobilization and Dynamics. Ed. Doug McAdam and David A. Snow. Boston: Roxbury Company, 1997.pp. 90- 109.

77-

Quoted in Mujtaba Isani op. cit

78-

Ibid.

79-

Khurshid Ahmad, Islamic Law and Constitution, Islamic Publications Limited Lahore, 1984. p.60

80-

Ibid., p.112

129

81-

Abu A’la Mawdudi, The Process of Islamic Revolution, Lahore: Islamic Publications Limited, 1947. p.15

82-

Abdul Rashid Moten, Jamaat-e-Islami in the Politics of Pakistan, Islamic Book Trust, Selangor, 2002, p.24.

83-

Ibid., p.26

84-

Ibid., p.25

85-

Ibid., p.24

86-

Frederic Grare, Political Islam in the Indian Subcontinent: The Jamaat-eIslami. New Delhi: Manohar, 2001. P.4

87-

Quoted in mujtaba Isani op.cit.

88-

Ibid

89-

Ibid

90-

Asad Gilani, Thought and Movement. Lahore: Islamic Publications Limited, 1984. p. 273

91-

Khurshid Ahmad, op. cit. p.284

92-

Quoted in Mujtaba Isani op. cit

93-

Ibid.

94-

Ibid

95-

Khurshid Ahmad, op. cit. p.276

96-

Ibid., p.89

97-

Quoted in Mujtaba Isani op. cit

98-

Khurshid Ahmad, op. cit. p.356

99-

Khurshid Ahmad, op. cit. p.267

100-

Quoted in Mujtaba Isani op. cit

101-

Ibid

130

102-

Ibid

103-

Ibid

104-

Quoted in South Asian Studies A Research Journal of South Asian Studies Vol. 25, No. 1, January-June 2010, pp.89-97 K. K. Aziz, Party Politics in Pakistan, 1947-1958, Islamabad: National Institute of Historical and Cultural Research, 1989. P. 56 Clemens, Walter C. Jr. , Dynamics of International Politics, Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield, 1998. pp. 121-123 Shahid Bokhari, , Constitutional History of Pakistan, Qureshi & Sons, Lahore, 1989. pp. 15-17

105106107-

131

CONCLUSION The existence of the political parties is essential within the direction of the egalitarian practice. Political Parties guarantee efficiency of the democracy. On the other hand, the simple existence is not the spirit of democracy; the feature of political guidance and how political parties fulfill their responsibilities, set out a stretched approach to form the character and track of the political organism. By well known election process political parties form the government. They connect and denote various state institutions. They are also accountable to bring on high quality authority of the government. Elected governance relies on the nature, association and organization of the political parties, that enjoys the political authority. The actions and activities of political parties influenced the masses in all spheres and by all means. Political parties also alter the society caliber, its social value and the societal

pre-requisites.

Internal

democracy

in

political

parties

and

their

institutionalization play vital role in social, financial, economical and political growth. They promote overall state objectives. In Pakistan political parties, family units and societal culture usually matter in their practices. Patron-client relation between the influential wealthy community and the political parties is evident in the Pakistan political culture. During general elections, the party centers forget and deny those grassroots leaders who are politically renowned figures, and nominate those with money and power in exchange of huge donations to the parties. While talking about their position for such practices of the party centers, the grassroots leaders, even though they themselves are involved in different intra-party lobbies or factions, express their dissatisfaction and concern and sometimes grievances.

The masses observe that egalitarian/democratic

considerations have been missing in the political parties. We have not enough educational, sense and existence of high quality. The societal and civilizing composition are not constructive for democratic sense and practices. Yet, the party is voted on the way to form government and the management tasks, but democracy is not exists in the party. A small number of fundamental creams of the crop/ the best of all/eminent/

high in station, rank, or repute;/ prominent;/

distinguished:

designed for their autocratic and morally corrupt sweet wills are responsible in for

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humiliation of the party. Several key leaders are concerned here in fraud, as well as intellectual wing on the way to large extent are also politically corrupt. The majority of the inner most privileged comprise mal-practicing or being linked with the dealing group of people encompassing corruption and offenses. As a result, the party leader is not capable to deal with such unstable situation and approve the offender in the party. Changes are further critical in the fundamental levels of the political parties. Democratic mentality segments of the parties hesitating that the party leaders desire to uphold democratic sort in the parties, the party leaders to apply democracy also. As talking regarding the people’s perceptions of democracy, the party chiefs themselves consider that the working division of people at a standstill cannot reveal other than accessibility or way into belly. The masses think that they have privilege on the way to choose and vote in support of a government, and the government in response will guarantee the accessibility and inexpensive cost of food items/things. The masses don’t know big matters similar to the party democratic system, party association, democratic changes in the party positions, or who is being voted or designated as contestant. The majority of the political party’s heads, in Pakistan has immense power in all matters of domestic politics. The head of the party, most frequently by pass the masses general wills, through autocratic sorts of decision making and taking. In this regard, the rest of the party members are bound to accept their leader’s opinion. This value discourages the mutual consultation process and everything else. Our political system divided into wealthy and deprived working class. An influential/ rich person is given great weightage rather than an intellectual poor person. The feudalistic class still grasped the political party’s key posts in Pakistan. By and large, most of the Pakistan’s political parties lack in quality institutionalization and organizational strength. Therefore, they suffer a lot of financial constraints and a quality leadership in the state. Their lower levels hierarchal structure of district, tehsil and union council are not properly developed. Most often the leaders don’t care about their public interests, and not been able to align their national campaign with the desires and will of the people at lower levels. Most of the political party’s leaders are highly centralized and typically structured around the personality of their own leaders.

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The PPP’s leaders call attention to the same as consider political parties and people cannot or don’t wish for, to feel extra than the party bosses. At the same time as the people prefer for PPP, it indicates that the masses feel like Bhutto into influence. In the extended sense, they do not go round missing the Z.A Bhutto. This is the people approaches regarding Z.A Bhutto. Since people are connected in a number of channels or others with the Union level through district level party divisions, they acquaint with their needs to the party leaders. As regards people’s demands from political parties, here democratic considerations like equal opportunity, justice and so on, do not work, but funds are dispersed all the way through opinionated practice and political personalities. Yet, the mases in the village follow political influentials/chiefs or campaigners to get in touch with the workers for their demands. At the lower level, in most of the political parties units have less get together and political interactions. There is stipulation for gathering, but most the respondent local chiefs can’t yet consider it important as that they don’t know what time they met for the last time. A number of them attempted to relate their group existence in large political get-together, attended by lower or upper rank leaders the same as their usual group actions, but in fact these are not their legitimate group activities. At the masses level, the political leaders frequently mark politicians themselves and the official organism are weak and dishonest. Funds can purchase the popular of the politicians and civil servants. Weak points and dishonesty in these segments of the people have transmitted to each area of the the social order. The respondents mourn that these mismanagement have dented the societal integrity organism, law breakers, and the civil rights of the people, depressed the influence of the open-minded people, constrained the door to choices, and above all blocked the track to democratic improvement in the society. Juma’at-i-Islami on the other hand, has improved its internal structure and abides strictly their members by a rigid constitution of the party. As they engage in a serious business of democratic survival, their entire structural organization, collectively and individually manage and follow the party constitutional provisions. Although, it hasn’t come to power in the parliament, but still eradicate the concept of poor and rich, family influence or back ground and above all the election of the leader (Amir) is merely on merit. The glaring example of this is the recently elected Amir-e-

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Juma’at-i-Islami Pakistan Siraj-ul-Huq. His appointment is purely on merit irrespective of any family back-ground and cast. Due to the reason, the party members have appointed and elected him as amire-JI. In this connection, he is a pious person and still not involed himself in malpracticing and corruption, being twice practiced as a provincial Finace Minister, in KPK. These entire things are due to the internal party democracy and religious concerned. By and large, the JI’s approaches and stances are spiritual and theopolitical. While, the PPP’s very slogan (roti, kapra and makan) is still not achieved yet, it had ruled the country, a number of times. Its main leader most often charged with corruption and other mal-practices and the party also havn’t any check and balance on them. The researcher argues that it is the responsibility of the political cream of the crop/eminents to inform the masses about their privileges, preferences, compensation, shortcoming and the traditions for fruitful developments/growth. They are made-up to give the peoples an idea about future brightness and resolve our disaster in the society that the political chiefs never hand on matters similar to aggression in the social order, troublemaker, load shedding, and cost of commodities etc., which terrorize the daily lives of the general masses. The political leaders do not have a discussion of or do not give notice towards the basic and human rights of the people. The masses decisively observed that their personal chosen chiefs and law creator are to a certain degree engaged in breaching set of laws, intimidating fine people by their cruel cadre of arms. In Pakistan, maximum political parties as an institution are not properly developed. There is no balance between enough powerful military establishment and feeble civil society. As a result the power quest always in favor of military. The military restricted and resisted the enhancement of democracy in Pakistan. The political parties on a large scale have not promoted standard of institutionalization which caused military interventions, a number of times, in the country. In Pakistan, its first general election was held in 1970 on the basis of adult franchise. Its results were not beare/brought fruitful consequences and caused the separation of East Pakistan in the shape of Bangladesh. The second general election in 1977, once again it caused the military rule in Pakistan. Consequently, democracy not flourished and nourished 135

in Pakistan due to the ‘coup d'état’ of General Zia-ul-Huq. In this connection, the military influenced, controlled and even imposed their own style of democracy. In post Zia’s period and in the Zia regime from 1985 to 1996, the country experienced five general elections in a short space of just 12 years. Those elections were as in the following manners and styles. In 1985 election was non party based; the 1988, 1990, and 1996 elections were on party based. In 1997’s general election PML (N) with a huge mandate put on sweep majority through out the country, in the parliament. Even though, Sharif's reputation in 1998 and popular peace initiatives in 1999, the coup d'état’ was emerged against him by Army General ( Pervez Musharraf), accusing Sharif of hijacking the plane and pushed terrorism blame next to Sharif in the cout of military; as a result finished his government. In the election of 2002, which was 8th in number, Juma’at-i-Islami came to power in KPK and Baluchistan in shape of MMA while PPP and PML (N), the mainstream Pakistani political parties’s leaders were in exile. So far as the comparative study of Juma’at-i-Islami Pakistan and Pakistan People’s Party is concerned, the Juma’at-i- Islami Pakistan has a sound political, religious and social party structure. Its Party Constitution is quite democratic in real sense. Therefore the internal democracy is quite ensured through its internal democratic structure. All its intellectual and organized political strength has come from Sayyed Abul Aala Maudidi’s intellectual, political and religious thoughts. It has sound organizational structure, unity and tight discipline at local and national levels. Having a unique party structure of amir, deputy amir, shura and secretary general, at national and local levels constitute its strong party position in the political and religious practices of Pakistan. It shows its distinctive superiority over other political party’s intra party cohesion. Its intra party structure is in need of election to maintain its tight democratic, political, religious, and social strength. Juma’at-i-Islami Pakistan’s always discussed and votes through secret ballet in the Shura, at national and local levels concerned issues. They elect their amir, deputy amir, secretary general through intra party elections. There is no family back ground and nepotism involve in the intra party election process. Their arkan (prominent members) decides the respective position of organization and administrative posts in Shura. They always are trying to choose right person for the right job in all spheres.

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Pakistan People’s Party, founded by Z.A Bhutto in 1967, the masses including every sect were in fact variety of groups’ attachments in the history, in conditions of their societal distinctiveness. Their ideological tendencies and generational characteristics were emerged into new party. They held varying notions about the ultimate aims of PPP and about the role of Z.A Bhutto in it. Some of them, friends from better days and protective future opportunities, formed the beginnings of an inner circle around Z.A Bhutto. People saw him as the popular to Ayub Khan and a leader who could unify the political forces against the military-bureaucratic forces and to bring parliamentary democracy back to Pakistan. Some others like students and anty Feudalistic forces had also joined hand with Z.A Bhutto in addition of highly organized political party, to introduce and seek socialistic reconstruction of the Pakistan’s economy. From the start, Bhutto concept was not so much of a party as it was of a political movement, where groups, leaders and fragment of groups were held together segmentally, with vertical lines of authority leading to the Chairman. This is quite clear that neither ideology nor organization could be too rigid or refined. Now days, Pakistan People Party’s Central Executive Committee is the supreme, highest and powerful governing authority. Its jurisdiction is the final over all decisions. In Z.A Bhutto era it had took various crucial and final decision concerned with financial, commerce, scientific, public and social spheres. Its role was the highest party authority. It also coordinates its federal, provincial presidents and secretary generals at provincial levels. Its role in government policy making and imposing is minor. The Central Executive Committee (CEC) elected and directed by elected and designated Chairman who manages the party meetings at the top level. In practice the Chairman decision is final. As a matter of fact, both the parties have their significance and playing their respective roles, irrespective either they win or not win. Both the parties had tasted the dictatorship and military tyrannies by one way or the other way. Unfortunately, in country like Pakistan the lay men and masses are not having the sense of democracy. They just conceive that the democracy is the name of voting, constitution, parliament and parties. The attitude and culture always creates hurdles in developing civic behavior and manners, without which we can’t develop real democracy in Pakistan. They are in-need of proper political training and recruitment by the political parties.

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Juma’at-i-Islami Pakistan is pre and post independence political, religious party while PPP base is socialistic and materialistic in nature. The PPP always revolve around the personality of Bhutto’s family and uses the Z.A Bhutto card. Juma’at-i-Islami Pakistan structure is quite different and not as such the PPP. The JI’s leader (present president) is not from its founder family. He will be electing through secret ballet by the Shura’s member. The election of amir is always “Right man for the right job”. In PPP, some of its leaders alleged and even involve in corruption but the party internally has not such a strong check and balance as JI has. In JI there is nothing for those who involve in mal practices because of strong party internal check. Juma’at-i-Islami’s structure and strength is qualitative, spiritual and materialistic, while PPP stances based on ground realities rather than spiritual and most of all quantitative in nature. Where there is politics there will be political parties. They represent the state’s caliber through the people. Each party has their own programme and agendas and the people support them by their votes. Their diversities in thoughts are the beauty of democracy. The Pakistan’s political parties denote their self as garden flowers each party is the flower of this garden and without its existence it is incomplete. In this regard the intra political party rigid discipline, structure and organization are the back bone of political party to produce sound leadership in the country. So, contrary to diversities they should be on one page to deliver the state obligations and duties properly.

FINDINGS The following measures are in need to strengthen the institutionalization in the political parties of Pakistan: In support of the political parties they require to arrange party conferences, having great weight, as well as successful, and avoiding the family or personality great tributes of the top leaders of the party (ignoring the rest of the party workers and members), past and present, laced with broadside of misuse for opponents, their speeches should be to the point, precise and above all, they were on the burning issues like education, the menace of terrorism, sectarianism, agriculture, commerce and trade, foreign relations, health etc., and also not to use repetition and reappearance. In party leader as well as considerable high authority positions, suitable election through

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secret ballot should be in place, discontinuing the practice of keeping a panel of office holder useful by earlier hidden blessing of the Chief/influential party bosses in support of an immediate sanction, rather unanimous, and with doubtful personal belongings left on behalf of the Chief's decision only. Extreme reliance on the customers or investor has out of order the chain of systematic management of the political parties as institutions, weakened the party strength and motivated the breach of laws and rules, and use wrongly the state properties. Until, the political parties have to maintain their survival under some rigid structure, abide by electoral regulations and dealings, and bring together money as of accepted and legal sources, they will not function as well-organized democratic institutions in Pakistan. For bringing democracy within the parties, application of electoral laws, determining code of conduct, and establishing transparency in raising and spending of party funds are utmost important. Election expenses of the party nominees can be borne/shared by the parties. Thus, the candidates being spared of huge election expenses, and also other invisible expenses in the form of contributions to party fund and party bosses' fund, they will not need to treat this expenditure as investment. Thus a tendency of recovering invested amount and building reserves can be discouraged.

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APPENDIX-A A Long March for People’s Rights Speech at a Public Meeting, Abbottabad, April 19, 1970 As you all know God Almighty sent 124,000 prophets to the people of the world till such time that religion was completely revealed. During that period, there could be a danger to religion. We believe that with the appearance of the Last of the Prophets (peace be upon him) the revelation of religion was complete. Had there been any danger to Islam, Mohammad (peace be upon him) would not have been the Last of the Prophets. We can safely conclude that there is no danger to Islam at all. That is the one reason why no more prophets will be sent to the world. This is an article of faith with us because our religion is a complete code of life and God Himself is its protector. Leaving aside the religious aspect of this question, I wish to call upon you to use your common sense. May I ask you a simple question? How many of you living in this country feel any danger to their faith? If Islam had been in danger, you would have palpably felt it. You are living in Pakistan. There is nobody in this Country to preach anything against religion. Nobody comes to your homes to Prevent you from offering your prayers. Nobody has ever asked you not to have faith in God Almighty or not to recite the Holy Quraan. None has preached against performing Hajj. There is no such party in Pakistan. When the fire is kindled, the sparks are visible. If there is flood, the water can be seen all around. If a storm is blowing, it can be seen. Because you do not feel any danger to Islam, it is proved that there is no danger to Islam. In fact, there can be no danger to Islam in Pakistan because it is a Muslim country. There are no enemies of Islam in Pakistan. When the Quaid-i-Azam was struggling for Pakistan, when blood was being spilled and when people were making sacrifices for the cause of Pakistan, these socalled defenders of Islam were not in the ranks with Quaid-i-Azam. The nation was passing through a critical phase and the Hindus and the British had joined hands in a big conspiracy against the establishment of Pakistan. Our enemies were siding with

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Nehru, Patel and Gandhi. When we took on our enemies, these people advised us against the establishment of Pakistan. At that time, they dubbed the Quaid-i-Azam as a great infidel. During our struggle against the enemies of Islam, these people were against the Pakistan movement. What right do they have now to tell us that Islam is in danger in Pakistan? No, none at all! Islam is not in danger in the present circumstances. It is the capitalist system which is in danger. We declare that democracy is our polity. There are two types of political systems, the democratic and the dictatorial. You have struggled against a dictatorship and defeated it. Dictatorship is one man’s rule. It is not a people’s government. That is why you were opposed to it. We were with you during this struggle. That is why our second principle is that democracy is our polity. In so far as our third principle is concerned, it relates to the economic problems of the people. This, in fact, is the basic problem. This problem concerns you and in order to solve it, we demand Islamic equality. Equality is one of the basic principles of our religion. The English term for musawat is ‘socialism’ We do not want to fight on the question of terminology. However, I am not the first one to commit the crime of using this term. It was the Quaid-i-Azam who first used it. You can consult the relevant books. You will find that the Quaid-i-Azam declared that Islamic Socialism would be established in Pakistan. Later this was repeated by Quaid-i-Millat Liaquat Ali Khan as well. I want to make it clear to my Pakistani brothers that so long as the solution to your poverty is not found, this country can never progress. There has been no progress during the last 23 years. The reason is that the capitalists ruled the country. Just as dictatorship is hateful in poli¬tics, similarly capitalism is hateful in economics. If democracy is not opposed to Islam, equality too is not against Islam. Everybody knows that there is no parliamentary system in Islam. But Islam is based on equality. Why do cur opponents ignore this? Whose cause do they serve? The People’s Party is your party. You have formed this party. We are with you. We have never cheated you. When I first appeared on the scene I had promised you an independent foreign policy. The previous policy, formulated by the imperialists and followed for 12 years was detrimental to the national interest. This policy was against the integrity and sovereignty of the country. Pakistan became the laughing stock of the 141

world. Even small countries of the world made fun of us. When I assumed office as Foreign Minister, I said that the foreign policy of the imperialists was totally wrong and I promised that we would formulate an independent foreign policy. We established good relations with the countries we had ignored. Our relations with Afghanistan were very strained. We did not have good relations with Russia and not much contact with China. When I went to Russia in the capacity of Minister for Natural Resources, I concluded an agreement there which initiated a phase of good relations with that big power. Later, we developed the best of relations with China. When we fought a war against India, countries from Algeria to Jordan supported Pakistan. We did not have an Islamic Secretariat at that time! Recently, when the question of establishing an Islamic Secretariat was raised, many Arab countries refused to have anything to do with it. During our war with India Shastri himself declared that India had been isolated. All these changes took place when I was Foreign Minister. My foreign policy was the people’s foreign policy. During the war with India, I spoke in the Security Council and declared firmly that we shall fight India resolutely. It was at this meeting that Swaran Singh left the Security Council. I had said that we were notafraid of India because we were fighting for a just cause. Ayub Khan was afraid of India. He used to take out a map and show to us the size of India. He used to point out that India was a big country and had a large population and immense resources. I used to tell him, “Ayub Khan Sahib, please roll up this map. We will fight India.” During my short political life, this was my first promise which was fulfilled. May I ask the Islam exploiters, whose careers range from thirty to forty years, what have they done for this country? What services have they rendered to Pakistan that they have the courage to offer themselves again for public office? They should stay at home and take some rest now. There is a right time for everything, for marriage, for life and death. Similarly, there is an age which is right for politics. Their watches stopped in 1950. Ever since they have been taking them to the watchmaker for repairs, but they have failed to make them tick. The Peoples Party is important not because I founded it, but because it is your party and always reflects your opinion and demands. It will never betray the people. I fulfilled

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the first promise by giving the country a new foreign policy. The second promise fulfilled was to confront India, and stop its aggression. My third promise was to launch a campaign against dictatorship. We were ready to make all sacrifices. We were prepared to go to jails and to do anything needed for the overthrow of the dictator. We formed a revolutionary party and launched a campaign against the dictator. Now, all other parties are claiming that they started the campaign against Ayub Khan. They never launched any struggle against Ayub Khan. How could they do it? They were all afraid of him and trembled at the very mention of his name. They accuse me of siding with Ayub Khan. Of course, I was with Ayub Khan when the people accepted him and when he had promised that be would work for the progress and prosperity of the country. When he betrayed the people, I left him. These parties never struggled against Ayub Khan. My dear brothers and sisters, you have to decide this. When Ayub Khan had been toppled, these people came out and started claiming that they had done this and done that. I say that the last blow to dictatorship was delivered by the people. Until the people rose against him, workers left the mills, the peasants their fields and the students their studies, the dictator could not be defeated. The surprising thing is that supporters of Six Points also went to see him. I think that it was the first time in history that a people defeated a dictatorship. It was possible because we sided with you during this struggle. We did not ask you to go and fight and spill your blood while we watched the outcome of the struggle. We were with you in all the phases of the struggle. I had to go to jail and to suffer imprisonment in the Mianwali and the Sahiwal jails. You were my strength at that time. Now our promise is that we shall uproot this corrupt system which has promoted poverty and deprivation in the country. We shall bring this system to an end and establish people’s rule. I am very well aware of the fact that this is going to be an ardor, struggle. A lot of sacrifices will be required to secure the people’s rights. We need a long march. When I say that we would undertake a long march I am dubbed as a communist. I say that the first long march in history was undertaken by Imam Hussain. My dear brothers, please remember that it is going to be a hard struggle, but we are bound

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to succeed. You have learnt a lot during 23 years of independence. You have never enjoyed any benefit from this independence. Other countries have progressed and prosperity prevails in them after independence. Why is the situation in Pakistan different from that? In Pakistan, it is not animals but human beings who live here. This is not a slave country. Why should poverty and hunger keep on spreading in this country? This certainly is not God’s will. It is because of the wrong capitalist system. A patient needs the right type of medicine for treatment. If the wrong medicine is given the malady will not be cured. The stooges of the imperialists can clearly visualise the danger ahead. This system increases the prosperity of the capitalists who go on establishing one mill after another. Their mills are increasing in number every day. We are not afraid of them. We have to establish only one mill and that is the mill of Pakistan. That mill will be established. It will be established in accordance with the dream of the Quaid-i-Azam and all those who supported the Pakistan movement. The people who tell us that the Pakistan ideology is in danger, are themselves in danger. The problems of the people have to be given full attention. The common man’s miseries have to be ended. We are not afraid of sacrifices. I do not understand why they are afraid of our speeches. We are not afraid of their speeches. They may deliver speeches anywhere. We talk about the people’s problems and suggest measures for their solution. It is because we belong to the people. If I had spoken at Sanghar, it would not have resulted in a revolution. But they are afraid of my speeches because I am your voice, the people’s voice. Our party stands for three principles. We shall always side with you. We shall never betray you. We shall fight for the promises that we have made. We have given you our programme. Our very first principle is that Islam is our religion. This is the most important principle. We are proud of the fact that we are Muslims. We shall wage a ‘jihad’ for the cause of Islam, not only in Pakistan but anywhere in the world, if required. Our holy war will also be against poverty. We say that if you want to serve the ideology of Pakistan, do not pay mere lipservice to it. The ideology of Pakistan means that the Muslims of Pakistan should do their duty to Muslims who are in trouble anywhere in the world. If Muslim blood is being mercilessly shed in India, you cannot just wring your hands. If atrocities are being 144

committed on the Muslims in the Middle East, you will have to do something about it. If the People’s Party had been in power and if there had been a people’s government in Pakistan, it would not have allowed India to get away with the killing of Muslims in Ahmedabad. I call upon the Government’s stooges not to take undue advantage of the situation and exploit the oppressed people of Pakistan. This Government is temporary. I want to inform them that a strong people’s government will be established in Pakistan and it will call them to account. The ideology of Pakistan is that the Muslims of Pakistan should progress and the Muslims of the world should be helped whenever they need help. It is ironic that the persons who had opposed Pakistan are trying to teach us the ideology of Pakistan. The truth is that we are all imbued with the spirit of Islam. If we did not have the prestige of Islam dear to our hearts, we would not have declared that we would fight for a thousand years. How can a Muslim be against Islam? This is a baseless accusation which does not make any sense. It Islam were in danger, the people of Pakistan would have felt it. Gentlemen, do you feel that Islam is in danger? These people have some cheek telling us that Islam is in danger. When the enemies of Islam were trying to weaken the Muslims, these persons were siding with them. They were siding with the people who called the Quaid-i-Azam, “Quaid-iKufr.” They are not only opposed to us; they were opposed to the Quaid-i-Azam too. They also issued edicts against Allama Iqbal. They do not issue edicts against bribery and exploitation. We respect the ‘ulema’ who are true religious leaders, but when they interfere in politics and sing their discordant tunes, we cannot accept them. They did not spare the Quaid-i-Azam. Those who called the Quaid-i-Azam a “kafir”, are themselves the greatest of infidels. Our second principle is that democracy is our polity. As I have explained politics is of two types, the politics of democracy and the politics of dictatorship. Dictatorship means one man’s rule against the people, while in a democracy the people form the government through general elections. We believe in democracy. Economic systems are also of two types: the capitalistic system and the system of equality. We believe in equality. We are opposed to capitalism just as we are opposed to dictatorship. Our religion stands for equality. Islam was the first religion to give a 145

message of equality for everyone. That is why we want that Islamic equality should be established. Poverty and hunger cannot be stamped out without adopting the principles of equality. I spoke about Tashkent in Lahore on 8 March. I quoted from certain books. During my recent tour, I had been told not to say anything more than what the Government had already made public. It was with this in view that I read out from the books but even this was criticized. I have nothing to add to what I have already said in Lahore. Whatever I can add can come when a people’s government has been established in Pakistan. Presently, you should ask Ayub Khan. This question can be put to me when a government is established in Pakistan which openly discards and tears up the Tashkent Declaration, but if messages continue to be exchanged on the anniversary of the Tashkent Declaration, I cannot divulge anything. When the people resolve to launch a campaign against the Tashkent Declaration, I shall lead this campaign and point out the blunders committed in this Declaration. I have done my duty in Lahore and it was not possible for me to say much and explain how hard I tried to avert this Declaration. Even an Indian author has written that I tried to prevent this Declaration while they were very happy about it. I can only say that this declaration is against the interests of Pakistan. Gentlemen, I have explained to you that Islamic equality is called socialism. Our opponents say that it is against Islam. I say that equality is not against Islam. Some of the ‘ulema’ have declared that there is no equality in Islam, but there is justice in Islam. Even if we accept their stand, may we ask what justice demands? Justice demands equality. If the people are denied two square meals a day, if there is poverty and hunger, if the children are deprived of education, then it is not justice. It is equality which is in keeping with justice. Socialism is an English word and our friends are allergic to this English word. This struggle is against exploitation and capitalism. We do not want that the system of oppression should continue. This is the message of socialism or equality. The Quaid-i-Azam himself used this word. If you do not like the English word ‘socialism’, we can substitute it with Islami Musawat. When Liaquat Ali Khan, the first Prime Minister of Pakistan called for Islamic Socialism, why did they not declare that Islam was a complete code of life and that socialism was not needed? I accept that Islam is a complete code of life, but then why do they keep 146

on repeating the demand for the 1956 Constitution? The Quran is our constitution. Why talk about any other constitution? The parliamentary system is not mentioned in the Holy Quran. No verse of the Holy Quran or a saying of the Holy Prophet (peace be upon him) mentions the parliamentary system. Is it Islamic or not? This system was formulated by the British who ruled this country and who were our enemies. When it comes to a question of equal distribution of wealth and the eradication of poverty, our opponents declare it to be against Islam. If there is no Islamic Socialism in Islam, then there is no Islamic democracy either. If they want Islamic democracy, then Islamic Socialism is also needed. If the politics is to be that of the people, the economic system should also be of the people. The condition of the Muslims is deteriorating every day. If they want to serve Islam, they should serve the Muslims. They should enable the Muslims to get education. There should be hospitals for them. They should be provided with clothing and shelter. The majority of the Muslims is becoming poorer every day while these leaders keep on repeating that Islam is in danger. This is no service to Islam. Service to Islam lies in service to the Muslims. That is Islamic Socialism. Our opponents cannot accuse us of cheating the people or of committing excesses. We cannot be charged with exploiting the people or for having misled them. That is the reason for this propaganda that we are endangering Islam. Islam cannot be in danger because it is an eternal religion. We may have to launch a long struggle and offer innumerable sacrifices, but the people’s rule will be established and we are bound to triumph.

Sources: Ref 1. Marching towards democracy A collection of articles, statements and 1970-71 By Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto reproduced in pdf form by Sani Pansar available at

http://panhwar.com/Books_By_Sani/Marching-Towards-

Democracy.pdf

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APPENDIX-B MAULANA MAUDUDI SPEECH ABOUT DEMOCRACY AND ISLAM SPEECH AT JEHLUM, NOVEMBER 14, 1967. All the praises to Almighty Allah! My dear friends and colleagues, in the near past we have a get to gether and I think that the Provincial Amir fore-told you the about the next strategy of the JI, that how to move forward in this connection. Yet, you will expect from my side that to explain you the JI’s task and policy in the current situation. Therefore I will try of my level best to elaborate you the essentials condensely in this regard, for the purpose. The Programm of JI You know that the JI’s program has four components. The foremost is to call the peoples towards Allah. Its very aim is to call all the masses toward Allah and to coceve them the real interpretation of Allah’s obedience and sertitude, to fulfill all athe pre-requisites for the links. The second part/component of our program is to organize in well disciplined manner, in Islamic spirits. Third one is to reform the human race. For the purpose we have to train and enhace the capabalities of those who has gird up with us, in this mission. Trough them, we have to interlink with the society. The said tight discipline will not for the strenghtning of our personal gains but, for the accomplishment of the mission. Ofcourse, the very purpose of our mission is to reform and guide the rest of the society for better results. We are in need to avoid the wrong doers from the evils and sins to lead their lives according to the Quranic teachings, in their individual and collective spheres. The people, who are not on the right path and they are the believers, it is our duty to keep them on the right path and strengthen their links to Allah the almighty. It is also our duty to inpused them with the doga of Towheed (Oneness of Allah), that Allah is the maintainer and sustainer of the entire universe. Our last, not the least point is to guide the ruler/govt., to implement the Islamic laws and we condemned the Western type of democracy in the country. As a matter of fact, our mission is to establish the prophetic society, in the real sense.

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The Stages of the pious mission, for thr Restoration of Deocracy In the mentioned facts, the one and only component is tacceptable to the contemporary Political Parties of Pakistan and hope that they will join hands with us for the just and the righteous cause. The remaining three are our personal. We have our own mechanism to adopt and will consistently carry on, at any cost. My dears, it is great blessing of Allah that all the political parties are agreed upon the mentioned agenda, to guide and keep the recent government on the right path. We will move forward collectively through mutual consultation and concensus. It is the real Islamic principle and spirit that to consult the issues and problem with each other, than in individualistic approach. There is a king party which is not the pulic opinionated or elected, it enjoyes the role, according to the pleasure of their boss (dictator). The said party is not agreeing to implement the Islamic laws. Now, it’s quite necessary for us to guide and prevent it, to enhance your mission at any cost. It is also our goal and the Islamic principle to keep them on the right path and also to guide them. Remember the guidance of the human race is our real mission, to develop a pious and prophetic society. If, we achieve our goal, as a result we will capable to produce such aperson who can run the state affairs honestly, and our state running resource persons will be serve better the nation, in all walks. The constitution of 1956 was concensessed by the JI and the cotemporary Ulemas, for the implementation of Islamic set up in the country. The next steo is to establish the Islamic democracy including awareness among the general public, to choose the person and leadership who can deliver and know the Islamic laws and its implementation, and to run the state affairs according to the real spirits of Principles. The whole political parties are the stake holder to do this and also agreed to support the Islamic polity in the country. By and large we are not in the mode to take solo flight, in our individual capacity. In democratic sense, we have to struggle for the right cause of democracy in collective spheres. Rules of Mutual Co-operation My dears, we have to follow the collective and mutual respect to move forward in a democratic alliance, accordingly. For the mutual development it is

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obligatory for us to show tolerance by every stake-holder in the democratic alliance. We have to clear the ambiguities and develop the confidence building measures for the better results of smooth democracy in the country. Strictlyn keep in your mind the mutual respect, loyalties, devotion and sincerity for each other, to tie up your links. Abuse or Reform My dears, side by side we have to continue criticism on the government, constructively, not destructively. The things will not be persnalise by any means it means not ti be personal. Islam controles our emotions and like the middle way in any matter, rather than to become an extremist. Being Muslims, we will have to grasp the principle of justice and truth. We will adopt the civilized manners in any sort of situation. Our aim will not to criticize personality but, “to nip the evil in the buds.” These manners will be irrespective of any religious and political attachments. The wrong doings would be eradicated and criticize for the development of constructive criticism to run the state affairs smoothly, always do that and prevail these spirits. The results of the Civilised Manners If, we use the civilized and democratic manners, in any sorts of affairs, no one can create hurdles in the way you moving forward. If, they doing so, the entire community will be stood up against them and will blame them for their wrong doings that they are against the right cause. If, you use the harsh words, naturally they will tease you and the opposition will enjoye their tactics. Our Mission is Universal and eternal My dears, Our goal is create pious, honorable, and prophetic community and side by side, to guide and make suggestions for the government, for the betterment of the humanity. The said principle is the very principle of Islam that not to loose the grip on the preaching and boosting of the Islamic values. The preaching and Islamic values will be consistently utilize, even in the battle field. It is obligatory for us to maintain and sustain the mission. It is big difference between the Muslim and Christianity that the former has no specified place to preech and practice and the later is specified to temples and Fathers.

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While the Islamic preaching and teachings covers the entire activities of life, in all walks. Just a constitution is not the solution of the current situation. It is in need of the whole community consensus, and to practice them in their daily lives and activities. Source: Quoted in Akhter Hijazi, Guftar-e-Maududi, Idara Ma arif-e-Islami Mansoora, Lahore, June 2008.

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APPENDIX-C

………………………………………………………………………. Source= available at http://jamaat.org/beta/site/page/6 accessed on 26 June 2014

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MAGAZINES, NEWSPAPERS, AND URDU JOURNALS 

Azad Lahore, 10 November 1970



A’in, Lahoer, (October 1989).



Al-Ma‘arif, Lahore.



Asia, 27 February 2002. p.11



Azad Lahore (17 December 1970).



Buisiness Recorder, Pakistan’s Financial Daily, and Premier Thursday, 04 December 2014



ISLAMABAD, Dunya News, AUGUST 21, 2014 also available at http://www.dunyanews.tv < access on 23rd 21 January 2015, at 2.00 PM



Chatan, Lahore (November 15, 1989)



Combat Karachi (29 March 1970)



Crescent, Lahore (December 1939).



Dawn, Karachi (24 February 1969).



Friday Times, Lahore (September 14, 1989).



Haftrozah Zindagi, Lahore (October 14_28, 1989)



Hamqadam, Karachi (July and August 1965).



Hurriyat, 26 September 1970, n.d



Herald, Karachi (August 1992): 151.



Hilal-i-Pakistan (Hyderabad)



Iqdam, Lahore (June 9, 1963).



Imroze, Multan (3 April 1971)



Roznama Jasarat Karachi, November 1989



Kohistan, 10 August 1970.

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

Kawthar, Lahore, (July 5, 1947): 1.



Masawat, 26 August 1970.



Manshur (Karachi)



Mithaq, Lahore 39, 3 (March 1990): 58_68.



Morning News (Karachi and Dhaka 11 June 1969)



Nation, Lahore (February 2, 1990).



Nawa’-i Waqt, Lahore (August 15, 1975): 3, (Lahore, 1988), 102.



Nusrat , (16 March 1969).



Nida, Lahore (March 27, 1989).



Pakistan Observer, Karachi (7January 1969).



Pakistan Times Lahore (25 February 1969) .



Takbir, Karachi, (November 16, 1989): 52.



Tarjumanu’l-Qur’an, Hyderabad, Pathankot, Lahore.



The Pakistan Times (Lahore and Rawalpindi)



The News, August 02, 2014



Urdu Digest, Lahore.118822



Wifaq, Lahore (Lahore, 1988), 102.



Zindagi Lahore,

(October 14_28, 1989): 38_39 Abid, younis. Quaid-e-

Awaam. (‘ Great Leader of The People.’ Lahore:Maktaba Pakistan,1972. 

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

Anwar, Raja. Bari jail Se, Choti Jail Tak. (‘From the big Jail to The Little Jail.’) Lahore: Maktaba Kahani, n.d.



Bhutto, Zulfiqar Ali. Awami Adalat Me. (‘In The Court of the People’) Lahore: Pakistan People’s Party, 1969.

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

Bhutto, Zulfiqar Ali. Chairman Bhutto Ke Siyasi Afkar. (‘political thoughts of Chairman Bhutto.’) Edited by Younis Abid. Lahore: Awami Abadiat, n.d.



Bhutto, Zulfiqar Ali. Ccmmitment to History: Text of the Affadivit. Lahore: peoples Book Centre,1969.



Bhutto, Zulfiqar Ali. Pakistan and the Alliances. Lahore: Pakistan People’s party, 1969.



Bhutto, Zulfiqar Ali. Pakistan ka jamhuri Niza:Afkar Zulfikar Ali Bhutto. (‘Pakistan’s

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

Bhutto, Zulfiqar Ali. Political Situation in Pakistan. Lahore: Al-Bayan, 1968.



Hasan, Mubashir. Pakistan Ke J’ali hukamran Tabqe. (‘Pakistan’s Spurious Ruling Classes’.) Lahore: Classic, 1976.



Hasan, Mubashir. Shahrah-i-Inqilab. (‘The Road of Revilution.’) Lahore: n.d.



Kashmiri, Khalid. Awam ka Sadr. (‘The People’s President.’) Lahore: Munib Publications, 1972.



Niazi, Kausar. Basirat. (‘Discernment.’) Lahore: Ferozsons, 1973.



Niazi, Kausar. Bunyadi haqiqatin. (‘Fundamental truths.’) Lahore: Rerozsons, 1973.



Rahim,J.A. Outline of a Fereral Constitution For Pakistan. Lahore Pakistan People’s Party, 1969.



Ramay, Hanif. Baza’o aur Zinda Raho. (‘Leave Alone and Live.’) Lahore: Maktab Jadid, 1965.



Ramay, Hanif. Dub-i-Akbar. (‘The Great Bear Constellation.’) Lahore: Al Bayan, 1969.



Ramay, Muhammad Hanif. Griftari Se Qatalana Hamle Tak. (‘Fom Imprisonment to the Deadly Attack.’) Lahore: Al Bayan 1969.

169



Rizvi, Hasan Askari. Pakistan People’s Party: the First Phase, 1967-71.



The Pakistan People’s party. Foundation and Policy. Lahore: Dr. Mubashir Hasan, n.d.



Wa’is, Khwja Sadiq, ed. Chairman Bhutto aur Islami Msawat. (‘Chairman Bhutto and Islamic Equality.’) Lahore: peoples Accademy, n.d.



Zafar, S.M. Quest For Constitution. Lahore: Nashira-e-Quran, n.d.



Za’ai Islahat, Labor Policy Aur Awam. (‘Agricultural Reforms, Labor Policy and the People.’) Lahore Pakistan Socialist Party. n.d.

170