Optimum Speed For High Speed Lines

Research on Optimum Speed for High Speed Lines Volume II

Research on “OPTIMUM SPEED FOR HIGH SPEED LINES”

   

Research on

OPTIMUM SPEED for HIGH SPEED LINES

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FCH Authors:

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UIC Directors of the research:

‒ Eduardo Romo

‒ Michel Leboeuf

‒ Jorge Nasarre

‒ Ignacio Barrón

‒ Antonio Lozano

‒ Naoto Yanase

‒ Santiago González ‒ Fernando Montes ‒ José Julián Mendoza ‒ Julián Sastre

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In cooperation with the UIC Intercity and High Speed Commitee

‒ Ignacio Fajardo ‒ Manuel Cuadrado ‒ Adolfo Rincón ‒ Fernando Lázaro-Carrasco

October 2012

 

Research on “OPTIMUM SPEED FOR HIGH SPEED LINES”

    CONTENT

VOLUME I 1. INTRODUCTION, ACKNOWLEDGMENTS AND WORKS ORGANIZATION................. 1 1.1. Introduction .............................................................................................................. 1 1.2. Acknowledgments ................................................................................................... 1 1.3. Works organization .................................................................................................. 2 2. SCOPE, PURPOSE AND STUDY JUSTIFICATION....................................................... 5 2.1. Scope ...................................................................................................................... 6 2.2. Purpose and study justification ................................................................................ 7 3. CONCEPTS AND DEFINITIONS .................................................................................... 9 3.1. Optimum .................................................................................................................. 9 3.2. High speed .............................................................................................................. 9 3.3. Transport mode ..................................................................................................... 12 3.4. Speed .................................................................................................................... 12 3.5. Optimum speed ..................................................................................................... 15 3.6. Line/service optimum speed .................................................................................. 18 3.7. Speed increase efficiency ...................................................................................... 18 4. METHODOLOGY .......................................................................................................... 22 4.1. Methodology for establishing the optimum speed of high speed rail systems ....... 22 4.2. Methodology for the practical application of the optimum speed to a line or service (“Operational speed”) ................................................................................ 26 5. SPEED HISTORICAL EVOLUTION .............................................................................. 27 5.1. Road mode speed historical evolution ................................................................... 28 5.2. Aviation mode speed historical evolution .............................................................. 45 5.3. The rail system unique behaviour .......................................................................... 56 5.4. The road and aviation optimum speed .................................................................. 61

 

Research on “OPTIMUM SPEED FOR HIGH SPEED LINES”

    6. LIMITING FACTORS TO THE RAIL SPEED INCREASE ............................................. 63 6.1. Infrastructure and alignment constraints for very high speed ................................ 64 6.2. Aerodynamics constraints that may limit the rail systemic maximum speed ......... 73 6.3. Noise ..................................................................................................................... 87 6.4. Electrification ......................................................................................................... 96 6.5. Rolling stock ........................................................................................................ 104 6.6. Signalling ............................................................................................................. 124 7. OPTIMUM SPEED AS A SYSTEM ............................................................................. 130 7.1. Constraint analysis .............................................................................................. 130 7.2. Subsystems limits review .................................................................................... 130 7.3. Combined effects ................................................................................................. 131 7.4. Findings and contrast .......................................................................................... 132 7.5. Technical standards requirements to be updated ............................................... 134 8. OPERATIONAL OPTIMUM SPEED............................................................................ 138 8.1. Key parameters ................................................................................................... 138 8.2. Methodology ........................................................................................................ 140 8.3. Direct services optimum operating speed ........................................................... 141 8.4. Stopping services optimum operating speed ....................................................... 143 9. CONCLUSIONS AND FUTURE NEEDS .................................................................... 146

APPENDIX 1. QUESTIONNAIRES APPENDIX 2. BIBLIOGRAPHY

VOLUME II APPENDIX 3. RAILWAY SPEED HISTORICAL EVOLUTION APPENDIX 4. AUTOMOTION SPEED HISTORICAL EVOLUTION APPENDIX 5. AVIATION SPEED HISTORICAL EVOLUTION

 

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APPENDIX 3. RAILWAY SPEED HISTORICAL EVOLUTION

 

Research on “OPTIMUM SPEED FOR HIGH SPEED LINES”

RAILWAY SPEED HISTORICAL EVOLUTION

1. INTRODUCTION Since the invention of the steam locomotive and up to the recently broken rail-speed record at the hands of the V150 test-train on the Paris to Strasbourg line, the railways have undergone, just as other means of transport have, a series of technological innovations which have allowed them to achieve progressively greater speeds and provide more and more power for their engines. As we shall see in this text, the railways have been based throughout their history on three different types of traction: steam, the oldest of them and perhaps the form which has experienced the most technological improvement during its period of utilisation; diesel technology, more powerful than steam traction in general and equally improved on over its operational life, and, finally, electrical traction, which has allowed us to reach unthinkable speed and which is currently the most common form of traction for modern trains. Technological improvements have permitted the accomplishment of growing rail-speed records whilst at the same time allowing commercial speeds to be raised, as, due to the fact that we are dealing with a guided means of transport, the railways have been able to adapt through the adoption of improvements to infrastructure, track design at speeds which technological advancements have made available to the railways. This effect has been clearly observed in track designs from the early days of the Twentieth Century compared to those currently under construction, where it can be clearly noted that the evolution of rolling stock has always been accompanied by improvements in the concept of track design. However, and in contrast with other means of transport, maximum commercial speeds which have been established over time by different railway operators, have not followed a convergent route towards a determined value, as is the case of the automobile or the aeroplane, rather that we can clearly see, how commercial speeds increase in line with the same pace as the technological possibilities on hand, without reaching a specific speed which may be considered optimum. In this section, we shall analyse the rail-speed records achieved by railway vehicles without taking into account those experimental prototypes which although these were guided vehicles, do not fit the profile of the concept of railway vehicle as we know it.

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Also, we shall see how commercial speeds have continued to grow over time and how in recent years these values still grow even though there is no magic number serving as a guide to optimum speed.

2. RAIL-SPEED RECORDS PER TRACTION TYPE As we have mentioned in the introduction, the railways have been served by three different types of traction throughout the length of their history. The first railway vehicle in a purist sense was a steam locomotive. With her steam traction was born. This first ever locomotive used steam at high-pressure to power a cylinder which at the same time worked in unison with the wheels of the locomotive, propelling this and turning the wheels, thus making it move. This apparently overly simple principle, has undergone major improvements throughout history with regards to its essential aspects, namely: ‒

Increases in the capacity to generate steam and so to generate more power.

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Improvements to the steam admission cylinder.

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Improvements of the connecting rods for elements which join the cylinder to the wheels.

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Evolution of the techniques used to heat water.

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Improvements of the aerodynamic aspects of the locomotive.

Thanks to these improvements, steam locomotives were capable of increasing power, speed and the quality of the service offered in general. In the following table, rail-speed records achieved by steam locomotives are listed:

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Steam traction rail-speed records Date

Country

Stretch / Track

Speed (km/h)

Locomotive / Train

1804

GB

Tramway of Pen-y-darren

8

Trevithick's Locomotive

1825

GB

Stockton and Darlington Railway

24

Stephenson's Locomotion No. 1

1830

GB

Manchester-Liverpool

48

Stephenson's Rocket

1848

USA

Boston – Lawrence (Mass)

96.5

Boston & Maine "Antelope"

02/07/1907

D

Munich - Augsburg

154.5

Bayerischen S 2/6 #3201

30/11/1934

GB

161

A1 #4472 "Flying Scotsman"

05/03/1935

GB

173.8

A3 #2750 "Papyrus"

08/05/1935

USA

Milwaukee - New Lisbon (MRR)

181

Class A Nr.2 "Atlantic" (Hiawatha)

27/09/1935

GB

London - Newcastle (LNER)

181

A4 #2509 "Silver Link"

11/05/1936

D

Friesack - Vietznitz (Hamburg Berlin)

200.4

Borsig 05 002

03/07/1938

GB

Grantham - Peterborough

202.8

A4 #4468 "Mallard"

Grantham - Peterborough (LNER) Grantham - Peterborough (LNER)

However, steam locomotives also had their downsides. In this sense, they required large amounts of coal, water, and any increase in power obliged the construction of large-scale and heavy locomotives. Many of their components needed meticulous and constant maintenance, and also were often uncomfortable and unpleasant for passengers, both as a result of the smoke produced by the burning of coke and due to darkened hue the wagons and railway infrastructures adopted as a consequence of the smoke. With the invention of the internal combustion engines, the possibility of providing power in a confined space arose. The internal combustion engine took very little time to become commonplace in railway vehicles. The first of these were fitted with gasoline engines which offered little power and high levels of consumption. And so, the general acceptance of the internal combustion engine for railway vehicles took place with the introduction of the diesel engine. Indeed, the little maintenance that it required, the low levels of fuel consumption with respect to its predecessor, and the cleaning that this type of traction permitted, made the gradual disappearance of steam inevitable,

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The diesel engine provided torque for the axles via sets of cogs and serrated wheels and the use of hydraulic and hydromechanical transmissions, allowing for the reaching of high speeds greater performance. Soon diesel technology provided excellent results in all aspects. In the table below we can see the records achieved with diesel locomotives: Diesel traction rail-speed records Date

Country

Stretch / Track

Speed (km/h)

Locomotive / Train

26/05/1934

USA

Denver - Lincoln

181

Budd "Pioneer Zephyr"

17/02/1936

D

Ludwigslust - Wittenberge

205

23/06/1939

D

Hamburg - Berlin

215

20/05/1972

E

Azuqueca - Guadalajara

222

Talgo III 353 005

12/06/1973

GB

Northallerton - Thirsk

230.5

HST Class 41 Prototype

13/11/1987

GB

Darlington - York

238.9

HST InterCity 125 - Class 43

1997

RUS

Moscow - St. Petersburg

271

Locomotive TEP 80-002

12/06/2002

E

Lerida - Zaragoza

256.4

Talgo XXI

Linke-Hofmann SVT 137 153 Bauart Leipzig Linke-Hofmann SVT 137 155 (Kruckenberg)

A notable improvement that we shall touch on later was electric-diesel traction. In the table, the 1997 record was achieved by an electric-diesel engine, and however, the 2002 record refers to a diesel locomotive with hydraulic transmission. In reality, electric-diesel locomotives enjoyed the power provided by a diesel engine but with the torque transmitted on the axles performed by electrical engines. However, these have been traditionally considered more diesel vehicles than electrical, as their versatility allows them to travel on non-electrified lines. Before the appearance of diesel locomotives, the introduction of electrical engines took place on the railways. Without entering into too much detail, electrical traction as it affects the railways is composed of three types:

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Traction with alternate tri-phase current

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Traction with continuous current

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Traction with alternating mono-phase current

Evolutionarily, the first type of traction used on the railways was alternate tri-phase current. Engines which had these first locomotives were tri-phase engines and power supply demanded that the locomotive had three different power points, and therefore, three different contact lines. With the introduction of continuous current the problem of energy intake was reduced to the minimum. Indeed, only a single contact lines and a pantograph were necessary. Also, speed regulation was simpler and other hindrances caused by alternate current were eliminated. The evolution of electronics in general, and of electronics relating to power supplies especially allowed for the rebirth of tri-phase engines, this time relying on a single contact line which meant also reduced maintenance. Had it not been for this step forward, rail-speeds would not have achieved the impressive records that we have seen in recent times. Below we have a list of records achieved using electrical traction:

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Electrical traction rail-speed records Date

Country

Stretch / Track

Speed (km/h)

Locomotive / Train

1901

D

Marienfelde - Zossen test track

162

Siemens & Halske Railcar

23/10/1903

D

Marienfelde - Zossen test track

206.7

Siemens & Halske Railcar

28/10/1903

D

Marienfelde - Zossen test track

210.2

AEG Railcar

21/02/1954

F

Dijon - Beaune

243

Alstom Electric loc. CC7121

28/03/1955

F

Lamothe - Morcenx

326

Alstom Electric loc. CC7107

29/03/1955

F

Lamothe - Morcenx

331

Alstom Electric loc. BB9004

25/02/1981

F

Pasilly - Tonnerre

371

TGV-PSE 16

26/02/1981

F

Moulins en Tonnerois

380.4

TGV-PSE 16

28/04/1988

D

Hohe Wart - Mottgers

387

ICE-V BR-410-001

01/05/1988

D

Rohrbach - Burgsinn (Wuerzburg - Fulda)

406.9

ICE-V BR-410-001

12/12/1988

F

Pasilly - Tonnerre

408.4

TGV-PSE 88

18/05/1990

F

Courtalain - Tours

515.3

TGV-A (Atlantique) 325

03/04/2007

F

Paris - Strassburg

574.8

TGV V150 4402

As can be seen, speeds achieved using electrical traction are much higher due to the concentration of electrical power. In the following graph we can observe the evolution of rail-speed records obtained by each type of traction:

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As can be noted in the graph, rail-speed records have alternated over time, firstly, steam as the originating form of traction with which the first records were achieved, moving on to electrical traction and then diesel traction for values close to records. In the following image we can appreciate these records alongside the evolution of absolute rail speed records.

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3. BRIEF DESCRIPTION OF ABSOLUTE RAIL-SPEED RECORDS From the official tables of records per type of traction which we have just witnessed, the following official absolute rail-speed records have been extracted, and are as follows: Year

Speed (km/h)

Traction

Locomotive / Train

1804

8

Steam

Trevithick's Locomotive

1825

24

Steam

Stephenson's Locomotion No. 1

1830

48

Steam

Stephenson's Rocket

1848

96.5

Steam

Boston & Maine "Antelope"

1901

162

Electric

Siemens & Halske Railcar

1903

206.7

Electric

Siemens & Halske Railcar

1903

210.2

Electric

AEG Railcar

1938

202.8

Steam

A4#4468 “Mallard”

1955

326

Electric

Alstom Electric loc. CC7107

1955

331

Electric

Alstom Electric loc. BB9004

1981

371

Electric

TGV-PSE 16

1981

380.4

Electric

TGV-PSE 16

1988

387

Electric

ICE-V BR-410-001

1988

406.9

Electric

ICE-V BR-410-001

1988

408.4

Electric

TGV-PSE 88

1990

515.3

Electric

TGV-A (Atlantique) 325

2007

574.8

Electric

TGV V150 (LGV Est) 4402

Next we shall look more closely at each one of these records: 1804: Trevithick's Locomotive: Richard Trevithick built a high-pressure machine in 1802 for an iron and steel plant in Merthyr Tydfil, Wales, It was fixed to a metal frame and to this the locomotive was added. He sold the patent in 1803 to Samuel Homfray, the owner of a blacksmiths’ who was so impressed that he made a bet with another industrialist that a locomotive could pull ten tonnes of steel along the tracks as far as Abercynon, at a distance of 15.7 km.

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The bet was undertaken on the 21st of February 1804. The Trevithick Locomotive towed five wagons carrying ten tonnes and 70 men, needing four hours and five minutes to cover the distance, which gives an average speed of 3.8km/h. It would seem that the machine alone could reach 25km/h though the record registered stands at 8km/h. Although it worked well, this locomotive was not successful as it was too heavy for rails made from smelted iron, designed for carts pulled by horses. Five months later it stopped working and was soon to resume its duties as static steam machine. The picture below shows Trevithick's Locomotive:

1825: Stephenson's Locomotion No. 1 George Stephenson began his initial ventures into the field of locomotive design limiting his work to the construction of machines to transport loads from coal mines. In 1821 he built a steam locomotive for the Darlington to Stockton rail line, which was the sole usable and reliable train in operation for a long time. However, and as we have seen in the previous paragraph, the first ever locomotive was built by Richard Trevithick in 1804, which failed due to its running on smelted iron rails which could not withstand its weight. In 1813 William Hedley had constructed a locomotive named "Puffing Billy", for the Wylam mine. Therefore George Stephenson cannot be considered the inventor of the locomotive, rather as the most successful railway pioneer at the start of the Nineteenth Century.

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Under Stephenson’s guidance the first railway line opened to the general public was inaugurated on the 27th of September 1825 between Stockton and Darlington. His “Locomotion” was placed at the head of 38 wagons loaded mainly with coal and wheat, although the majority were filled with benches for the more than 600 people who turned up to take part in the festivities. His Locomotion No. 1 achieved a top-speed of around 24 km/h, a major achievement for the time. In the picture below the Stephenson Locomotion No. 1:

1830: Stephenson's Rocket Stephenson’s Rocket was the fastest locomotive of its age and a symbol which marked the spectacular advancement of the railways during the period. Created in 1829 and presented for a tender, it was capable of reaching 48 km/h, a speed that no other locomotive of the age could match. Since the beginning of the Nineteenth Century, George Stephenson had worked on the perfection of steam locomotives. His great opportunity arose with the announcement of a public tender which sought to find a machine that could run the line between Manchester and Liverpool. The tender brought with it a prize of 500 pounds sterling for the most innovative machine, and in 1829 the British engineer put himself forward with his new steam locomotive named the Rocket.

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The machine used a multi-tube boiler, in this way there was greater capacity to heat larger amounts of water and in this way produce more steam to move the pistons. The result was that during the Rainhill Trials in Liverpool the Rocket pulled a train with 20 tonnes’ load at a maximum speed of 48 km/h and thus relegating the other four machines bidding for the prize to the background as they could only achieve around half of that speed. Thanks to this victory George Stephenson would become the head engineer for a multitude of rail lines formed during this period. In the image below, the Rocket:

1848: Boston & Maine "Antelope": The first ever train to achieve a speed of a mile a minute, which is 96.6 km/h, was the Antelope, used on the Boston & Maine Railroad. There are very few references to this record, however it is officially recognised. This locomotive was very similar in appearance to previous steam machines and reflects also the vigour of the American railroad companies not to be left behind in the race for rail advancement. The record was achieved on the Boston to Lawrence line and news reports said that passengers suffered dizziness and became rather unwell after travelling at such great speeds. Below is a period etching of the Antelope.

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1901: Siemens & Halske Railcar Scientific engineering research into very high speed railways began with investigations in Germany by Siemens & Halske. and AEG between 1899 and 1903. In the next record the complete history of this group of test will be included. These trials demonstrated the potential of electric traction in sustained running at speeds no steam locomotive could match. The trials had State backing and took place on a military railway between Marienfelde and Zossen, near Berlin. Three vehicles were tried, one locomotive not intended for high speed working, and two motorized carriages which were to set long-standing records. The vehicles were fitted with three-phase motors, with 10kV supply picked up by a triple collector from three overhead contact wires. Speed was controlled by varying the speed of the steam engine driving the alternator according to signals telegraphed from the cars to the power house, which varied frequency: either 25Hz or 50Hz. Speeds of the order of 160.9 km/h were reached by both cars in 1901. In the picture below, one of the railcars tested:

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1903: Siemens & Halske Railcar, and AEG railcar: In 1901, the more immediate limitations of DC were recognized and alternating current (AC) was already in use, but even single phase AC has limitations. Thus, in 1899, the two German electrical firms of Siemens & Halske and Allgemeine Elektriziteits Gesellschaft (AEG) formed, with the support of the Prussian government and various banks, a consortium called Studiengesellschaft für Elektrische Schnellbahnen (St.E.S.) [Study Group for High Speed Electric Railways]. To demonstrate what could be done with electric propulsion, the St.E.S. set out the following requirements: ‒

Approximately 50 seats.

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Suitable for mainline service.

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Maximum speed between 124 and 155 mph (200 and 250 km/h).

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16-ton maximum axle load.

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Two 3-axle trucks with middle axle carrying weight only and both outer axles motorized.

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Four motors producing between 250 and 750 hp (186 and 560 kW).

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Necessary train and auxiliary braking systems.

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Current collection from a catenary erected at one side of the track.

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Power between 10 and 12 kV to be reduced on board the railcar to a suitable voltage.

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The contract to build two railcars was awarded to the Cologne railroad equipment manufacturer of van der Zypen & Charlier with AEG and Siemens & Halske providing the electrical systems. The AEG car was designated as vehicle "A" and the Siemens & Halske one was vehicle "S". The finished railcars were also to be capable of pulling three additional coaches. The group obtained the right to use the Zossen to Marienfelde 23 km stretch of the Prussian military railroad connecting Schöneberg Military Station in Berlin with the Jöterbog Military Station southwest of Berlin. They erected a triple high voltage catenary (3-phase) system by the side of the track. The first wire was at a height of 5.5 m and the third one was 7.5 m with the second one in the middle. Voltage varied from 6 to 14 kV at frequencies between 25 and 50 Hz, depending on what speed the test vehicles were to run at.

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Both test vehicles were constructed along the same lines. A wood-clad steel framework similar to that of early aircraft was used. At each end there were large driver compartment offering excellent visibility. Each railcar featured two large sections to accommodate 25 passengers each in 1st and 2nd class comfort. Passengers had an unobstructed view of the driver’s cabin. The windows were sealed with fresh air entering through the small windows in the clerestory roof structure. The coach body sat rigidly on the truck with its pivot, but the springing was carried out between the bogie frame and axles by leaf and coil springs. There were also two large air ducts in the roof to guide air to the air-cooled high voltage transformers. With the good cooling provided by this system, it was possible to use somewhat lighter transformers. Each transformer weighed 6,150 kg and the two motors weighed 8,150 kg. The AEG vehicle had a 20,800 mm -long body and a truck centre-to-centre length of 13,300 mm; whereby the truck wheelbase was 3,800 mm and the wheel diameter was 1,250 mm, a measurement that has more or less become standard now. Operational safety was considered an essential part of the design, since experience with such high voltages and speeds was completely lacking. All high-voltage components were so laid out that neither crew nor passengers could get into contact with any part under power. Such parts were positioned under the vehicle or in the hollow roof space. All switch-gear was pneumatically-operated to avoid bringing hightension cables to the driver's cab. The pantographs were certainly the most distinguishing feature of the experimental rail cars. AEG and Siemens & Halske chose considerably different approaches to mounting the six pantographs. In each case, there were two sets of three each. The centreline, i.e., the point of contact with the first (lowest) catenary wire was, was 5.5 m above the top of the rails. The second one contacted the catenary 6,500 mm above rail level and the third one was 7,500 mm above rail level. A system of springs ensured good contact with the catenary wires. So much for commonality. On the "A" vehicle the individual pantographs were mounted in line, i.e., sequentially. On the "S" vehicle three pantographs were mounted on a heavy duty vertical pole. Both systems had to be modified during the trial runs to better accommodate wind forces and reduce spark formation. The entire electrical system was divided into two parts so that failure of any one part of the equipment could not prevent the other half from continuing to function. The two transformers, with turn ratios of 12.000: 435, were protected by fuses and connected to the catenary wires by means of an oil-switch. One transformer supplied power to two

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three-phase motors. The motors operated on 1,150 to 1,850-volts. Variation in current was achieved through star-delta connection as well as through resistors. The resistors were rather unique. They consisted of large copper plates immersed in a continuously circulating soda (sodium carbonate) solution. Raising or lowering the copper plates changed the resistance of the circuit. The engine driver had a means of doing this. The intent was also to use these novel resistors for rheostat braking but this application did not prove satisfactory. The electric motors were axle-mounted without gear transmission and had a maximum speed of 900 rpm. The 28 resistors were positioned at the side and operated by a rackwheel. The driver's cab contained the necessary speedometer, voltmeter, ammeter and other controls. The AEG railcar and had flat front faces. The main differences from the Siemens and Halske design were as follows. The motors were not positioned on the axles but were placed on hollow shafts surrounding the axles and were vertically sprung. Power transmission was carried out by leaf springs from the hollow shafts to the wheels. This design allowed for smaller but more complex motors. The starter was of the liquid type with a soda solution as coolant and a copper tube cooler. This liquid starter permitted an even insertion and cutting-out of resistors. Control of the vehicle was carried out from the driver's cab by mechanical devices that operated the contactor gear mounted under the floor. Weights were as follows: electrical systems, 42.5 tons; mechanical part, 48 tons; and load, 4 tons, giving a total weight of 94.5 tons. Progress was rapid with both test vehicles being virtually the same. The first tests took place in September 1901. Voltage was in the 6 to 8 kV range and frequencies ranging from 25 to 30 Hz. Speeds ranged between 100 and 135 km/h. Power output was between 1,340 and 1,475 hp (1,000 and 1,100 kW). An early goal was to determine air resistance, braking distances, finding the right braking pressure and the effect of high speeds on the roadbed. The existing track consisted of 32.5 kg/m rail in 8 m sections mounted on steel sleepers resting in sand and gravel ballast. This proved very inadequate. The swaying and pitching was actually quite alarming and soon a derailment occurred at 160 km/h. This temporarily stopped the trials. This led to increasing the wheelbase of the vehicle’s trucks from 3,800 mm to 5,000 mm to improve stability. By 1903, military personnel

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working day and night rebuilt the track with heavier rail, better sleepers and ballast. Rails 12 m long and weighing 41 kg/m and with sleepers spaced 66 cm centre-tocentre. Deeper ballasting was also used. The minimum curve was eased to 2000 m. Trials were resumed in September 1903. Braking test showed that from 180 km/h a distance of 1,400 m was needed and this required 55 seconds. Further, the operating voltage was set at 14 kV and a frequency of 50 Hz. On October 23 test vehicle "S" recorded 206.7 km/h. Five days later, vehicle "A" achieved the following shortly after 9 AM. This was then timetable: ‒

9:05 depart Marienfelde

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9:09 passed through Mahlow station at 180 km/h.

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9:10 reached 200 km/h using 2,800 hp (2,100 kW)

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9:11 + 15 sec reached 210.2 km/h

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9:16 arrived in Zossen.

The St.E.S. continued the tests until November 1903. Even though test vehicles "A" and "S" broke the 200 km/h barrier, this was not the primary objective of these tests and evaluations. Coupled with a Prussian (KPEV) six-axle sleeping car, which unfortunately derailed at 174 km/h, the intent was to evaluate some elementary attempts at streamlining the experimental railcars. Addition of the streamlining resulted in an 8% reduction in the power needed to achieve 180 km/h. Another thing that was learned was that the addition of "trailers" to the railcars did not really affect air resistance of the railcar. All in all, the performance differences between the "A" and "S" vehicles was very minimal. By the end of November 1903, the St.E.S. ended the tests and issued their reports. Writing some 30 years later, Dr. Walter Reichel, the chief engineer on the project, commented, "It is probable that 230 km/h could have been reached had not caution weighed a thirst for knowledge." The St.E.S. was very satisfied with what was learned from these tests and undoubtedly laid the foundations for future high speed electric lines throughout much of Germany. The experiments showed clearly that electric traction was capable of achieving 200km/h safely; obviously, the experiments were far ahead of their time and it took 50 to 60 years until the lessons learned from these tests were put to practical use.

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Practical application of 3-phase technology, however, did not become reality until the advent of the BR 120 multi-purpose locomotive. This was the “A” vehicle:

1938: A4#4468 “Mallard”: The Mallard holds the official rail.-speed record for a steam locomotive at 202.58 km/h. The record was obtained on the 3rd of July 1938 on a stretch of the East Coast Main Line over a slightly downward slope. The locomotive was the perfect vehicle for the event; it was designed to work at sustained speeds of around 160km/h, thanks to, a double chimney system to improve the exit of gasses at high speeds, three cylinder design to increase stability and tractor wheels of 2.032m diameter to obtain the maximum speed possible at the time. Besides this Mallard had been in use for five months and so its mechanical parts were worn in but not worn out. The record was achieved on a stretch of track with a downward slope on Stoke Bank, the train was formed by the locomotive, six wagons and a dynamometer car with instruments to measure different parameters. For this case in question the instruments registered a momentary maximum speed of 203 km/h. The Mallard was put into service on the 3rd of March 1938, it was the first A4 class to be fitted with the Kylchap double chimney and extraction system, one of the reasons for which it was chosen to try to break the rail-speed record in July 1938.

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The locomotive was painted with different colours, originally blue with the LNER 4468 numbering, during the war it was painted black, after the war blue again, though with the number 22, and when it fell into the hands of British Rail it was renumbered 60022 and painted green, the colour it conserved until it was withdrawn from service in 1963. When it was restored it was repainted the original blue again. Like all class A4 vehicles, these were constructed with wheel-guards and aerodynamic mouldings, however, these were removed in wartime to aid maintenance, although were replaced again in peacetime. During its working life it was assigned to three depots: Doncaster, Grantham and King’s Cross, and is pictured below:

1955: Alstom Electric loc. CC7107 and BB9004 During the 1950’s, SNCF investigations into high speed rail saw some CC 7100 class locomotives specially modified for operation at speeds far higher than their regular service speed. These experiments provided valuable test data for the SNCF to develop increasingly more rapid regular services, including the 200 km/h Mistral of 1967, and ultimately the TGV. Preparations for further high speed tests proceeded, and in March 1955 CC 7107 attained 326 km/h, and Bo-Bo locomotive BB 9004 both attained 331 km/h on separate high speed runs between Bordeaux and Dax, Landes. CC 7107 hauled a three car train with streamlining modifications to reduce aerodynamic drag.

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Both locomotives in next images:

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And of the moment when the record was achieved:

1981: The TGV-PSE 16: The rail-speed record established by SNCF is intimately linked to the commencement of the High-Speed Rail service between Paris – Lyons (or Paris-South-East). On 28 July 1978, two pre-production TGV trainsets left the Alsthom factory in Belfort. These would later become TGV Sud-Est trainsets 01 and 02, but for testing purposes they had been nicknamed "Patrick" and "Sophie", after their radio callsigns. In the following months of testing, over 15,000 modifications were made to these trainsets, which were far from trouble-free. High speed vibration was a particularly difficult problem to root out: the new trains were not at all comfortable at cruising speed. The solution was slow in coming, and slightly delayed the schedule. Eventually it was found that inserting rubber blocks under the primary suspension springs took care of the problem. Other difficulties with high speed stability of the trucks were overcome by 1980, when the first segment of the new line from Paris to Lyon was originally supposed to open. The first production trainset, number 03, was delivered on 25 April 1980. Delivery of an order for 87 TGV trainsets was well underway in 1981, when trainset 16 was used for a very publicized world record run, code-named operation TGV 100 (for a target speed of 100 meters per second, or 360 km/h). The target was exceeded on 26 February 1981, when trainset 16 reached a speed of 380 km/h (236 mph) in perfect safety.

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The TGV Sud-Est fleet was built between 1978 and 1988 and operated the first TGV service from Paris to Lyon in 1981, after the record moment. Currently there are 107 passenger sets operating, of which nine are tri-current (25 kV 50-60 Hz AC - French lignes à grande vitesse, 1500 V DC - French lignes classiques, 15 kV 16⅔ Hz AC Switzerland) and the rest bi-current (25 kV 50–60 Hz AC, 1500 V DC). There are also seven bi-current half-sets. Each set is made up of two power cars and eight carriages (capacity 345 seats), including a powered bogie in each of the carriages adjacent to the power cars. They are 200 m (656 ft) long and 2.904 m (9 ft 6.3 in) wide. They weigh 385 tonnes (379 long tons; 424 short tons) with a power output of 6,450 kW (8,650 hp) under 25 kV. The TGV-PSE number 16 train record is shown in the next image:

1988: The ICE-V BR-410-001: The ICE-V is a government-funded research project. Its costs were shared by the BMFT (federal ministry of research and technology), the DB (Deutsche Bundesbahn) and the West German railway industry. The idea for German high-speed trains goes back to about 1970. Class 403/404, a four-car train for 200 km/h with all axles powered and (originally) an active tilting mechanism, of which only three trainsets were built (later in service as Lufthansa Airport Express, now retired), could be seen as an early forerunner of the ICE.

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However, there were only very few lines where trains could actually reach 200 km/h. The new lines Hannover - Würzburg and Mannheim - Stuttgart were originally planned for mixed traffic with up to 200 km/h. The idea to use them for higher speeds didn't come up until the French TGV demonstrated from 1981 on how successful high speed trains can be. Projects

from

the

seventies

for

a

`RS-VD'

(Rad/Schiene-Versuchs-

und

Demonstrationsfahrzeug = Wheel/Rail Experimental and Demonstration Vehicle), which would have been a short train of three power units, and a high speed test line Rheine - Spelle - Freren were formulated, but not realized. Around 1980 came the decision to build new high speed trains for the new lines under construction. In 1980, Henschel (now part of Adtranz) rebuilt the experimental diesel-electric locomotive 202 003-0 with new `Um-An' bogies for (theoretically) 350 km/h and a streamlined front. The bogies of the ICE-V were derived from this concept. In 1982, the DB decided to order an experimental train, to test which components would be successful in a high speed train that could run on the new high-speed lines, but also to give the public an impression of future high speed traffic. As the construction of the high-speed lines was delayed for various reasons, there would be enough time to test this train before opening regular service. So the train, now called `Intercity Experimental' (ICE), was ordered in 1982 and built in a hurry in numerous railway factories because it should be finished in 1985 for the 150th anniversary of the first German steam railway Nürnberg - Fürth. During this time, ICE should only be the name of the experimental train, there was no decision yet about the name of the series trains (one idea was `HGZ', Hochgeschwindigkeitszug = High Speed Train, similar to the French `TGV'). The name `ICE-V' came up when it was necessary to distinguish it from the series trains `ICE1'. The locomotives were built by Krupp (410 001-2) and Thyssen-Henschel (410 002-0). Two of the middle cars (810 001-8 and 810 003-4) were built by MesserschmittBölkow-Blohm, the third (810 002-6) by Duewag and Linke-Hofmann-Busch. In 1985, first the locomotives and then the middle cars were delivered. A speed of 324 km/h was reached in November. The train did a demonstration tour through the DB territory and was the star at the 150th anniversary of German railways on 7th December 1985. In 1986, there were some `surprise' demonstrations as additional train in front of regular InterCity trains. But most time, the ICE-V was experimenting, first on the upgraded line Gütersloh-Neubeckum, then (from 1988 on) on the brand-new highspeed line Fulda-Würzburg.

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On the 1st May 1988, the ICE-V established a new world record of 406.9 km/h on this line near Gemünden. The trainset was shortened to two intermediate cars, and the overhead wire was replaced by a new, specially tested wire of higher mechanical tension. Since the 5th December 1989, when a modified TGV Atlantique reached 515.3 km/h, the SNCF has the record back When the regular service was started in 1991, the demonstration tours of the ICE-V stopped, but it was still being used for experiments, now a bit more in the background. In 1994, the locomotives were rebuilt with new noses, with automatic couplers behind front doors, to test the coupler of the ICE2. There were some test runs during the winter in the Alps, to test how this coupler works in snowy environment. The ICE-V continued to be used for its original purpose, the testing of new components. For example, it was used as `super-locomotive' (with one middle car) for pulling a modified Talgo-Pendular train at a speed of 345 km/h on the high-speed line Hannover-Göttingen. It was one of the few trains of the world ready for speeds of 350 km/h and more without modifications, so there were enough uses for it whenever something (such as a bogie or a pantograph) needed to be tested at that speed. Another purpose was regular checks of the track on the high speed lines. On 1st May 1998 the ICE-V was taken out of service as it was due for overhaul. It is currently stored in the research and technology centre of München-Freimann, no decision about its future has been taken yet. The next image shows the ICE-V speed record:

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1988: TGV-PSE 88: After the 1981 record, and during the following years, until 1986, the pneumatic suspension and the new Y 231 carrying bogies designed for TGV-ATL train sets were developed, with numerous test runnings in the speed range from 300 to 350 km/h, in order to obtain certitudes as regards the stability of the bogies and the appropriate choice of anti-hunting devices for commercial speeds of 270 km/h (LGV-PSE) or 300 km/h (LGV-ATL). These tests allowed the definition of the TGV equipment design principles, which are applied today as regards the critical speed of the bogies. Between 1985 and 1988, the development of the prototype train set equipped with selfcontrolled synchronous motors (March 1988) led once more to numerous runnings at high speed, in December 1988 with the so-called “operation TGV 88”. During this operation, the speed range from 350 to 400 km/h was investigated (maximal speed 408,4 km/h on December 12th 1988). So the German record could be during only some months. Apart from the capability of the synchronous traction equipment to develop the required power and the performance consisting in the realization of such tests on a line kept in operation (LGV-PSE), the teachings gathered together during this test campaign were decisive for the pursuit of the operation. On this occasion, we discovered that: •

With the single-phase GPU pantograph mounted on this train set, we could get the current collection under control without difficulties inside the studied speed range

•

The bogies presented a stability margin distinctly higher than that which had been estimated, according to the results of former experiences.

The TGV which achieved this record was this:

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1990: TVG-A (Atlantique) 325: Operations TGV 117 and TGV 140, referring to target speeds in meters per second, were carried out by SNCF from November 1989 to May 1990. The culmination of these test programs was a new world speed record of 515.3 km/h set on 18 May 1990. The record runs took place in two separate campaigns, separated by a period of modifications to trainset 325. For each day of testing, the 325 was towed to the test site by TGV Atlantique trainset 308 because its 1500 V DC systems had been removed, preventing operations near Paris. Trainset 308 also performed a sweep of the test track at 350 km/h before each high speed run. The test runs took place on a section of the Atlantique branch of the TGV network, a few months before the line was opened to TGV revenue service. Strictly speaking, there were no significant alterations of the track or catenary for testing purposes. However, some sections of the line's profile had been planned since 1982 (shortly after the TGV Sud-Est world speed record of February 1981) to allow very high speed running. Construction of the dedicated tracks of the LGV Atlantique was officially decided on 25 May 1984. Ground was broken on 15 February 1985. The new line was to stretch from slightly outside the Gare Montparnasse in Paris to Le Mans, with a second branch towards Tours. The Le Mans branch was opened for 300 km/h revenue service on 20 September 1989, and the Tours branch opened a year later. The two branches separate at Courtalain, 130 km west of Paris, where movable frog points good for 220 km/h in the diverging route direct trains towards either Le Mans or Tours.

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In the early stages when operation TGV 117 was still being defined, several criteria were settled upon to focus the preparation of a test train. These were aerodynamics, traction and electrical systems, rail and catenary contact, braking, and comfort. The basic purpose of the test program was to push the envelope of the TGV system, and to characterize its behaviour at very high speeds. With this in mind, it only made sense to start with a stock TGV trainset and to modify it as little as possible. Brand new TGV Atlantique trainset number 325 (25th of 105 in the Atlantique series) was arbitrarily chosen to be the starting point of the modifications. There was nothing special about this trainset, and it was returned to its intended state after the test program to enter revenue service. Today, the only distinguishing feature on 325, as compared to other Atlantique trainsets, is a blue ribbon painted across the nose, and bronze plaques bolted to the sides of the two power cars to commemorate the event. The test section itself begins on the common branch, at kilometre 114, at the Dangeau siding. It runs past Courtalain and onto the Tours branch of the line. Between kilometre 135 and kilometre 170, the line was designed with progressively wider curves, reaching a minimum radius of 15 km after kilometre 150. These curves were built with larger superelevation than strictly necessary for revenue running at 300 km/h. At kilometre 160, the line passes through the Vendôme TGV station. At kilometre 166, there is a long 2.5% downhill stretch into the Loir valley (the Loir is a tributary of the better-known Loire river) and the line crosses the Loir on a 175 m bridge. This is the area where the highest speeds were expected, and most of the activity was concentrated there. The Tours branch of the line was tested by special computerised Maintenance of Way equipment, from the Track Research department of SNCF. Just as on all TGV lines, the rails were aligned to 1 mm tolerances, and the ballast was cleaned to remove small, loose gravel. In subsequent testing with trainsets 308 and 325, the track was not significantly affected and required only minimal realignment. This was in contrast to the 1955 world speed record of 331 km/h, also set in France, where the track was seriously damaged after the high-speed runs. Large sections of the track were warped and misshapen, as well as the trains pantograph was melted. Strain gauges were placed in several locations, especially at the expansion joint at the end of the Loir bridge. The catenary was standard TGV style, without any modifications. The only changes were in the tuning. TGV catenary is strung in 1200 m sections, mechanically tensioned by a system of pulleys and counterweights. Support masts are spaced at 54 m intervals. The catenary (supporting) wire is made of bronze, with a circular crosssection of 65 mm2. The contact wire is made of copper, and has a cross-section of

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150 mm2. The cross-section of the contact wire is circular with a flat section on the contact side. In general, when a pantograph runs underneath the catenary, it sets up a wave-like disturbance which travels down the wire with a speed determined by the tension in the wire and its mass per unit length. When a train approaches this critical speed, the pantograph catches up with the disturbance, resulting in dangerously large vertical displacements of the wire as well as contact interruptions. The top speed of the train is then limited by the critical speed of the catenary. This problem was very central to the test runs, since it was desired to test set 325 at speeds well above the critical speed of standard TGV catenary. There were two solutions: increase the tension in the wire or reduce its mass per unit length. Replacing the copper contact wire by a lighter cadmium alloy wire was considered, but dismissed on the grounds of time and cost. The critical speed of the test track catenary was then to be increased solely by increasing the tension in the wire. For the test runs, the usual tension of 2000 daN was increased to 2800 daN and exceptionally 3200 daN. For some of the faster runs over 500 km/h, the voltage in the catenary was increased from the usual 25 kV 50 Hz to 29.5 kV. At kilometre 166, catenary masts were equipped with sensors to measure the displacement of the wire. During the 18 May 1990 record at 515.3 km/h, vertical displacements of almost 30 cm were recorded, within 1 or 2 cm of the predictions made by computer simulations. The critical speed of the catenary for that particular run was 532 km/h. In preparation for the first round of testing, modifications began by shortening the train from its usual 10 trailers to only 4 trailers, resulting in a significant increase to its power-to-weight ratio. The resulting train consisted of: power car TGV24049, Trailer R1 TGVR241325, Trailer R4 TGVR244325, Trailer R6 TGVR246325, Trailer R10 TGVR240325 and power car TGV24050. Train length was down to 125 m from 237 m and weight was down to 300 metric tons from 490 metric tons. The aerodynamics of a TGV Atlantique are already quite good, and improvements were few. It was decided that 325 would have a "front" and "rear" for the high speed runs, to simplify the modifications. Usually a TGV trainset is symmetric and reversible, but 325's two power cars, 24049 and 24050, were defined as leading and trailing units, respectively. On the roof of lead unit 24049, the pantographs were removed and the roof fairing extended over the opening; the same was done to the 1500 V DC

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pantograph on trailing unit 24050. Only one pantograph was to be used at high speed: the stock Faiveley GPU unit remaining on unit 24050. As in normal TGV running, the lead unit was to be fed power from the trailing unit through the roof line running the length of the train. Further improvements, such as rubber membranes covering the gaps between the trailers, and a rear spoiler on unit 24050 were considered, but abandoned. The synchronous AC traction motors on 24049 and 24050 could not be allowed to rotate too fast, because of limitations in the switching frequency of the supply electronics. Technicians had decided upon 4000 rpm at 420 km/h to be the optimal ratio, after testing trainset 325 at high speeds with stock traction equipment. The new traction ratio was achieved by changing the transmission gearing and increasing the wheel diameter. Just as with the 1981 test campaign on TGV PSE number 16, 1050 mm wheels replaced the stock 920 mm wheels under 24049 and 24050. To prevent electrical problems, semiconductor components (especially thyristors) were selected with special regard to quality. The main transformers in both power cars were replaced by larger models, each able to handle 6400 kW (8500 hp), or double the usual load, on a fairly continuous basis. Extensive tests were conducted on the electrical systems, to establish how far they could be pushed. The resulting ratings ensured that acceptable heat levels would never be exceeded in testing. Next, the wheel-rail interface was attended to. Axle bearings were unmodified items, broken in for 10,000 km in revenue service on the LGV Sud-Est. Yaw dampers were stiffened, and doubled up on each side for a total of four yaw dampers on each truck, for redundancy in case of a high speed failure. As a result of earlier testing and computer simulations, transverse dampers were stiffened on the power trucks. The 1981 test campaign provided valuable data and computer models for interaction of the pantograph with the catenary contact wire, and shed light on the very sensitive dynamics. Very large vertical wiremovement (over 30 cm) had been observed in the 1981 tests, and were blamed on the pantograph catching up with the travelling wave it set up in the contact wire. For this reason, it was not only necessary to modify the catenary to increase the travelling wave speed, but also to fine-tune the pantograph itself. The pantograph used on 325 was the stock Faiveley GPU. The wiper assembly on this pantograph weighs under 8 kg and is mounted on a vertical shock absorber with 150 mm travel. The main structure of the pantograph is constructed of cylindrical tubing,

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which (Faiveley claims) reduces the pantograph's sensitivity to random variations in environmental factors. The only modifications to the GPU pantograph were an increase in the stiffness of the pneumatic dampers, and a reduced total aerodynamic lift of the structure. The suspension on the trailers was jacked up by 20 mm by overinflating the secondary suspension air bladders and inserting shims, to provide additional suspension travel and to make up for the larger wheels on the power cars. The brakes on the trailers were tuned to allow a heat dissipation of 24 MJ per disk instead of the usual 18 MJ, with a total of 20 discs. Many of the modifications listed above, including the synchronous traction motors, were tested at speeds over 400 km/h on TGV Sud-Est trainset 88. In one high-speed test, technicians attempted to provoke a truck into unstable oscillation by drastically reducing the yaw damping, but failed to achieve this. Finally, most of the seating in trailer R1 was removed and the space was transformed into a laboratory, to process and record test data on vehicle dynamics, overhead contact and dynamics, tractive effort, aerodynamics, interior comfort and noise, and a host of other parameters. On 30 November 1989, trainset 325 emerged from the Châtillon shops and set out for the test tracks for its first test run. Technicians at Châtillon put 4500 hours of work into the modifications, which was impressive when one considers that their first priority was the routine maintenance of the TGV Atlantique trainsets in revenue service. The first campaign, also known as operation TGV 117, took place between 30 November 1989 and 1 February 1990. After several runs, problems with pantograph contact required manual adjustments to be made by first grounding the catenary and then sending technicians onto the roof. After a series of increasingly fast runs, the first official speed record of 482.4 km/h was set at kilometre point 166 on 5 December 1989, with engineer Michel Boiteau at the controls. At the end of this run, trainset 325 had accumulated 337 km at speeds exceeding 400 km/h. More high speed runs were made after this record, investigating effects such as the crossing of two trains with a closing velocity of 777.7 km/h. With favourable results indicating that higher speeds were safe, the decision was made to further modify trainset 325 for speeds near 500 km/h .

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On 1 February 1990 at 15:30, 325 returned to the Châtillon shops for the long term. At this time, 325 had set a world record at 482.4 km/h. Technicians had a 1 March deadline to perform further modifications designed to make possible further data collection and a 500 km/h publicity stunt. This second round of modifications was intended to take direct advantage of the experience gained in the first round. The axles on 24049 and 24050 were removed and on 2 February, shipped to the Bischheim shops in eastern France for fitting with even larger 1090 mm wheels. The lead axle on 24049 was fitted with strain gauges, and returned to Châtillon 8 days after the other axles on 22 February. Initially, the second axle on 24049 had also been scheduled to be fitted with strain gauges, but the 1 March deadline did not allow enough time. To accommodate the bigger wheels, special brake pads had to be manufactured for the brake shoes on 24049 and 24050. With 15 mm of thickness, only two emergency stops were guaranteed. On 6 February, the trailers were jacked up and trailer R6 was removed. This brought 325 to the minimum possible consist, since the bar trailer R4 functions as the "keystone" of the articulated design of the TGV. 325 now weighed in at 250 metric tons and measured 106 m nose to tail. From 7 to 14 February, the three remaining trailers underwent further modifications. The 25 kV roof supply line to feed the lead unit was replaced by a single cable; this allowed the removal of the insulators supporting the line over the space between trailers, which protruded in the air stream. Rubber membranes were installed to cover the gaps between the trailers, and the Y237B trucks were jacked by 40 mm. In the gap between power cars and trailers, large airdams were installed. These "snow shields", mounted beneath the couplers, were designed to prevent the formation of a low pressure area between the vehicles, which had induced significant drag in the earlier testing. On the power cars, sheet metal shields were added over the trucks, and the front airdam was extended downwards by 10 cm to compensate for the larger wheels. Finally, a removable spoiler was installed on the nose of trailing unit 24050. The aerodynamic improvements were supposed to yield a 10% reduction in drag. In the previous round of testing, the atmospheric drag force had reached 9 metric tons of force at a speed of 460 km/h. On the new version of 325, this magnitude of drag was not expected before 500 km/h. On 27 February 1990, after the trainset was coupled together, 325 rolled out from the Châtillon shops for the second time, 2 days ahead of schedule. This time, 2000 hours

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of shop labour were required to accomplish the changes. The second campaign of testing, culminating in the standing world speed record of 515.3 km/h is summed up in the chronology of the record runs. The second campaign, also known as operation TGV 140, took place between 5 March 1990 and 18 May 1990, after the train modifications were complete. On the first high speed run, an electrical malfunction destroyed the main transformer of the rear power car and damaged many low voltage circuits. The damage was found to require nearly a month of repairs, primarily because a new transformer able to sustain the high power loads had to be prepared. The 325 returned to testing on 4 May 1990 and exceeded the 5 December record on its first run of the day. The 500 km/h mark was unofficially broken on 9 May 1990, with runs at 506.5 km/h and 510.6 km/h. The switches in the Vendôme station were passed at 502 km/h. Instability of the contact dynamics between the pantograph and catenary caused trouble during the next several days, although intermittent runs achieved speeds above 500 km/h. Following the resolution of this problem, the final record attempt took place on 18 May 1990, with dignitaries and journalists joining the usual complement of technicians on board the train. The 325 started its run at 9:51 from Dangeau and accelerated for 15 minutes, achieving a top speed of 515.3 km/h at the bottom of the hill at kilometre post 166.8. At the conclusion of the test campaign, the train had reached top speeds in excess of 500 km/h on nine separate occasions, including the world speed record. The next image shows the train obtaining the maximum speed record:

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And this image, the train starting the record run:

2007: TGV V150 4402 The V150 was a specially configured high-speed train notable for breaking the world land speed record for conventional railed trains on 3 April 2007. The train was built in France and reached a speed of 574.8 km/h on an unopened section of the LGV Est between Strasbourg and Paris, in France topping the previous record of 515.3 km/h set in 1990. Operation V150, where 150 refers to a target speed in metres per second, was a series of high speed trials carried out on the LGV Est prior to its June 2007 opening. The trials were conducted jointly by SNCF, TGV builder Alstom, and LGV Est owner Réseau Ferré de France between 15 January 2007 and 15 April 2007. Following a series of increasingly high speed runs, the official speed record attempt took place on 3 April 2007. The top speed of 574.8 km/h was reached at kilometre point 191 near the village of Le Chemin, between the Meuse and Champagne-Ardenne TGV stations, where the most favourable profile exists. The 515.3 km/h speed record of 1990 was unofficially broken multiple times during the test campaign that preceded and followed the certified record attempt, the first time on 13 February 2007 with a speed of 554.3 km/h, and the last time on 15 April 2007 with a speed of 542.9 km/h.

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The train used for the speed record was code named V150, and comprised three modified Duplex cars, fitted with two powered bogies similar to the AGV prototype, marshalled between a pair of TGV power cars from trainset 4402. The train had four more powered axles than trainset 325 used in the 1990 speed record, and had a maximum power output of 19.6 MW (26,300 hp) instead of the 9.3 MW (12,500 hp) on a standard TGV POS. This unusual composition was used to obtain high speed test data on disparate technical elements including the new asynchronous traction motors on the POS power cars, the lightweight synchronous permanent magnet traction motors on the AGV bogies, the actively controlled pantograph, and the Duplex bi-level configuration which had never been used in very high speed trials. Aerodynamic improvements, similar to the 1990 record train, were refined in a wind tunnel and provided a 15% reduction in drag from the standard configuration. These improvements included a front air dam, roof fairings over the pantograph openings, membranes to cover the space between the cars, and a flush-mounted windshield. Over 600 sensors were fitted on various parts of both the engines and the cars. The train set ran with larger wheels with a diameter of 1092 mm instead of 920 mm, to limit the rotational speed of the powertrain. The record runs took place on a 140 km section of track 1 on the LGV Est, usually heading west, between kilometre posts 264 (town of Prény) and 120 (near the Champagne-Ardenne TGV station). This section of the LGV was chosen for its vertical profile and gentle curves, with favourable downhill segments leading to the highest speeds between kilometre posts 195 and 191, near the border between the Meuse and Marne departments. Several measurement stations were installed along the test tracks to monitor stresses in the track and ballast, noise, aerodynamic effects, and catenary dynamics. Between kilometre posts 223 and 167, where speeds exceeded 500 km/h, the track was under close surveillance.

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This is the V150 TGV in record run:

4.

EVOLUTION OF MAXIMUM COMMERCIAL SPEEDS COMPARED WITH RECORD RAIL-SPEEDS.

The following table compiles the maximum speeds attained by diverse railway operators. Likewise, data has been added on average readings on these stretches and the dates in which limits were imposed and the date of the removal of the aforementioned limit, should the lines have imposed such a limitation.

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In order to contrast between rail-speed records and maximum speed, the following graph is attached in which we can see the still rising trends for railway speeds, unlike the case of the trends affecting the automobile and the aircraft.

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APPENDIX 4. AUTOMOTION SPEED HISTORICAL EVOLUTION

 

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AUTOMOTION SPEED HISTORICAL EVOLUTION

1. INTRODUCTION. A BRIEF HISTORY OF THE AUTOMOBILE Introduction Automobile sector represents a highly practical example of how to approach the search for an optimum speed. Indeed, automobile sector has meant from its beginning a constant search for an increase in travelling speeds at the same time as the augmentation of the capacity and transport of persons and goods. Likewise, land-speed records have been constantly broken and the pedestal set higher and higher for future generations in a relatively short period of time. This rapid evolution has also been possible to the swift and efficient development of the technology which is responsible for this progress. As will be seen later on, land-speed records have grown extraordinarily from the days of a few dozen kilometres per hour, until reaching figures of several hundred kilometres per hour in little more than 50 years, and this begins to give us an idea of the pace of progress in this field. However, the growing progress of speed also brings with it the progressive appearance of new hindrances aside from the merely technological ones; indeed, the very nature of an unguided transport system involves the appearance of problems regarding passenger safety in so much as the increase of risks these were exposed to in response to any action which affected the concentration and ability of the driver. Aside from this, the refinement of the technology which allows greater speeds to be reached demanded more precise, and, consequently more expensive, components which obliged the introduction of financial variables. Finally, and with the massive proliferation of this form of transport, environmental issues appeared, specifically with the emission of harmful gasses which polluted the atmosphere, and the generation of noise from these vehicles. All of these factors have affected the maximum speed vehicles can attain geared towards a series of efficient, safe and economic functioning conditions that were less aggressive on the environment. The aim of this section is to present an analysis of the evolution of the these speed levels attained in the field of automobile sector, from an historical and evolutionary viewpoint, as well as from the perspective of factors which influence the establishment

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of a standard maximum speed or a speed which the driver considers adequate based on the conditions under which the driving will be performed. Given that the concept “automobile” is wide-ranging, the study will focus on vehicles which can be encompassed under the term of “private car” and which are in general mass-produced automobiles with internal combustion engines and which do not require specialist technology for their usage. With this type of vehicles it is possible to undertake a comparative analysis between technology types and maximum speeds possible, and those speeds which for certain reasons are considered appropriate or optimum. For the remaining applications of technology in the field of automobile sector such as competition or jet engines the findings of this study would not be applicable. Nonetheless, and to provide additional information, in some sections we have included data for maximum speeds of collective means of transport (buses, coaches), heavy goods vehicles (trucks) and motorbikes, although the fulcrum of the study will be centred on vehicles classified as “private cars”. A brief history of the automobile The automobile as we known began to evolve as a result of the self-propelled steam vehicles produced from the Eighteenth Century onwards. Later, in 1885, the very first automobile vehicle powered by a petrol internal combustion engine was produced. The main technological milestones which have marked the general progress and advancement of the automobile have been the following: 1769: The first steam propelled vehicle was created by Nicholas-Joseph Cugnot. The vehicle was in reality a tricycle with wooden wheels, steel hubcaps and weighed 4.5 tons. Its maximum speed could not exceed that of a human being on foot. 1840: Steam carriage with capacity for 18 passengers. 1860: The Belgian Etienne Lenoir patented the first internal combustion engine. Yet, this was still only the start. Another couple of years would elapse before the German Gottlieb Daimler managed to build the first automobile powered by an internal combustion engine. This was based on a cylinder placed horizontally which activated the motive wheels powered by a large crankshaft. The speed at which this could travel did not exceed 10 km per hour. This action though, did mark the beginning of a new industry and a new market.

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1877: Nikolaus August Otto patented his four stroke engine in 1877. The patent established the first thermo-dynamic analysis of engines, continuing thus the thermoanalysis cycle initiated by Camot. 1881: Jeantaud’s electrical vehicle. The current necessary for its functioning was provided by twenty one batteries. 1883: Primer motor de gasolina de elevada velocidad de giro. Maybach diseño y construyo el motor. 3.4.1885: The German engine and automobile constructor Gottlieb Wilhelm Daimler registered the patent (DRP 34926) for a "motorised machine running on either petroleum or gas". This patent was applied to the first engine designed exclusively to be assembled in a vehicle. 10.11.1885: Paul Daimier, the son of the constructor, Gottlieb W. Daimler, performed the first public journey in Stuttgart in the so-called "mounted vehicle", which due to its design is considered the predecessor of the later motorcycle. 16.1.1886: The Supreme Court of the German Empire annulled the essential elements of the patent granted to Nikolaus August Otto in 1877 for his four stroke engine. This decision meant free market access for scores of engine manufacturers. 29.1.1886: The German entrepreneur Karl Benz, born in Mannheim, obtained a patent for a “gas motor vehicle”. On the 4th of June the first news item on this type of vehicle was published in the German newspaper Neue badische Landeszeitung. 1886: The French Company DionBouton & Trépardeux de Puteaux put on offer steam propelled vehicles, for the first time placing an automobile within the financial reach of any buyer. The automobile market was born. 1887: The Danish constructor Albert F. Hammel built a four-wheeled vehicle powered by an internal combustion engine. August 1888: Berta Benz, the wife of the German entrepreneur and automobile constructor Karl Benz, undertook the first long journey in an automobile in history. Travelling from Mannheim to Pforzheim in a Benz three-wheeled vehicle, she showed the world that vehicles of this nature could be used for daily usage. The aim of this spectacular action, as an advertising campaign for the vehicles produced by her husband, certainly had the desired effect.

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September 1888: At the Munich Motor Fair and Exhibition, Karl Benz unveiled an automobile, the first produced by a German manufacturer. 1888: The Scottish vet and surgeon John Boyd Dunlop reinvented the pneumatic tyre with an air chamber. Previously, in 1845, the British inventor William Thompson patented the pneumatic tyre. 15.3.1889: At the Universal Exposition in Paris, the automobile was unveiled for the first time before the general public. 9.6.1889: Gottlieb W. Daimler registered the patent for the V-slanted two cylinder vehicle. 1889: The German engineer Emil Capitaine developed a high-compression two-stroke combustion engine, thus creating the forefather of the modern diesel engine (10.9.1923). 1890: Panhard & Levassor began to manufacture two-cylinder engines in Paris under the Daimler licence, the latter providing engines for vehicles produced by the former. 1891: Henry Ford incorporated the Edison Illuminating Company. Afterwards, in 1903, he founded the Ford Motor Company and became the most successful American automobile manufacturer in 1908. 1891: A non-competitive Peugeot vehicle took part in the cycle race from Paris-BrestParis. The vehicle reached and average speed of 15 km/h (22.7.1894). 1891: The Company Societé Nationale de Construction de Moteurs H. Tenting, in Boulogne-sur-Seine, which from 1884 onwards manufactured gas engines, built its first automobile using friction wheels, predecessor of the modern clutch. 1891: Panhard & Levassor develops the Panhard Sytem, through which the engine was placed in the front part of the vehicle, powering the back wheels. This construction principle began to impose itself slowly upon the majority of the manufacturers. 1892: Wilhelm Maybach develops the spray-nozzle carburettor to obtain better adaptation of the fuel mixture and provide more power to the engine. 23.2.1893: The German engineer Rudolf Diesel obtained the patent for an internal combustion engine which worked using spark ignition. His development provided the base frame for the engine which would later bear his name. (10.9.1923).

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22.7.1894: The French newspaper Le Petit Journal organised the first ever car-race. The vehicles covered the route from Paris-Rouen (126 km). 1894: In Detroit, Charles B. King made a public presentation of a four-cylinder engine vehicle. This vehicle, which at the time did not proceed further than the prototype stage, would later be manufactured at the heart of the American motor industry. 1895: The companies Continental Caoutchuk and Guttapercha Companie AG, based in Hannover, began to produce tyres with air-chambers for vehicles. The same year, the French engineer Léon Bollée presented his first stock vehicle with air-filled tyres, the Voiturette. 1.5.1897: The Benz, Company in Mannheim, reached the manufacturing figure of 1,000 and thus became the world’s oldest and largest manufacturer. 1897: In Hartford, Connecticut, USA, the Pope Manufacturing Company was founded to manufacture Columbia electrical cars. Pope invited the press and offered journalists their first chance to test-drive a vehicle. 1897: The Swiss company SULZER built the first ever diesel engine. 1897: The company De Dion-Bouton-Voiturette unveiled its four-seater family car. 1900: Nikolaus Dürkopp began manufacture of competitive cars which incorporated an important innovation: transmission was performed using chains instead of belts. This principle would be commonplace in very little time. 25.3.1901: During the Nice Motor Fair, the first-ever four-cylinder Mercedes was unveiled, manufactured by Daimler Motoren-Gesellschaft. This automobile would set the trend and be copied the world over. 1901: The Benz Company assembled the engine in the bonnet of a truck. This principle would become accepted and applied to the production of saloon cars as well. In these vehicles, traction was also performed on the back wheels. 1901: Prussia ratified the first set of police regulations for traffic in Germany, which would serve as a basis for traffic regulations in other federal nations. 1901: The Berliner entrepreneur Franz Sauerbier developed and built a fender radiator.

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1901: Near to the American city of Beaumont (Texas) major petroleum fields were discovered. The price per barrel fell to less than five cents. This event contributes considerably to the popularity of the petrol engine, given that neither steam nor electricity are available so cheaply and competitively. 1902: The German company Dürkopp built the first six-cylinder engine, designed for saloon cars. 1903: Henry Ford founded the Ford Motor Company in Detroit, USA, where he commenced the mass production of the Model A. 1903: In the Third Berlin Motor Show an vehicle with electromagnetic ignition and straight cylinders was unveiled. 1903: Spyker built the first six-cylinder engine and the first four-wheel traction vehicle in the Netherlands. 1904: The American Charles, Y. Knight registered the patent for the double sleeve principle, which operated using an internal sleeve and another external one connected by rods on slats which opened and closed the admission and exhaust valves cylinder casing. 1904: The first Hispano-Suiza vehicle was manufactured in Barcelona. The vehicle, with a four-cylinder engine and 20 horsepower, was designed by the Swiss engineer Marc Birkigt. This first model was in production until 1907 and was hugely successful. 19.11.1905: In Berlin the first scheduled bus service using gasoline engines was put into service. The supplier was the Berliner factory Daimler MotorenGesellschaft. 27.1.1906: Fred Marriott achieved, with a Stanley steam-powered vehicle specially made for the run, a speed of 195.652 km/h in a section of beach at playa de Ormond Beach (Florida) and at 206.448 km/h over a mile. In this way he beat the previous world-record for a steam-powered vehicle. 1907: In Brooklands, to the south of London, the first closed racing circuit was opened. As well as being used for sports events, the circuit was made available for the motor industry to use for testing. 24.3.1908: Prince Henry of Prussia registered the patent for the windscreen-wiper.

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1908: Fritz Hofmann from the Bayer chemical factory registered a patent for the process of manufacturing synthetic rubber. Vehicles’ speed and power at the time required more resistant materials than natural rubber. 1909: The French company De Dion-Bouton manufactured for the first time a line of eight-cylinder V-slant engines. 1910: The companies Argyll, Crossley, Arrol-Johnson and Isotta-Fraschini used brakes on all four wheels for the first time. 1911: The Italian company Fiat produced the largest four-cylinder engine produced to date, with a cubic capacity of 28,353 and was proposed for assembly in one of the S 76 competition vehicles. However, the company’s management decided to suspend the manufacture of this engine when participation in several races did not bring with it the desired results. 1913: The Ford Motor Company introduced the production line in the assembly of motor vehicles. This was the first step to full automobile sector in car manufacturing. 1920: The first SEDAN vehicle was commercialised, separating three separate elements to the vehicle, boot and driver compartment. 1921: Duesenberg presented hydraulic brakes on all four wheels. 1924: Walter P. Chrysler launched a vehicle with his name which included hydraulic brakes and a high-compression engine. The Chrysler Six appeared on the market with equipment and innovations which mid-range priced automobiles had never offered before, the first high compression engine with aluminium pistons, detachable cylinder caps, fuel pump which operated using a vacuum, oil compression engine for each component, carburettor with air filter, seven-bearing crankshaft, replaceable oil filter and hydraulic brakes on all four wheels. The Chrysler "Six" from 1924 was chosen as the best automobile of the Twentieth Century for the decade of the twenties. . 1925 In order to continue with the policy of constant engineering innovation harmonic dampeners or balancers were added to the engine’s crankshaft to increase performance. With this improvement the admission and exhaust processes in engines. 1931: The system of "floating power" was introduced which consists of joining the engine to the chassis via rubber supports. This engine with two rubber supports (commonly known these days as “rubber plugs”) which kept the chassis and bodywork

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free from vibrations which were caused by the heavy four cylinders. From this moment on drivers had the smoothness of an eight cylinder vehicle with the economy of a fourcylinder one. 1934: A truly modern automobile, the Chrysler Airflow debuted this year. The pure engineering of the vehicle also included advances such as a reinforced chassis for maximum robustness and safety, sofa-style back sear with an internal chest, the engine was mounted in front of the fore-carriage which increased the interior space, The most expensive of all of the line was the Custom Imperial Airflow, which featured the first curved windscreen wiper in automotive history. 1940: Owen Skelton announced a new safety element. A buffer which prevented the cover from being shot outwards after a blowout. 1949: Chrysler brought two innovations to the market: "oriflow" shock absorbers, key ignition, brake pads fixed with rivets and a disc brake for all four wheels. 1951: Chrysler launched the most powerful engine ever seen in America, the legendary "Hemi"

V8

with

the

revolutionary

hemispherical

combustion

chamber, high-

performance engine, 331 cubic inches (around 5.42 litres) offering more horse-power per cubic inch than any other engine. Also introduced in this year was the first-ever power steering system, known as "Hydraguide". 1954: Chrysler demonstrated an automobile powered by turbines. 1957: Imperial introduce en la industria Americana el primer parabrisas con doble curvatura (lateral y superior) y ventanillas laterales curvas. El imperial se identifica con las primeras aletas bien definidas. 1967: First ever automobile with a bodywork made wholly from plastic materials. 1969: The first ever high-intensity headlight was introduced for use during night-driving. 1971: Imperial introduced the first ever four wheel brake locking system in history. Mercedes-Benz patented the airbag. Genuine awareness for passenger safety began. 1976: For the first time sensors and controls are added to the cylinder block. This comprised an onboard computer to control emissions. 1978: Plymouth Orizon, and Dodge Omni became the first vehicles with front wheel drive.

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1981: The first ever airbag installed in a Mercedes-Benz. 1993: The design principle of "cab-forward" in which the wheels are moved to the edges to provide maximum protection in the case of accidents. 1997: The Plymouth Prowler, was built mainly using an aluminium chassis. Lightweight materials were introduced in the commercial automobile sector to lighten vehicles and reduce thus consumption. 1997: Toyota begins to sell SEDAN hybrid (gas/electric), its Toyota Prius. Later, in 2001 the vehicle was launched on the world market.

2. HISTORICAL EVOLUTION OF THE LAND-SPEED RECORDS Chronology of land-speed records

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Notes on the technological evolution and speed ranges achieved. In this section, the records speed on conventional automobile technology reached will be analysed. The analysed speed records must to be registered in order to be treated, so this part of text only we shall analyse some of the registered speed records, and all of them on conventional technology. However, there are some speeds values reached using “jet propulsion” technology, but these records are not a good comparison between the maximum speed allowed on motorways and speed record, because the technologies used on these experimental vehicles is a special technology used just for those experiments. The records analysed here have been reached by conventional cars, in other words, cars built on a continuous production line, but adapted in some senses to be able to run up to the design speed. The speed records values and the car that have obtained them, are as follows: 1886: The Benz Patent Motorwagen reached 19 km/h. It’s the first records register. We can see the employed car in this record in the next image.

As seen in figure, this car was a true revolution, as it was a car with a connected engine. 1886: The Daimler Motorized Carriage raised the record to 23 km/h. The vehicle is contained in the next image:

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1900: The next record registered was obtained by the Mercedes 35 hp, reaching 85 km/h. We can see the great increase produced in only four years. The next image is the analysed car:

1903: Three years later, a new version of a Mercedes vehicle, the Mercedes 60 hp, reached 96 km/h. The next image corresponds to this vehicle:

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1921: The next record was obtained by the Bentley 3 Litre Super Sports. It was a great record, because it was the first time the 100 km/h limit had been broken. The record value was 160 km/h, almost the double that of the previous one. Here is the Bentley:

1926: Like with Mercedes records, Bentley could improve the technology and manufactured the Bentley 4½ Litre. This time, the volume of cylinders allowed a new record up to 165 km/h. This is the new Bentley:

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1929: A new record was obtained by the Duesenberg Murphy Roadster 210 .The next image is the vehicle which broke the record.

1929: A new Bentley obtained a record again. The Bentley 4½ Litre Supercharged could reach 222.02 km/h. The next image shows the vehicle:

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1932: Three years later, a Duesenberg Model SJ reached 217 km/h, but in spite of its aerodynamic line, the previous record was not broken. This car is shown below.

1953: The Pegaso Z-102 Supercharged, the first Spanish speed record, reached 244.62 km/h. It was the first sport car completely cutlery. This car is shown below.

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1954: The 250 km/h speed was obtained by the Mercedes-Benz 300SL:

1955: The next year, the Ferrari 410 Superamerica reached 261 km/h. This car is shown below.

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1962: A new Ferrari led the next record. The Ferrari 250 GTO, running to 279.06 km/h:

1968: Again Ferrari. The Ferrari Daytona GTB/4, raised the speed record to 281 km/h:

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1970: A new brand appears in the field of speed records: Lamborghini. The first record was obtained by the Lamborghini Miura P400 SV, running to 288.07 km/h. The car is shown in the next image:

1984: A new record led by Ferrari: its 288 GTO car reached 304 km/h:

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1986: In excess of 300 km/h, the record reached by the Porsche 959 is 320.3 km/h. This is the starring Porsche:

1987: The Ferrari F40, was not able to break the last record, but it passed the 300 km/h limit too. The speed was 314 km/h. This is the Ferrari F40:

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1990: The Porsche record of 1986 was broken by the Lamborghini Diablo. It reached 325 km/h:

1992: Two years later, the Bugatti EB110 SS reached 346 km/h:

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1993: The Jaguar XJ220 could improve on the record just a little: 349.2 km/h. The image shows the Jaguar:

1994: The next point to come was the 400 km/h barrier. Very near of it the McLaren F1 reached 391.4 km/h. This is the McLaren:

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Abril 19, 2005: The 400 km/h barrier was broken. The Bugatti Veyron reached the record speed of 408.47 km/h. The next image shows the vehicle:

Sept 13, 2007: And finally, the absolute record: 412.28 km/h. This record belongs to the SSC Ultimate Aero. It is shown in the next image:

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In the next page, a graph showing this evolution over time is given. We can see how the evolution of technology and car engineering has allowed speed to increase greatly. When we analyse the legislative regulations, and the speed limits in several countries and their evolution in some of them, we could compare the values of record speeds, or the maximum speed possible with the available technology, and the speed limit fixed about more questions than technology. The evolution of records which has been analysed herein is: 450 425 400 375 350

SPEED AUTOMOVIL RECORDS EVOLUTION AND MAXIMUM SPEED LIMIT IN SPAIN AND FRANCE

2nd Geneve agreements (1.949)

Viena Conventions (1.968)

325 300

1st Geneve agreements (1.931)

Speed records

Speed (km/h)

275 250

1st Paris agreements (1.926)

225 200 175 150

Maximum speeds tested in some sections and conditions

Oil crisis 1.973

125 100 Oil and energy saving measure

75 50

Oil crisis 1.976

25 0 1885 1890 1895 1900 1905 1910 1915 1920 1925 1930 1935 1940 1945 1950 1955 1960 1965 1970 1975 1980 1985 1990 1995 2000 2005 2010

Year

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3. REGULATIONS REGARDING THE EVOLUTION OF MAXIMUM SPEEDS IN CERTAIN COUNTRIES. Evolution of the International Framework Regulation. When studying the evolution of the establishment of speed limits not only for motorways but also on urban roadways, it is necessary to take into account international framework regulations which have been progressively developed and expanded upon to provide an internationally agreed system whose aim to permit uninterrupted traffic between countries in the most homogenous way possible. Likewise, many of the dates which show the evolution of speed limits in different countries coincide with the dates of the signing of international agreements in this field. Although, as we shall see further on, the most part of the agreements consigned the allocation of speed limits to the national judicial framework in each country, it is not the same case for the majority of the factors relating to motorways, which are standardised at the same time as the regulatory framework progresses over time. These international agreements provide the steps to achieve greater road-safety, avoiding the inequalities between countries and making those persons who infringe the law responsible for their actions. In 1909, an International Agreement was produced, dated the 11th of October, the first set of regulations relating to international automobile traffic. Above all, it is worthwhile highlighting the creation of an “International Motorways Certificate” which permitted the free access of road traffic in the Member States which signed the aforementioned agreement. This was signed by 16 countries, amongst which worthy of mention are Germany, Belgium, Spain, France, the United Kingdom and Italy. This was followed by the “International Agreement on Automobile Circulation” on the 11th of October 1911, which would lead to the harmonisation of regulations and road traffic signs. The world of automobiles advanced progressively over time, and as it did so, new technological advances, whilst communication

between

persons and

nations

intensified. This obliged the international community to create laws which were continually more complex and dense; though without losing sight of the right to

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recognise each signing party’s sovereignty of regulations regarding the usage of their own motorways. Agreements set a series of minimum conditions on admissibility for international traffic circulations, establishing uniform regulations in aspects such as: running conditions demandable of vehicles, requirements which drivers must meet, conditions under which traffic itself and signalling must operate. In 1926, the “AGREEMENT REGARDING INTERNATIONAL ROAD TRAFFIC” and the “INTERNATIONAL AGREEMENT REGARDING AUTOMOBILE CIRCULATION” were signed in Paris, later known as the Paris Agreements as they were borne out of the Paris Conference held from the 20th to the 24th of April 1926. These agreements replaced their predecessors in the case of the countries which ratified them, obliging drivers crossing borders to respect circulation laws on public roads in the countries where they were travelling. (Article 8, Paris Convention, 1926). The agreement on the unification of the signalling system, held under the auspice of the Society of Nations, was signed in Geneva on the 30th of March 1931) and managed to standardise signalling and signposting whilst adding a series of regulatory and informative signals, homogenising thus the colours used in these. For example, the colour red was destined for signs stating prohibition, though not those indicating danger, which had to have some sort of symbol. The number of signs was set at 26 different types. In 1949, a convention on motorway circulation with even greater ambitions was held and signed in Geneva under the patronage of the United Nations. Some considered this to be a” genuine international circulation code of conduct” following its entry into force. Through it, regulations on road traffic were developed (Articles 6 to 16) as well as the technical conditions for the equipment of automobiles and trailers during international transit. Then, in 1968, two Conventions were signed in Vienna. §

The Convention on Road Traffic.

§

The Convention on Road Signs and Signals

Each one of these Conventions was highly detailed, and included numerous legal provisions, although they left the legislator with ample margin for manoeuvre in the

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adaptation of the internal laws in signees of the agreements, given that the national text did not present incompatibility with the international text, as is clearly seen in Article 3 of the Convention, which established the possibility whereby signee States could decree internal regulations which did not follow the legal provisions of the Convention of Vienna and which were applicable to situations that did not occur in that State, as well as the fact that the aforementioned norms contained provisions not foreseen in Chapter II of the Convention, which stated as a condition that in both cases that there not be incompatibility with the Convention. The Vienna Convention arose due to the need to adapt the Geneva Convention of 1949 to the evolution and constant changes which had been produced in the interim period. The Vienna Convention was complemented by the European Supplementary Agreement opened to signing in Geneva on the 1st of May 1971 and, in 1973, the confirmation of the Protocol on Horizontal Signalling and Signposting; and has undergone a multitude of modifications which were made law on the 3rd of September 1993 and the 30th of November 1995, respectively (although it is certain that some of the definition have been modified as a result of community-wide Directives, above all in aspects referring to motorcycles and the conditions which had to be met to be able to drive: minimum age, holder of a valid driving licence. etc. ) Nowadays, international sources on road safety are diversified, and emanate, in most cases, from European Institutional Bodies working within the community framework or under the auspice of the European Council. Some do surpass the aforementioned framework, as is the case of the two Conventions presented for ratification in Vienna in November 1968, and still in force in the sphere of road safety and signalling. Some of the International organisations whose participation is requested on matters of this nature occasionally establish mutually beneficial bonds. Such is the particular case of the European Conference of Transport Ministries (ECTM) and the Council of Europe. Indeed, the Chairperson of the ECTM, in a letter dated the 17th of March 1954 directed to the General Secretary of European Council, stated: “The Council of Ministries expresses its desire to establish working relations with the Council of Europe in order to deal with proposals and suggestions which the latter may judge useful to inform said Council of in relation to problems regarding transport”.

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The obligatory nature of the texts or the decisions adopted is variable. The International Conventions regularly signed and ratified will be compulsory for the States which are affected by these, though their drafting often allows for a flexible national adaptation of is meaning. An example of this flexibility is the maximum speed limit, which must be determined within the confines of each nation. The aim of these international laws is to help achieve a high level of safety on the roads, providing, beyond the realm of national circulation, predictable movements of users (motorised or not). However, we must not make the mistake of thinking that the work has been done, as technological advances are constant, which means there are constant changes to track, and to drivers, All of which will lead to our current regulations becoming obsolete and needing constant modification and updating. We shall now analyse in greater depth the Agreements from the Conventions quoted beforehand. I.- THE PARIS TREATY Although it would perhaps be better named, “The Paris Treaties” as in reality there were two Agreements. Traffic circulation problems emerged in Europe first, it can be said that during the first years of the Twentieth Century issues were noted. The governments of countries affected by this situations and with the aim of “studying the best way to facilitate international motorway traffics” and also with the idea in mind of “modifying the International Agreement on Automobile Circulation passed on the 11th of October 1909”, organised a conference in Paris from the 20th to the 24th of April 1926, which led to the formalisation of a series of judicial instruments which were given the name of: CONVENTION

RELATING

TO

INTERNATIONAL

ROAD

TRAFFIC

AND

CONVENTION RELATING TO AUTOMOBILE TRAFFIC. These international conventions had a series of formal features which are worthy of looking at in more detail, namely: 1.

The timeframe for signing and adherence to the agreement is notably exiguous as it finalised on the 30th of June of the same year as the conference, 1926.

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2.

The real timeframe for its ratification was also very reduced, as can be seen from the Agreement Relating to International Road Traffic which states in Article 9 “This Agreement will be ratified, and the meeting for this ratification on the 1st of October 1926.

3.

A sole language, French, was used, something which gives us an idea of the international importance and prowess that the French language had at that time.

4.

As a logical consequence of the previous point, the Conventions were made of a single original copy, and so the signees were offered a copy of the same.

5.

Another consequence of the previous points is that France was the receptor country.

THE CONVENTION REGARDING INTERNATIONAL TRAFFIC CIRCULATION was made up of 14 articles, which clearly shows paucity in the stipulation of regulations for international motorway traffic, even more so if we take into account the fact that from Article 9 onwards, the contents of the convention begin to veer away from their main aim, that is, road traffic. -

Article 1 obliges signee States to apply the legal measures contained in the following Articles.

-

Articles 2 and 3 state how driving should be performed using vehicles, debe ser la conducción de vehículos, bestias de carga, de tiro o de silla.

-

Article 4 speaks of the direction traffic must take, and that this must be the same on all public roads.

-

Article 5 refers to intersections and overtaking.

-

Article 6 deals with forking and cross-roads.

-

Articles 7 and 8 refer to luminous signs, and here ends, as far as the Convention is concerned, all norms regarding traffic circulation.

THE INTERNATIONAL CONVENTION REGARDING AUTOMOBILE TRAFFIC, if compared with its Parisian counterpart, is without doubt, much richer in content related to traffic and the vehicle.

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This Convention is comprised if 17 Articles, which deal with the following aspects: -

The first two refer to General Provisions.

-

Article 3 states the conditions to be complied with for automobile vehicles in order to be internationally recognised.

-

Article 4, has an administrative undertone and deals with issuing and recognition of international certificates for automobiles.

-

Article 5 deals with distinctive symbology which vehicles must carry.

-

From the vehicle we now turn to the driver, and Article 6 stipulates the requirements that drivers must have in order to be internationally permitted to drive automobiles on public roads.

-

Article 7 refers to the issuing and recognition of international driving licences.

-

Article 8 highlights local or national laws which drivers must abide by and comply with when they drive in other countries.

-

Danger and warning signs must be those stipulated in Appendix F of the Convention and must be in place in the signee States as collected in Article 9.

-

Article 10 is worthy of special mention as it deals with information between parties so that persons qualified to drive may be identified, as well their driving licence numbers, the implication of their vehicles in serious accidents or their presumed infractions of laws and regulations in force regarding circulation etc. The signee States committed to issuing international driving licences or certificates which stated the names, surnames and addresses of the persons who had had their licences revoked.

-

This Convention ends with a series of Final Provisions which run from Article 11 to 17, both inclusive, and which explain the procedures which must be followed for the signing and ratification, as well as posterior adhesions and the judicial purposes which would affect ratifying states.

Aside from the peculiarities already mention with regards to the Conventions analysed, we must also add that Gibraltar is considered as an affected country, at least in the eyes of the International Convention on Road Traffic which had as its main judicial aim

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the modification of the International Convention on Automobile Traffic of the 11th of October, which the previous Conventions came to replace. This Convention was signed by Spain on the 24th of April 1926 and ratified on the 24th of October 1929, and published in the Madrid Gazette on the 22nd of March 1930, coming into legal force on the 24th of October 1930. A special note must be made from a judicial viewpoint with regards to the two analysed Conventions, that these have been replaced and therefore, we must also consider that their judicial effectiveness has also been replaced. Spain, perhaps in order to supplement what has been mentioned above, signed and ratified the 1949 Geneva Convention and its annexed Protocols. II.- THE GENEVA CONVENTION Motorway transport, both for persons and goods, had crossed national boundaries a long time before 1949, and as such, it was considered necessary to provide a series of norms and regulations which were internationally applicable and would help improve driving, whilst at the same to making it more fluid, less expensive and better regulated. In order to fill this judicial hole, an exceptional convention, both due to its judicial content and the multitude of signees, as well as its field of application: this Agreement, better known as the Geneva Convention, took place on in Geneva, Switzerland on the 23rd of August 1949 as part of the United Nations Conference on Motorway Transport and the Automobile Transport, during which the “Final Act of the Convention on Road Traffic” was formalised. As has been mentioned before, the Geneva Convention was the result of the United Nations Conference called by its Secretary General, in accordance with Resolution 147 B (VII) passed by the Economic and Social Council. The Convention on Road Traffic came into force on the 26th of March 1952. The Final Act of the aforementioned Conference, explains, in its opening sections, the need for this Convention as a result of antiquated jurisdiction of existing Conventions with regards to their field of application worldwide, at the same time as trying to act as an enforceable judicial instrument, solely and exclusively. The Governments of twenty-eight States were represented by their Delegations and eight more States were represented by Observers. Also present in the capacity of

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Observer were three intergovernmental Organisations and eight Non-Governmental Organisations. The Conference drafted and paved the way for the signing of a Protocol on Road Signalling, as well as a Protocol relating to the interpretation of Chapter VII with respect to the adhesion to the Convention on the part of countries and territories which were at the time occupied. During the course of their work, the Conference took other decisions, which would appear in the Final Act of Resolutions. Specifically, these are: - The Resolution on international testing for the establishment of acceptable regulations on dipped-beam headlights for motor vehicles. - Resolution relating to periodic reports on amendments to the Convention on Road Traffic. - Resolution relating to other problems concerning International Road Transport. The Final Act also contained three formulae reserved for endorsement by the United Kingdom, Sweden, Norway and Austria. The breakdown of the Convention on Road Traffic is as follows:

-

Chapter I: General Provisions (Articles 1 to 5)

-

Chapter II: Rules of the Road (Articles 6 to 16)

-

Chapter III: Signs and Signals. (Article 17)

-

Chapter IV: Provisions applicable to motor vehicles and trailers in international traffic. (Articles 18 to 23)

-

Chapter V: Drivers of motor vehicles in international traffic (Articles 24 y 25)

-

Chapter VI: Provisions applicable to cycles in international traffic (Article 26)

-

Chapter VII: Final Provisions. (Articles 27 to 35)

-

Annexes.

The annexes refer to the following:

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1. Additional provision concerning definitions of motor vehicles and cycles. 2. Right of Way. 3. Licence plate numbers of vehicles in international traffic. 4. Distinguishing sign of vehicles in international traffic. 5. Identification markings of vehicles in international traffic 6. Technical requirements of motor vehicles and trailers in international traffic. I.Brakes. II.- Lighting III.- Other requirements IV.- Combinations of vehicles V.- Transitional provision. 7. Sizing and weights of vehicles in international traffic. 8. Conditions to be fulfilled by drivers of vehicles in international traffic 9. Specimen driving licence. 10. Specimen international driving licence. Of all of these Chapters, it is Chapter II which deals with the issue of speed limits for vehicles, taking into account road conditions. Indeed, Article 10 states that: Chapter II: Rules of the Road. (Art. 6 al 16) These rules, given their logical application have been copied as minimum principles for proper road usage by numerous internal laws of the Contracting States or those which ratified the Convention afterwards, giving thus: Article 6 obliges the Contracting States to adopt the necessary measures to ensure the observance of the norms stated in this Chapter. Article 7 obliges road users not to constitute, through their behaviour, danger, hazards or obstructions to road traffic, as well as avoiding possible damage. Article 8 demands that a driver of a vehicle or combination of motor vehicles as well as those driving animal traction vehicles etc, that they be responsible for the control of their vehicle and its safety at all times.

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Article 9 establishes a place in the road which must be occupied the vehicles described in the previous Article and that these all travel in the same direction. Article10 is a direct consequence of the 7th, demanding that the driver be in permanent control of the vehicle that they drive, and to modify their driving (speed) to circumstances of good or poor visibility. Article11 regulates overtaking and behaviour at forks and crossroads with the exception of trains and trams, as well certain mountain roads. Article12 discusses intersections, how to behave at them, prudence whilst driving and right of way duly signposted. etc. Article13 stipulates the safety measures which must be adopted for stationary vehicles, as well as places where stopping is prohibited. Article14 mentions loading of vehicles which must not cause any damage or danger to other road users.. Article15 refers to driving in poor visibility which makes it necessary to be able to identify vehicles at a sufficient safety distance, and for this reasons, the fitting of at least one front mounted white light and one back-mounted red light located at a visible point on the vehicle. Article16 contains regulations regarding trolley-buses whilst at the same time stipulates conditions for cyclist so that these can travel without risks to themselves and other road users. III.- THE 1968 VIENNA CONVENTIONS: Here we have two separated conventions: • VIENNA CONVENTION ON ROAD TRAFFIC • VIENNA CONVENTION ON ROAD SIGNS AND SIGNALS Both took place in Vienna on the 8th November 1968. In the Final Act of the United Nations Conference on Road Traffic it was stated that the aim of this was, under the consideration of the Geneva Conventions in 1949 on Road Traffic as well as Protocols relating to the Road Signalling being revised and updated with the aim of facilitating road transport, to prepare an instrument to substitute the

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aforementioned Convention and study whether the provisions relating to signalling should be made compulsory or remain simply recommended good practice. These two International Conventions had to continue the judicial-diplomatic work following its signing and ratification by the participant nations, which would be referred to as Contracting Parties. This Convention came into force on the 21st of May 1977, almost ten years after its creation. At the present time, as there is no derogation clause for the 1968 Conventions nor as part of their posterior modifications, we have, then, two Conventions in force: that of Geneva from 1949 and that of Vienna from 1968, the latter, modified substantially at the beginning of the nineties. To complete the aforementioned Conventions on Road Traffic and Signalling, the European Agreements were formalised in Geneva in May 1971, and came into to force on the 7th of June 1979 and the second one on the 3rd of August 1979. The Convention on Road Traffic was notably modified over time and its latest version came into force on the 3rd of September 1993. Despite the fact that, as we have mentioned beforehand, the Vienna Convention of 1968 was only signed, and not ratified by Spain, as part of the Royal Decree of the 17th of January through which the General Road Traffic Regulations were passed, establishes in its Explanatory Preamble that this incorporates the regulations passed in the Convention on Road Traffic and was open for signature on the 8th of November 1968, and those pertaining to the European Agreement, complementing the aforementioned Convention were open for signature on the 1st of May 1971 and take into account the signalling and signposting symbols along the lines of models established in the Convention on Road Signs and Signals of Vienna, open for signature on the same dates and finally the Additional Protocol on Road Markings, open for signature on the 1st of March in 1973 in Geneva. In its inception, THE CONVENTION ON ROAD TRAFFIC, establishes that: “The Contracting Parties, desirous to facilitate international road traffic on public land highways, and to increase road-safety on the aforementioned highways, agree the need for the adoption of uniform regulations regarding circulation”. The Convention on Road Traffic can be broken down into the following sections:

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Chapter I – General provisions (Articles 1 to 4): definitions, Annexes, obligations, signalling. Chapter II – Regulations applicable to road traffic (Articles 5 to34): Pre-eminence of signals, general regulations, collective forms of transport, U-turns, level crossings, pedestrians, parking and stopping, motorways, cyclists, acoustic and optical signals, loading, behaviour in the even of accidents, lighting... Chapter III – Conditions which must be fulfilled by motor vehicles and trailers to be considered apt for international traffic. (Articles 35 to 40): Licence plate, distinguishing sign of country of registration, identification markings, technical provisions.. Chapter IV – Automobile drivers (Articles 41 al 43): Validity of driving licenses, suspension of said validity, transitional provisions... Chapter V – Conditions which must be filled by motorcycles to be admissible for international traffic. (Article 44) Chapter VI – Final Provisions (Articles 45 al 56) Annexes: 1. Exceptions to the obligation for admittance to international traffic for motor vehicles and trailers. 2. Number plate of motor vehicles and trailers on international roads. 3. Distinguishing sign of vehicles in international traffic. 4. Identification markings of vehicles in international traffic 5. Technical requirements of motor vehicles and trailers in international traffic. I.Brakes. This was sub-divided into five sections. II.- Lighting III.- Other requirements IV.- Combinations of vehicles V.- Transitional provision. 6. Sizing and weights of vehicles in international traffic. 7. Conditions to be fulfilled by drivers of vehicles in international traffic 8. Specimen driving licence. 9. Specimen international driving licence.

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The CONVENTION ON ROAD SIGNS, whose latest modification came into force on the 30th of November 1995, contains a very similar methodology to the previous Convention regarding road traffic, and neither is particularly different to the methodological system employed in the 1949 Conventions, as will have been made appreciable beforehand. Said Convention is comprised of six Chapters: Chapter I contains General Provisions and Definitions (Articles 1 to 4). Chapter II on Road Markings, Article5 to 21. Chapter III on Luminous Traffic Signs, Articles 23 and 24. (Article 22 was deleted in the last modification) Chapter IV, regulates Road Markings (Articles 25 to 30) Chapter V, on Signalling of Road-works, luminous markings and level crossings. Chapter VI, Final Provisions, Articles 37 to 48. Annexes: 1. Danger Warning Signs, with the exception of those placed in the proximity of crossroads or level crossings. 2. Signals which regulate priority at crossroads. Danger warning signs in the proximity of crossroads and signals which regulate priority in narrow passageways. 3. Signals relating to level crossings. 4. Regulatory signalling, with the exception of those relating to priority, parking and stopping. 5. Informative signals, with the exception of those relating to parking. 6. Signals relating to parking and stopping. 7. Additional plaques. 8. Road markings. 9. Reproduction of symbols and plaques in colour for those mentioned in Annexes 1 to 7.

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The European Agreements which contemplate these Conventions and which have been mentioned previously, were heavily modified at the same time as the Conventions and came into force on the 27th of November 1995. Therefore, the Convention on Signalling dealt with aspects relating to sign-posts, signals, traffic-lights, road-markings and other Chapters looked at important elements such as indicators, plaques etc. However, no agreement was reached on international standardisation, as the American States adopted a different signalling system with regards to colours, inscriptions etc, and the Europeans refused to abandon the triangular symbol for danger, which for many years had conditioned the reflexes of drivers. The most important result obtained in Vienna was the abandonment on the part of the Americans of inscriptions on signs, of indications in the national language, adopting, in their place, some of the European symbols. In 1971 the European Agreement was signed in Geneva which completes the Convention on Road Signs, and in 1973 the Protocol on Horizontal Signalling was signed. As in reality international transport on motorways is dynamic, evolutionary and everchanging, the WP1 (Working Party, UN Group dedicated to studies into road-safety) has developed a legal formula, whose applicable effectiveness had been widely criticised and put in doubt, though this research gave us the CONSOLIDATED RESOLUTIONS 1, 2 and 3. The experience and legal knowledge of the working group could not forget that the 1949 Convention needed around 19 years to be updated by the Conventions of 1968, without the latter managing to annul the former, leaving situations such as States which had ratified the previous versions but not the modifications, an example of this is Spain, and for the modification of the 1968 Convention, 25 and 27 years were needed for this to come into force following the reforms made in 1993 and 1995; this, without doubt, provided the basis for CONSOLIDATED RESOLUTIONS 1, 2 and 3, which study, analyse and formalise a series of legal recommendations whose aim is to modernise the 1968 Convention in this sense. As has already been mentioned, many doubts are held into its judicial efficiency as they are not even signed, let alone ratified by the contracting parties. And for that

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reason they are seen as recommendations in a legal sense, with each country free to adopt them or not. Consolidated Resolution 1, refers essentially to the Vienna Convention on Road Traffic. Consolidated Resolution 2, refers essentially to the Vienna Convention on Road Signalling. Consolidated Resolution 3, refers to the structure and construction of vehicles. These three documents have been produced by diverse working groups and subgroups. The Consolidated Resolutions are legal bodies which form the basis for member states to include them in future legislation and improve and update their Conventions so that Evolution of Speed Limits, examples. United States The years prior to the 1974 nationalization of the maximum highway speed were referred to nostalgically as the “heyday of speed”. Speed limits were the province of the various states, as each was given complete latitude in regulating the speeds travelled on its roads; speed limits were among the state policing powers reserved to the states. The modal speed limits on rural interstates were 70 and 75 miles per hour (mph) for small passenger vehicles during the day, with lower limits set for larger craft and nighttime or poor weather driving or conditions. The speeds were in conformity with how the interstate system’s designers viewed their usage; the focus on separated lanes, controlled access, long straight-aways, and gentle slopes precipitated speeds that were significantly higher than those safely travelled on the more dangerous two-lane state and United States highways. The origin of the nationalised speed limit is in the stagnant economic period of the early 1970s. Attempting to combat “stagflation,” the frustrating combination of stagnant macro-economic and real wage growth and significant inflation, President Richard Nixon enacted a series of wage and price controls in 1971 that reached into everyday life. This signalled a trend toward centralisation of many economic decisions for years to come. As in many policy areas, once the decision-making process has been elevated to the national level, it will take some significant electoral or economic shock to devolve control.

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The nationalisation trend of energy policy saw a focusing event in October of 1973, when Syria and Egypt attacked Israel suddenly and harshly on the Jewish sacred holiday of Yom Kippur, a conflict that saw Arab nations allied against the nation of Israel. Fearing the possible annihilation of one of its most strategic allies, the United States responded to the attack by airlifting emergency aid to Israel. Chagrined by the infusion, the Arab nations of the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC), led by Saudi Arabia, enacted an oil embargo, denying the exportation of oil to those countries allied with Israel. The embargo hit the United States especially hard, as a significant percentage of the petroleum needed for American consumption had been imported from the OPEC nations. The most significant and immediate effect on American consumers was a gasoline shortage. Gas stations found the supply sporadic and were unable to meet the demand of drivers. Thus, cars became “rolling inventories,” as calculating individuals became quite conservative with their consumption. Since gasoline prices were fixed by government fiat, as were so many other valuable commodities at the time, the price of gasoline did not rise to meet demand, and a rural–urban disparity arose. Governmental mandates on the allocation of fuel stated that it must be distributed equally among all stations, regardless of location. Thus, while urban drivers, unable to obtain gasoline due to local shortages, limited their driving to near the home and workplace, much of the rural gasoline supply went unused, unable to be accessed by those most in need of it (Cook, 1995). In an effort to conserve the (poorly distributed) supply of fuel available, Congress, at the behest of the president, enacted the national speed limit in 1974. Although speed limits most immediately bring to mind the notion of public safety, this was not the concern of lawmakers at the time of the law’s enactment. In fact, public safety did not even enter the original debate on the bill (Peters, 1995). The act seemed like a logical response to the shortage, since because the automobiles of that time were less efficient in their consumption than today’s models, and efficiency decreases with speed travelled, limiting speed was a way to cut back on the fuel many used. It is unclear how much the increased efficiency, at the sacrifice of ability to travel at the desired speed, would mean to drivers, but the aggregate energy savings weighed more heavily in Congress’ calculus. Also, since fewer people were engaging in long car trips on rural interstates, few would find the new speed limits an impediment to travel. The law was given a temporary status initially, to be a one-year fix for a problem presumed to be solved by diplomacy. As is so often with federal initiatives, the ephemeral experiment became the permanent policy, and the national speed limit was made indefinite in 1975 (Csere, 1995).

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Since there is no national highway policing body, the enforcement of the limit was to be carried out by the highway policing forces of the states. To ensure compliance, Congress tied the dispersion of federal highway funds to enacting the speed limit; states would lose billions in funds if they refused to limit the maximum speed to the federal guidelines. Congress gave the law more “teeth” in 1978, as states had to certify that their drivers were complying with the 55 mph limit. Thus, not only did states have to align their limits, but they were required to engage in rigorous enforcement, and certify that they were doing so to be eligible for the funds upon which they had grown dependent. The federal government found again that possibly its most useful tool in modifying the behaviour of state governments was the power of the purse. Any attempts to repeal or relax the federal standard were blocked by the Democratic leadership in the House, even though a large number of members on both sides of the aisle favoured changing it in some way (Palmaffy, 1996). The issue, once the gasoline shortage had subsided in the early 1980s, had become public safety: higher speed on the highways would likely translate to more deaths and injuries, and the federal speed limit was a mechanism keeping Americans safe. The change of policy focus of the limit seems to be an “inside-out” version of what Baumgartner and Jones (1993) highlighted in the policy area of nuclear power regulation. In nuclear policy, the issue transformed from centring on the promise of efficient power to one of public safety. The transformation was a Schattschneiderian expansion of the conflict, where the opponents of the policy were successful in redefining the issue, thus mobilizing the likeminded outside the policymaking venue—in this case the general public in fear of a nuclear disaster endangering their lives. It seems in the case of speed limits, however, that those on the winning side, those in favour of speed limits for whatever reason, were successful in limiting the scope by focusing on the public safety aspect of the law. The argument the opponents wielded of the proper policing powers of the states, and the rights of the individual drivers, simply did not resonate as loudly as issues of safety. The focus of conflict had shifted from energy to safety, but had quite likely strengthened, rather than weakened the hold the winning coalition held over the issue area. In 1987, some speed limit control devolved back to the states. The Surface Transportation and Uniform Relocation Act of 1987 allowed states to raise the maximum speed on rural interstates (operationalised by population density and control of access) to 65 mph. Several states, mostly in the West, opted to take advantage of the devolution immediately, and by 1993, 42 states had raised their limits as well, with those choosing to keep the 55mph limit mostly comprising the Northeast (National Safety Council, 1994).

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The scope of conflict had not changed remarkably; the battle was fought between congressional factions along the safety versus states’ rights continuum. What would explain the shift in policy preferences among those in the policy venue, leading to a significant change in policy outcome? Perhaps Krehbiel (1996) is most helpful in describing what took place in Congress to change the speed limit policy. Since it is widely and rightfully assumed that it is more difficult to initiate (or repeal) a law than to thwart the effort, attempts to repeal the speed limit law were subject to gridlock. To overcome gridlock, legislators must align bipartisan supermajorities that can overcome the procedural “pivot points” that allow a minority from stopping proposed changes to the status quo. When is a break of gridlock likely? After an election, when the policy preferences of the members change due to turnover and inferences of public opinion, the “gridlock interval,” the area in which policy change is likely to be quashed, may contract or shift, resulting in the status quo point falling outside the interval. A policy status quo that falls outside the interval is ripe for re-examination, and subsequent change. Thus, in an early postelection period a president may be able to take advantage of preference shocks (sudden change) to initiate policy change in light of the interval’s shift. It is quite likely that the change in Congress following the 1986 election moved the gridlock interval to where the 1974 law fell outside it; the 1987 relaxing of the earlier law, in this scenario, was an alignment of the policy to the politically acceptable space on the policy continuum pitting safety against states’ rights. Following this change, there was likely a Downsian mobilization of the ilk Baumgartner and Jones discuss, where political entrepreneurs within the legislature see the opportunity for success on a given policy, and seize the opportunity to enact change. In this case, the change in leadership and partisan composition in Congress provided the correct timing for the Western members to devolve speed limit back to the states. The coalition between western members and advocacy groups was successful in enacting the policy change they had been favouring since the original evolution. It’s hard to argue that the electoral results of 1994 did not result in significant change in the preferred policy space of Congress. The Republicans took control of both houses for the first time since the Dwight Eisenhower administration, and sought to devolve many functions assumed by the federal government. One of the first of these powers was the regulation of speed on highways. With the leadership spearheading the way, Congress returned speed limit authority back to the states. The 1995 National Highway System Designation Act (NHSDA) garnered by no means unanimous support, as it pitted rural Western representatives against the more urbanized areas’ members from the East, but its supporters (the former) earned victory

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with relative quickness and ease. The final bill as reported by the conference committee contained the following provisions:

•

The repeal of the federally imposed speed limit.

•

Designated 160,955 miles part of the National Highway System, and allocated $6.5 billion for its maintenance.

• Provided funding for the Wilson Memorial Bridge over the Potomac, and funds for a new bridge in the same area.

• Eliminated funding penalties on states that did not have a mandatory motorcycle helmet law.

• Allowed states to build billboards along scenic routes. • Repealed the requirement of posting distances in kilometres. • Rescinded the requirement that old tire rubber be used in highway construction. • Mandated state laws enforcing a maximum blood alcohol content (BAC) of 0.02% for any driver under the age of 21 (Facts on File, 1995). The act, therefore, contained a significant devolution of highway authority, yet strengthened federal control over one aspect, driving under the influence. President Bill Clinton stated he was “deeply disturbed” with the provision repealing the federal speed limit, but signed the bill to avoid stalling the funds earmarked for highway maintenance. White House Press Secretary Mike McCurry acknowledged that even if vetoed, the bill likely had the support to override. Voicing the president’s concerns, Secretary of Transportation Frederico Peña sent letters to governors, “imploring them, for safety reasons,” to consider leaving the speed limits where they stood (quoted. in Kaye, Mulrine, & Wu, 1995, pp. 71–72). Most states were expected to keep the 55 mph limit in the urban and suburban areas (Cook, 1995), but eight states, in anticipation of the devolution, had already passed laws raising their limits to 70 or 75 mph should Congress repeal the federal limits. Montana, the state given the most attention since the 1995 repeal, chose to establish no daytime limit, rather to mandate that drivers maintain a “reasonable and prudent” speed. Montana eventually established a 75 mph speed limit in May of 1999. Although no other state relaxed their laws as fully as Montana, every state in the union eventually established

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maximum speeds on rural stretches of interstates to be at least 65 mph, with the exception of Hawaii at 60 mph. Three states (Connecticut, Hawaii, and New Jersey) maintained the 55 mph limit during the period studied. Next figure provides a map of the United States indicating the limits each state enforced at the time of the study, highlighting geographic attitudes on highway speed.

Economic theories of bureaucracy such as those posited by Downs (1966), Niskanen (1971), and Moe (1984) emphasize that once an agency is created, it will function organically, doing everything in its power to expand its jurisdiction through rent seeking and engaging in turf battles, ensuring that there is always a need for its services, and that its role expands rather than contracts. The speed limit law repeal may be an interesting case study highlighting that a policy that exists without a significant bureaucratic structure to implement it will not enjoy the same mobilisation in its defence that an agency-specific policy will see. The 55mph speed limit (subsequently 55/65 following the 1987 Act) was merely a federal mandate tied to categorical grants; the budget tied to the mandate enabled no powerful agency charged with the responsibility of enforcing the statute. Had the original legislation created some national highway patrol or speed enforcing agency, it would have certainly created a constituency likely to be mobilized against a change in policy. Absent a constituency, the change in

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gridlock interval was more likely to bring a significant change in policy; a mobilized force to thwart the repeal might have been a possible had the original law created a powerful enforcing agency. France The evolution of maximum speeds on French roads responds to much more unified criteria than in the previous case. Indeed, France, as the host nation of the signing of the initial treaties on road traffic, established limits, as we shall see in the coming paragraphs, on dates close to the signing of the treaties and conventions mentioned in Point 3.1. The evolution of maximum speeds authorised in France can be summaries as follows: 1899: The first speed limit is imposed on public roads. A limit of 30 km/h was established for open roads and 20 km/h for urban or populated areas. 1921: The first highway code; mamed in French “Code de la Route”, revoked the previous speed limits and did not impose maximum limits, rather, it provided special reference to responsibility and the compulsory nature of the driver’s need to adapt the speed of their vehicle to road conditions. 1954: A speed limit was reintroduced for urban areas: 60 km/h 1961: 90 km/h was set as the speed limit for busy roads, and only during weekends. 1969: Limitation of 90 km/h newly qualified drivers. This limitation lasted for the first year of the driving licence. 1973: Two general speed limits were introduced. Firstly, a general speed limit of 110 km/h for roads considered to be of “heavy traffic”, y 100 km/h for other roads outside urban areas. Later, these limits were redefined for the following measures: 120 km/h on motorways and 90 km/h for other roads outside urban areas. These speed limits were in force for a year, and thus France had seen in less than two years, three different speed limits. 1974: The speed limits were redefined again: 130 km/h for motorways, 110 km/h for dual carriageways, or expressways, y 90 km/h for other roads outside urban areas. 1975: Speed limit for mopeds set at 45 km/h

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1982: Once again the generic speed limits were redefined: for cases of wet surfaces the limit was reduced to 110 km/h on motorways, 100 km/h on expressways and 80 km/h for the rest. With this measure the generic speed limit was set at 130 km/h for motorways, 110 km/h for expressways and 90 km/h A roads. For the case of wet surfaces this was reduced to 110 km/h on motorways, 100 km/h for expressways and 80 km/h for the rest. . Spain The evolution of maximum speed limits in Spain has occurred in a similar fashion to France. Therefore, the agreements adhered to by the Spanish state have influenced in the progressive establishment of a regulatory framework. Within this regulatory framework we find the speed limits for different types of road, the modifications of the Highway Code as a response to these new criteria. The historical evolution of the Highway Code allows for us to check how maximum speed limits have evolved in contrast with the evolution of automobiles and infrastructure in Spain. The first Public Sector Administrative Body entrusted with the tasks of managing traffic in Spain was created in 1778 and was responsible for the “safety and comfort of roads and transit areas to facilitate communication”. However, it was the start of the modern automobile era in Spain which appeared in 1899. By 1900 the “Regulation on Service for Automobiles on State Roads” had been passed. This regulation provided a series of curious data regarding speed limits of 28 km/h on motorways and 15 km/h in urban areas. With this regulation the obligatory requirement of registering vehicles for use on the road. The first modification of this set of regulations from 1900 came in 1918 and the first Highway Code in 1926, which needed to be re-modified in 1928. This code soon became obsolete and in 1934 a new version was drafted which would become the corner stone of traffic regulations in Spain. The 1934 code was in force until 1959, when the General Traffic Directorate was founded and when it was decided that traffic monitoring would be carried out by the Civil Guard. The 1959 code remained in force until 1989, when the current Highway Code was passed, which has also seen modifications in recent times, such as the famous points system for driving licences.

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However, this new Highway Code did not modify speed limits. It was not until 2010 when the topic of speed limits was dealt with again. Without getting bogged down with details of the different codes over time, and centring our attention on speed limits, chronologically, the list is as follows: 1900 the “Regulation on Service for Automobiles on State Roads” was passed. It had a total of 24 Articles and in Chapter III, Article 6, a maximum speed limit of 28km/h was established on flat and open roads in unpopulated areas (this translates as 5 leagues or knots an hour, and as the total distance of a league is 5,573m, the value obtained is approximately 28kn/h). Likewise, a limit of 12km/h was established for populated areas, and a lower limit for narrow roads, reduced radius curves, side-streets and areas where trams crossed streets. 1934: In the Highway Code of 1934 Speed is not limited explicitly, instead, Article 17 states: Article 17. Drivers of motor vehicles must be at all times in control of the movements of these and are obliged to moderate their speed, and, should it be necessary, detain their vehicle when the Authorities so required it of them, when traffic circumstances, the roadway, the visibility or the vehicle itself, make it prudent to stop as to avoid possible accidents or any damages or disturbance to other road users., specifically in the following occasions: a) In agglomerations of any type and during periods of complex traffic, mainly when many cars are travelling slowly, on roads close to residences, near to cattle herds or flocks of sheep, mule trains, carriage animals should these show signs of fear. b) In areas of public roads nearby crossroads, forks, narrowing of roadways, levelcrossings. c) Nearby curves or changes in slope which limit or impede visibility. d) In crossroads with other vehicles during hours of darkness. e) When the road surface is wet, or in poor conditions, poorly conserved or cleaned, and may cause loose chippings to be projected to other vehicles or road users. f) In cases of dense fog, intense rain or at nightfall.

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g) Speed must be reduced to the equivalent of walking pace when, as a result of road conditions, a vehicle must pass close to the pavement, to markets, and near to schools at the times when students enter or leave the building. In all of these cases, drivers must keep right and make their presence known, increasing precautions with regard to making sure that the roadway is free for their usage. In this Article we can see for the first time ever genuine awareness of the dangers which driving entails and the reasons why it is necessary to moderate speed, though not limit it. 1974: In the Official State Gazette dated 8th of April 1974 the modification of the previously mentioned Highway Code was published showing maximum speed limits on public rods. The brief explanatory preamble which accompanies this decision is in relation to reasons of road safety and economy of fuel consumption at the time. The established limits were, 130km/h for motorways. In the case of expressways or A roads with a hard-shoulder in excess of 1.5m and with two or more lanes for each direction of traffic, the maximum limit would be 110 km/h. For all other roads the limit was set at 90 km/h, on roads in urban areas, 60 km/h. 1976: Once again the Official State Gazette announced new speed limits, caused by a sole motivation; the price of petrol. At this time the speed limit for motorways, expressways, and A roads was reduced to 100km/h, other roads were reduced to 80km/h, and in urban areas the limit remained at 60km/h. 1979: The law was established whereby newly qualified drivers were limited to a maximum speed of 80 km/h for their first year on the road. 1.981: It is worthwhile including a brief explanation of the motives which precede the text in which the speed limits are redefined, as published in the Official State Gazette of the 21st of July. The constant evolution of road travel brings with it the need to update the regulatory text continually and remains valid. Thus, within the framework of this modification of the Highway Code, whilst a new version is still being prepared this responds to wideranging motivation for its drafting, firstly, demands of the adaptation to specific international regulations which impose diverse rectifications of certain Articles, singularly, those relating to road signs and signals; secondly, road-safety demands that no delays are given in the implantation of certain measures which contribute to the

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improvement of the general situation in this aspect. Also imposed immediately were some minor adjustments to certain technical aspects of the Code’s Articles The maximum speed on motorways was set at 120 km/h. For roads with two or more lanes for each direction and hard-shoulders in excess of 1.5 metres, the speed limit was fixed at 100 km/h; other limits on A or B category roads did not vary. 1989: The proliferation of motorways leads to a distinction between maximum speeds on motorways and toll roads. “Rapid routes” are contemplated with a maximum speed of 100km/h. Within urban areas the speed limit is reduced to 50km/h. 2003: The concept of the Rapid Route disappears, making the speed limit for motorways and toll-roads 120km/h, and 90km/h for all other trunk roads, with the speed limit in urban areas remaining at 50km/h. However, certain trunk roads maintained the status of Rapid Route and kept the speed limit of 100km/h. 2010: Se reduce la velocidad máxima en autopistas y autovías de 120 km/h a 110 km/h, debido al elevado precio del carburante. La medida, que perseguía un cierto ahorro energético, fue derogada a los 6 meses, volviendo a los límites habituales. Speed limits in several countries The speed limits in various countries are in the vicinity of the 120 km / h. Thus, except Norway, which very specific circumstances of its topography and climate, places its top speed of 90 km / h, and Germany, which has only in certain sections as discussed below, recommended speed to 130 km / h, the rest of countries limit their maximum speed of 110 km / h to 130 km / h. In the picture below these limits are observed:

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A special case: the German “Autobahnen” The Autobahn is known worldwide as the motorway with no speed limit. It is said to be the ultimate driving experience and nearly all of the worlds serious drivers have heard of it. However, a fact that is not as well known is that the Autobahn does have speed limits on many sections. Also, it looks like an average motorway and the roads are still in excellent condition although soµe of it was built µany years ago. Further, the Autobahn network is the world’s second largest super-motorway with a length of 11 515 km. The Autobahn has been built up in sections since 1913 and because of this; there are some areas where the government is trying to upgrade the road. The general rule in their design is to provide for unimpeded, high−speed traffic flow. Most parts of the Autobahn contain design elements such as the following. ‒

Two, three or sometimes four lanes per direction

‒

Landscaped green medians 3m wide in the urban areas and concrete barriers in the newer sections

‒

Outside emergency shoulders and long acceleration and deceleration lanes

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‒

Full grade separation and access control provided by half cloverleaf interchanges at exits and cloverleaves and directional interchanges at Autobahn crossings

‒

Well spaced interchanges

‒

4% or lesser grades with climbing lanes provided on most steep grades

‒

Gentle and well banked curves

‒

Freeze−resistant concrete or bituminous surface

There are certain traffic regulations that apply when driving on it to safely facilitate the heavy and high−speed traffic. For example, vehicles with a maximum speed rating of less than 60km/h are prohibited along with bicycles, mopeds and pedestrians. Passing on the right is prohibited and slower vehicles must move to the right to allow faster traffic to pass. Also, stopping, parking, U−turns, and reverse travel are prohibited everywhere including the shoulders and ramps. Finally, it is illegal to run out of gasoline on the Autobahn. The majority of the Autobahn has no speed limit; however there is a recommended limit of 130km/h. This limit is seen by most as an attempt by the government to protect itself without alienating many BMW and Porsche owners. Thus if the recommended limit is exceeded and an accident occurs, the driver may be responsible for some of the damage costs even if they are not at fault. In sections where there are dangerous curves, or urban areas with constant heavy traffic, speed limits ranging from 80km/h to 120km/h are in place. The most interesting fact is that the death and accident rate on the Autobahn is relatively low, despite the high speeds. The fatality rate is lower on the Autobahn than on many US Interstates and the Autobahn crashes account for only 10% of national traffic fatalities. The distribution of the speeds on the autobahnen has been discussed many times. A great number of drivers have been interviewed about speed limits on the German autobahnen, and the results are shown in the next figure:

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40

 35

30

   



25

[%]

 20

15

 

 

10

 5

0

4. FACTORS WHICH INFLUENCE SPEED Speed as a factor in causing accidents According to different surveys undertaken by the OCDE (2005),

excessive and

inappropriate speed constitutes the main problem for safety on roads: accounting for one third of fatalities and worsening the consequences for the majority. In a general sense, the number and seriousness of accidents increase with an increase in speed, with diverse factors contributing to this. Generally, it can be concluded that high-speeds reduce the driver’s reaction time before performing a manoeuvre, as well as increasing the braking distance and so the total distance needed to stop the vehicle should any danger appear. In the following table we can see a graphic representation of the analysis performed by the ATSB with respect to the number of collisions between vehicles and pedestrians at zebra crossings, with a reaction time for the driver of one second.

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Whilst the reaction distance grows in a linear fashion with speed, the same is not true of the braking distance, which depends on the speed travelled at. Speed and accident frequency As a general rule, a reduction in speed by 1km/h causes a reduction in deadly accidents of around 2 – 3 % (ETSC, Finch et al.). However, this figure is no more than a statistical approximation which does not encompass all the factors which influence them. In truth, the most important decreases are produced on urban roadways and the least important on interurban roadways. Design and functional features of the roadway influence greatly the relationship between speed and the frequency of accidents. This relationship depends, for example, on the number and type of junctions, the presence of pedestrians, bicycles or agricultural vehicles, amongst others. Under more complex driving conditions, the risk of accidents are greater and so the effects of speed are more notable. The risk of accidents depends also on the country and road type. For the majority of westernised countries, around 60% of deadly accidents are caused on straight sections of interurban motorways. Accidents at junctions and slip roads which involve a single vehicle are a growing concern and undoubtedly can be attributed to speed. On motorways, where driving is simpler, the accident rate is lower than on roads where driving is more complicated.

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The effects of heterogeneity and the dispersion of vehicles on the number of accidents. Speed differentials between different road users influence greatly the accident rate. This phenomenon is particularly important in urban agglomerations, with certain vehicles travelling more slowly and so there will be more overtaking manoeuvres, lanechanging etc. Likewise, on motorways with steep slopes, where heavy good vehicles travel at reduced speeds, the same is true. Heterogeneous speeds between vehicles logically bring with an increase in the number of overtaking manoeuvres and thus the risk of accidents. The dispersion of accidents, that means, the variation of traffic flow speed, is clearly linked to the death rate, especially on interurban roadways, straight sections outside populated areas and major urban areas. In the majority of cases, an increase in traffic flow speed combines with an increase in dispersion. However, it has been proven on occasions that an increase in average speed can also bring with it a reduction in the dispersion of speeds. In the next image we can see the accident rate on urban and interurban roadways depending on the speed of the vehicle with respect to the average speed of traffic flow:

Therefore, not only the speed of each vehicle, but rather the relationship between average speed of traffic flow prove to be factors which increase or decrease the accident rate.

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Effects of speed on the seriousness of accidents Even when excessive speed is not a cause of an accident, the speed of the vehicle at the moment of impact is a relevant factor in the seriousness of the injuries caused. The effects conform to the laws of Physics in relation to the evolution of kinetic energy involved during the accident. The greater the level of kinetic energy, or, in other words, the greater the speed travelled at, the more serious the injuries. The probability of suffering serious injuries in a collision grows considerably with the increase in speed at the moment of the crash. There are several models in existence which analyse the repercussion of speed on the seriousness of the accidents and the injuries caused. In this sense, the most commonly accepted model is that proposed by Nilsson et al., known as the power model. This indicates that in serious bodily accidents depend on the speed whereas deadly accidents are more sensitive to the fourth power of speed. The following image shows this trend.

Likewise, the speed of a vehicle is also a conditioning factor in the seriousness of collisions between vehicles and pedestrians and cyclists, a collective who have no dissipation element on hand such as airbag or deformable chassis. In the study undertaken by Waltz et al in 1983, the probability of suffering deadly injuries when a vehicle collides with a pedestrian is shown in the picture below.

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Therefore, speed is perhaps not the most relevant factor in an accident, though it is certainly one that contributes greatly. Slight increases in the maximum speeds may bring with them increases in the seriousness and frequency of accidents, and so legal limits in the majority of the legal limits in most countries remain invariable or set as not to risk the production of an inversion of this decreasing trend in the accident rate at the wheel. Speed, driving conditions and comfort Effects on the driver’s field of vision The ability of the human eye to perceive objects with an extraordinary speed is welldocumented. However, the human eye needs a certain time-lag to be able to observe and translate information. This lapse is what defines the driver’s field of vision: at reduced speeds a driver is capable of observing and reacting before a reasonably wide field of vision, around 100º, whilst as speeds are increased, this field of vision is greatly reduced to around 30º. For this reason, speed influences greatly on the margin of perception of dangerous circumstances to the side of a driver. The following image has been provided by the Ministry of Transport in France and clearly illustrates this:

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The angle of the field of vision is taken into account by certain public sector administrations for the determination of minimum width of road surfaces, with the effect of allowing elevated speeds, as a driver will automatically reduce their travelling speed if they perceive the existence of danger whilst driving which should be observed beforehand (for example, when driving on a street with children playing on the pavement or building work close to the roadway). Effects on braking distances One of the most important aspects for the circulation of vehciles is the distance at which, starting from a given speed, said vehicle needs to come to a complete stop. This distance is also one of the design factors taken into account when in road construction as it conditions, amongst other elements, sag and crest vertical curves, linking sections etc. It is given that the distance, in metres, needed for braking, from a given speed, is described below in the following expression:

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DD =

V0 tr + 3.6

V02 i ⎞ ⎛ 254⎜ f l (V0 ) + ⎟ 100 ⎠ ⎝

Whereby Vo is the initial vehicle speed; fl (V0 ) is the coefficient for linear friction in motion which, although this depends on Vo, is given as a constant for the entire braking process; tr is the driver reaction time (generally 1 second); i is the slope on the road during the braking process. To reach a coefficient of 1 (the entire linear friction required) a reaction time of 1 second and different initial speed and slope values, give us of a braking distance of: 0

This distance is extremely relative also in the calculation of road capacities, safety distance between vehicles, and as was mentioned before hand, in the calculation of minimum dimensions for elements of road layout such as sag and crest vertical curves.

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Effects on journey time Journey times are clearly related to speed travelled at. When the speed levels increase, logically the journey time is reduced; however, it has been proven that this statement is true for interurban journeys, but that it is not so clear for journeys undertaken in cities. Indeed, studies into the capacity of urban roadways (motorways) reflect a known trend in traffic engineering: the intensity of vehicles at rush hours does not grow proportionally with speed, rather that the behavioural trend is to drop when speeds increase:

Forecast journey times are an important element for the majority of road users, however, the predictability and guarantees of a safe journey can occasionally be more highly valued. A homogenous speed distribution improves traffic flow and, as a result, allows for the more accurate prediction of journey times. Effects on standards of living Traffic speed exerts an influence on persons living near to roads or motorways. These effects are difficult to quantify, though social costs are essentially born by those persons located outside the vehicles. These differ depending on the type of area, as well as the social context and environment. Damage and noise are simpler to identify, though it is much harder to define to what extent the fear of vehicles circulating at high speeds dissuades pedestrians and cyclists from using the road, or limits their comfort and thus their possibilities of enjoying services close to them.

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The increase of speed contributes to the barrier effect suffered by cities and affects excessively users, who experience difficulties when having to cross the busiest roads, especially in the cases of the elderly and children. It is known that physical activities reduce the risk of cardio-vascular diseases. If there is a sensation of danger due to vehicles travelling at high speed, this dissuades the population from travelling by bicycle or on foot, and will have a negative effect on the health of the nation, aside from the environmental issues caused by speed. A modification in travelling speed can offer advantages for a certain group of people and disadvantages for others. Increases in speed imply greater losses for a certain group and persons located outside the vehicles, whilst slower travelling speeds lengthen the journey times. Speed, environs and the environment Effects on motorway accident rates One of the most important factors in the evolution of the accident rate on motorways has always been and will always be speed. However, there are other parameters which act in tandem with speed, such as the evolution of the vehicle technology, the modernisation of the road infrastructure and the establishment and improvement of a regulatory framework which provides norms in constant evolution to work towards continuous evolution and improvement. From the very outset, road transport has undergone innovations with regards to vehicle technology, allowing for increasingly greater speeds to be achieved. However, these improvements increased the risk of accidents. These risks demanded special traffic regulations and the establishment of a highway code, to respond to the continual growth of vehicles and drivers. When comparing the graphs showing the annual evolution of road fatalities, it is possible to find a clear moment in time where the trend moved from growing to declining, around 1970. This is the moment when, following the signing of the Vienna Conventions speeds of between 100 and 130 km/h were adopted as limits, as these had been analysed beforehand and were considered reasonable for vehicle traffic. The accident rate bears testament to this:

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If, from the previous graph we remove the evolution of the United States, the trends are noted much more clearly with regards to the accident rate:

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All of them, except Spain, had a marked change in trend in the period between 1970 and 1975, which were the years in which most of the speed limited were set in almost all countries. There are, nonetheless, within this downward trend, certain oscillations such as the cases of Japan and Germany, which are often attributed to changes in the manner of counting victims, or especially negative circumstances for traffic. It is a worthwhile exercise to contrast the number of victims on the roads with the annual vehicle production. In this sense, we can acquire a sense of perspective to what extent danger on the roads can be compared with the number of vehicles manufactured. In the following image we can see the number of road fatalities in France, in contrast with the number of vehicles manufactured in said country.

Even the constant growth in the number of vehicles manufactured per year does not affect in any way the constant drop in the number of road victims. From all this information we can deduce that the efficiency of treaties and conventions signed by different countries with the aim of establishing speed limits based around a

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maximum limit of 120km/h has been a key factor in the decline in the number of road victims. This speed limit offers an optimum level of safety for road traffic whilst aiding journey times, fuel consumption, noise pollution and vehicle technology. Effects of speed on the emission of greenhouse gases. The movement of vehicles produces, as is well-known thanks to the combustion of substance derived from petroleum, and which when burnt produce the energy needed to move the machine, resulting in a series gases which are: •

Carbon Monoxide (CO)

•

Hydrocarbons (CnHm)

•

Nitrogen Oxides (NOm)

•

Contaminating particles in suspension.

The pernicious effect of these gases is well-known, for example carbon monoxide is the main cause of the greenhouse effect. The optimum speed with respect to the emission of gases, that is, the speed at which emissions are reduced to the minimum, varies in accordance with the type of emission. In a general sense, emissions are reduced when speeds are maintained between 40km/h and 90km/h. According to Japanese studies, optimum speed would be somewhat lower for trucks and buses, between 50 and 70 km/h. It is also worth mentioning that under normal driving conditions, the emissions of gases at reduced speeds (of up to 15km/h) are much greater than at faster speeds. Likewise, the way in which traffic moves is a very important factor, as a quick acceleration causes a burst in fuel consumption and therefore emissions. And these emissions increase even more so when the engine is cold, as a major part of the energy supplied by fuel is lost in the form of heat. In a generalised and under normal driving circumstances, combustion gas emission data provided by the Ministry of Transport in the United Kingdom shows the following findings:

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The effects of speed on the ozone The ozone is formed in the atmosphere by a series of complex chemical reactions which involve hydrocarbons, nitrate oxides and sunlight. Vehicles emit a high proportion of hydrocarbons and nitrate oxides, and this is exacerbated in urban agglomerations. In summertime, these emissions added to sunlight and heat mean there is an increase in ozone levels. Said ozone endangers health seriously: for the elderly and children it can cause serious respiratory problems such as asthma, breathing difficulties, as well as others. The most dangerous points of this ozone are not located in the spaces in which they are formed, and so the wind moves them to nearby places. From time to time, ozone produced significantly affects rural areas near to major urban centres. To mitigate dangerous ozone levels, certain public sector administrations limit speeds for vehicles in accordance with the determination of said levels. Effects of speed on noise pollution Speed possesses a considerable effect on exterior noise emitted by vehicles. The relationship between these two variables is monotonous: a reduction of speed is always accompanied by a reduction in noise emitted. There is though a set of factors, such as the frequency of accelerations, which sometimes can be more influential that speed itself in the generation of noise.

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Road noise is generated by two means: the vehicle’s engine and the interaction between tyre and pavement. The latter is dominant from a certain speed onwards (above 20 to 40 km/h for new vehicles and 30 – 60 for new trucks). The noise created by tread increases with speed, in general in ratios of around 12dB between Speed V, with this doubled, For older vehicles, speed above which the interaction between the tyre and surface dominates the effects of noise is at around 10 km/h. Indeed, the progress of techniques used has allowed for the reduction of engine and transit noise. The following image shows the noise generating by a vehicle in motion, and taking into account gear-changes:

The effects of accelerations and deceleration are generally moderated at a speed of more than 50km/h though are noticeable at lesser speeds. Also, certain aspects such as the presence of a moist surface influence noise generation. Speed and driver psychology Effects of speed limitations Studies undertaken on the influence of speed limitations on behavioural patterns regarding travelling speed show that drivers do not generally respect limits in the

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strictest sense. The amplitude of excessive speed depends on the reasonable nature of limitation, the driving context and the driver’s own personality. The diversity of behaviour observed during the same situation clearly illustrates this phenomenon. It is equally worth noting that a similar level of diversity has been verified on different types of roadway. Drivers’ attitudes with respect to speed limits, taking into account local driving circumstances as well as the perception of speed on the part of users generally influences the diversity in the choice of speed. The level of respect for speed limits depends on the drivers’ appreciation of the pros and cons involved in infringing said speed limits. The perceived interest in not respecting speed limits is essentially linked to the desire to reduce journey times and the so-called need for speed, and so normally infractions occur at highly-elevated speeds. The disadvantages of not respecting speed limits are based on the fear of being fined, along with excessive fuel consumption, the risk of accidents, damage to the vehicle and finally concerns regarding damage to the environment. A high percentage of drivers who travel at excessive speeds can occasionally be explained by the contradiction between the conception of the road in question and the speed limitation. This premise is not always believed by road users. Often the limitation is seen as justifiable (due to the presence of vulnerable users, or the proximity of urban and populated areas etc) though the design of the roadway is not adequately adapted and needs therefore a series of complementary measures, such as speed bumps, or warning bands on the side of the hard shoulder, or even the presence of traffic police sanctioning this type of conduct. Differences between drivers according to situations The individual behaviour naturally has a significant effect on driving speed. This may lead to a person exceeding the speed limit to a lesser or greater extent depending on the context and personal outlook of the driver in question. The differences between drivers can be an important factor. Variations in behaviour from a speed viewpoint have been verified on multiple occasions, specifically in a study on 19 motorways with major traffic flows in which there is a nearby agglomeration or intermediate limitations in force of around 50km/h. Results show major differences in the average speed levels (between 52 and 81km/h) and the percentage of drivers who exceed the speed limit (from 54% to 100%) depending on the environs and time of day. This shows that a

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speed limit may not always fulfil its aim, that is to ensure appropriate behaviour on the part of drivers. The perception of speed on the part of drivers. It can be stated in a general sense that drivers who travel for long periods on a motorway tend to travel at a notably greater speed to other drivers once they exit the motorway. The perception of speed can be modified by the phenomenon of adaptation, which reduces the sensation of speed in a proportional sense for the time that a person is at the wheel. Certain authors have undertaken studies into the impact of an exposure to an initially high speed based on the estimation of a reduced speed following deceleration. These studies show that when the period of exposure to a high speed is greater, the greater the error in the perception of the speed committed by the driver. The phenomenon of adaptation has also been seen with drivers who travel at a constant speed. Indeed, drivers maintain a sensation of constant speed whilst increasing notably and progressively their speed over time. Roadways and their environs are notably viewed through peripheral and fovea vision. Studies carried out in the 1960s show the pivotal role that peripheral vision has in the estimation of traffic speed. Speeds are estimated with more accuracy using peripheral vision than in comparison with fovea vision. These studies have shown that also the widening of the field of vision as part of the perception of speed and have explained why drivers underestimate speed levels, for example, the speed on long motorway journeys or open roads in which their peripheral vision does not give them visual reference points. To summarise then, identifying the variables which influence the perception of speed, it is possible to single-out certain critical situations with regards to the perception of speed on the part of a driver. •

Situations in which the driver maintains a given speed for a long period of time (long journeys on motorways).

•

Transition scenarios in which the driver must modify their speed notably in order to respect the new demands imposed by traffic regulations (motorway routes

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passing through small urban agglomerations and turns following straight sections. This means, situations in which the driver must interrupt the initial inertia in their driving. •

Situations in which peripheral visual information is reduced (driving in wide roads without reference points, at night-time or during adverse meteorological conditions such as fog).

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APPENDIX 5. AVIATION SPEED HISTORICAL EVOLUTION

 

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AVIATION SPEED HISTORICAL EVOLUTION

1. INTRODUCTION From the moment of the Montgolfier brothers’ first flight to the hypersonic flights of the very latest aircraft, aviation history has been characterised by a permanent search to break barriers and improve technology. Science has allowed for the age-old dream of humans of flying to take shape, initially with very rudimentary devices, and later using techniques more based on physical and mathematical criteria than the experience of flying itself. When analysing the evolution of aviation throughout history, we shall see how maximum speeds attained grew quickly in a relatively short period of time. Indeed, old problems gave rise to new solutions, and the increase in speed demanded new engines, more resistant structures etc. However, this rapid evolution, the fruit of an ambitious search to increase speed, and break barriers, found itself at a crossroads in which two routes laid before it: technology to increase and advance to greater and faster speeds and break the sound barrier, and, the other option, improve and design apparatus which could transport passenger: commercial aviation. Indeed, speed has maintained growth over evolution, whilst civil commercial aviation has undergone a stabilisation phase towards a value which is today accepted as admitted cruising speeds, verified and optimised for the system in use. As we shall see in a later chapter, aviation was capable of breaking the sound barrier. However, this experience had a purpose and an end aim, and showed clearly how in aviation there was and is a cruise speed value which may be considered optimum: the operational costs and safety criteria led to its finalisation, once again establishing maximum cruise speed close to the sound barrier, but without surpassing it. This chapter will analyse the history of aviation in detail, from its origins to the most recent air-speed records, in contrast to the evolution which speeds established for commercial flight, and the factors which have caused us to fix commercial speed limits, clearly reflecting the optimum speed value.

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2. A BRIEF HISTORY OF AVIATION 2.1 From the origins of flight to the modern day Aviation history begins on the 25th of April 1783 with the first ever flight of a balloon filled with hot air witnessed in the Paris skies, an invention of the Montgolfier brothers.

From that enormously successful experiment onwards, the challenges facing aviation became more and more daring to include un-anchored flights, and increase both the altitude reached and the duration of the flight. In this sense, in the same year, on the 27th of August the first balloon was launched with an innovative new element, it was filled with hydrogen. This invention was the brainchild of the French physicist Jacques Charles utilising an element with a lower density than that of air, namely hydrogen. Again in the same year, on the 21st of November, the first ever truly free flight took place, using the technique of filling the balloon with captive hot air. As would appear obvious, the experiment ended when the air temperature fell. However, two months later, and using a hydrogen filling technique, free flight was achieved and maintained for two hours. Two years later, one of the major achievements of the age occurred: the British pilots Blanchard and Jeffries managed to cross the English Channel in a free flying balloon. This can be considered the first true flight in history, as its aim was based on a determined type of technology and had a programmed destination. Following this principle, Henry Giffard achieved the first flight in a guidable vehicle. This was comprised of an oval-shaped balloon will with water vapour. This event took place on the 22nd of September 1852.

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Until that moment in time, flights were performed using apparatus which based their flight pattern on the scientific principle that a fluid which is less dense than air floats, and thus also flies. However, in December 1856 the Frenchman Jean Marie Le Bris achieved the first ever glider flight. The device that he used for this was comprised of a small winged cart coupled with a very rudimentary launching system attached to a horse-drawn carriage. With this system he became the first person to cover a distance of around 200m in flight:

This method achieved the emulation of the flight method used by birds. We can note how the shape of Le Bris’ device resembles exactly that of a bird’s wing. The gliding technique allowed therefore for devices heavier than air to be flown. In the years thereafter, attempts followed this direction, either with scale apparatus or even the first aeroplanes, for example in the case of Octave Chanute, who in 1896 built sailplanes to test low flying glides. These sailplanes were devised as light and robust biplanes with a cruciform and parallel tail, at wing level, which provided the device with stability, and allowed him to fly for 123m for around 14 seconds:

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A year later, and inspired by the shape of a bat’s wings, Clement Ader built his Aeroplane III:

With this device, he managed to travel 300m and is considered to be the first ever horizontal flight. However, on the 17th of December 1903, the brothers, Wilbur and Orville Wright achieved the world’s maiden self-propelled and controlled flight. With their celebrated “Flyer” launched from the Kill Devil hill at Kitty Hawk in North Carolina, on the first of four flights registered that day, and with Orville at the controls, the Flyer was airborne for 12 seconds and covered a distance of 36m; in the fourth and final flight and with Wilbur as the pilot, the distance was 260m covered in 59 seconds.

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The Wright Brothers enhanced the aircraft in 1903 using giant fir trees native to the area as a construction material. Given that they could not find an automobile engine capable of dealing with the task in hand, the Wright brothers asked an employee of theirs, Charlie Taylor, to build a new design from scratch. They used sprocket drive chains, borrowed from bicycle technology to power the double propellers, which were also hand manufactured. The Flyer was a canard biplane configuration. As with the gliders, the pilot flew lying on his stomach on the lower wing with his head toward the front of the craft in an effort to reduce drag. He steered by moving a cradle attached to his hips. The cradle pulled wires which warped the wings and turned the rudder simultaneously. The Flyer used a specially constructed engine, based on the experiences drawn from automation engines. The first engine specifically conceived engine for aviation was known as the “Antionette”, an engine created in 1904 by Leon Levavaseeur, with 8 cylinder V layout engine, and capable of reaching 24 horsepower.

With this engine, Santos Dumont, on board his motorised aeroplane achieved the first officially recognised flight, covering a distance of 220 metres and reaching a top-speed of 41,292 km/h. Here we have the world’s first ever air-speed record. Technology wandered forwards, and flights became longer and longer. In 1907, Henri Farman managed to fly for more than one minute, and in which time he covered just over a kilometre. Farman, a passionate airman, began to test new improvements to his flying machines, and thanks to one of his inventions, we now have the word “flap” as he verified that certain elements would improve aerodynamics. These improvements were seen in the construction of his first “Voisin”:

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As we can see, his Voisin already included landing gear and flight control devices using sails acting as a rudder. With this aircraft, in 1908, Leon Delagrange broke all known records to date with his 30 minute flight in which he covered 24.4kms. A year later, the first crossing of the English Channel was achieved using a flying machine. This was undertaken by Louis Bleriot using a monoplane designed by him, the Type XI, travelling between Calais and Dover.

As we can see, the concept of the aeroplane had reached a highly advanced phase. Thus, the shape of the wings, their surface covering, stabilisers and rudder bear marked similarities to the aircraft we are familiar with today. In 1910 a new concept of plane was successfully tested: the hydroplane. Henry Fabre managed to raise his canard from Lake Berre and achieve a flight of 500m. The weight of the plane was not a concern as the engines used were increasingly more powerful. For this flight a 50 HP Gnome engine was used, and below we can see a picture of the vehicle:

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The same year, on the 2nd of June, Charles Stewart Rolls and Henry Royce made their debut return flight over the English Channel without stopping, using a Short-Wright aircraft. These two pilots, famous for the engine manufacturers which bears their names, would shift their entrepreneurial interest to include aeroplane engines following this success. Along the same lines, in 1911, the French pilot Pierre Prier effectuated the first flight between London and Paris. Later in the same year, the first passenger flight was undertaken, transporting eleven people over a distance of 5 kms. Also in 1911 the altitude record was broken. Roland Garros reached a height of 3,910 metres. At this time aviation sought not only advancement in distances achieved, but also in height obtained. The greater the power offered by the engines meant the greater the speed obtained by the aeroplanes was. In this sense, on the 22nd of February 1912, the French pilot Jules Vedrines surpassed the 160km/h barrier using a Deperdussin monoplane:

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Using the same device, Jules Vedrines later broke his own record and reached 174.1 km/h. Speed began to be one of the most important factors and the centre of efforts at the time. This can be seen by the work of the Russian Igor Sikorsky, who in 1913 created the first four-engine aircraft: the Sikorsky Bolchoi.

On board a Morane Saulnier monoplane, Roland Garros completed the first ever Mediterranean crossing, between Saint Raphael and Bizerte, to Tunisia, in little more than 8 hours. At the same time, altitude records also began to fall: Georges Lagagneux reached a height of six-thousand metres on the 28th of December 1913 on board a Nieuport plane. To improve the performance of the flying machines, the use of new materials for their construction was considered. Until that time, the lightness of wood and fabric allowed for the easy construction of aircraft, however, breakages were commonplace in these materials and led to undesired defects. On the 12th of December 1915, the Junker J1 was presented, the world’s first wholly metallic aircraft capable of achieving flight:

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Technological advancements and innovations are also commonplace and cause new types of aeroplane to appear. A major step forward was the possibility of varying the curve of the wings in flight. This ingenious idea was successfully tested for the first time on the 21st of November 1916, on the Bregeut 14 which also contained the following other innovations:

During the inter-war period, 1918 to 1939, all the relevant technology relating to aviation was developed, making important advancements in aircraft design and coinciding with the founding of the first airlines. It was also a time in which aviators began to impress the world with their exploits and abilities. Engines underwent important transformations and became much more powerful. This series of technological advances, along with the growing socio-economic impact that aviation led to the periods between the wars being referred to as the Golden Age of Aviation. This was made largely possible as a result of the large number of planes and pilots who began to ply their trade following the First World War. One of the main reasons we can give to explain these development was the awarding of a series of important prizes granted to aviators who set records in terms of distance travelled or speeds attained. An example of these prizes was the Orteig Award which offered 25.000 US$ to the first person which could fly the route Paris – New York or vice-versa non-stop. The prize was won by Charles Lindbergh who with his singleengine Ryan NYP (a modified Ryan M2) monoplane, christened the Spirit of St. Louis, took off from the Roosevelt Aerodrome in Long Island, New York City, on the 20th of May 1927 and, following a 33 hours and 32 minutes flight, touched down at the Le Bourget airport near Paris.

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However, Lindbergh was not the first aviator to cross the Atlantic non-stop. John William Alcock and Arthur Whitten Brown many years before flew from Lesters Field, near Saint Johns, Nova Scotia (Canada) to Clifden in Ireland from the 14th to 15th of June 1919 in their Vickers Vimy IV:

In 1914, the American Tony Jannus became the first pilot in history to make a commercial flight. Jannus piloted a hydroplane to transport freight and passengers between Saint Petersburg and Tampa (Florida). This air-taxi is considered the first commercial airline service in the world, although financial difficulties meant that the company would not last very long.

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In 1919 and during the decade of the twenties, various airlines were established in Europe and the United States. Likewise, for example, on the 8th of February 1919 the first commercial route between France and Great Britain was created, using a Farman Goliath to run the route between Toussus le-Noble and Kenley. These companies began using aircraft which had been destined for military usage during the First World War, yet had been redesigned to be able to transport freight and passengers, and which were decorated elegantly inside. Even so, these apparatus were extremely noisy and improperly pressurised and poorly adapted for commercial use. The US Postal Service also employed former military aircraft to transport mail between certain American cities, until in 1927; when they stopped operating their own lines as it were cheaper to outsource the service to other airlines. Mail airlines played an important role in the development of commercial aviation. In this period records were beaten and beaten again with evermore ease, achieving thus genuine milestones. On the 27th of February 1920, a remodelled wartime Leper Fichter aircraft exceeded an altitude of 10,000 metres in Ohio. Though without doubt, the greatest achievement of the age was the journey around the world begun on the 4th of April 1924. Under the orders of Major Martin, four aircraft of the American Air Force took off in Seattle and two of which managed to travel the globe in a flight period of 371h. This achievement was truly the demonstration that the world needed to see the real potential that this means of transport had.

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Air-speed records were also vanquished at this time. For example, on the 11th of December 1924, the air-speed record was set at 448.171km/h and would stand until 1932. On the 26th of June 1926, Paul and Ludovic Arrachart flew the 4,305kms which separate Paris and Basora, in Iraq, in 26 hours on board a Potez aircraft. In 1929, technology concerning airships took major steps forward, with a Zeppelin craft making a journey around the world, under the control of its namesake, Ferdinand von Zeppelin. During this time, dirigible airships were used by numerous airlines across Europe, and in the thirties trans-Atlantic routes were operated very successfully. However, the era of the airships ended tragically when the Hindenburg suffered an accident in Lakehurst, New Jersey in which 35 people died.

This tragedy occurred due to the fact that the dirigible was filled with hydrogen, a highly flammable gas. After this event, people stopped using them despite the fact that the Hindenburg accident was the only one with this type of aircraft. During the 1930’s, many airlines used hydroplanes which they employed mainly for their trans-Atlantic routes. One of the largest hydroplanes of the period was the Dornier Do X, so big that it needed twelve engines to become airborne, six on each wing.

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It flew for the first time in 1929, but did not prove overly popular. Another hydroplane the Boeing 314 Clipper, which could carry 74 passengers, did become popular during the period.

In 1938 the first commercial flights crossing the Atlantic were undertaken, however, the development of continually more powerful aircraft with longer and longer runways, meant that the use of hydroplanes fell into disuse in the forties. During the 1930’s there were various techniques which aided the construction of continually larger aircraft, capable of travelling greater distances and flying faster and faster, which obviously meant that they could transport more persons and cargo. Scientific advances in aerodynamics allowed for engineers to develop aircraft whose design interfered as little as possible with flight. Control equipment and cockpits would also improve considerably. Aside from this, the improvements in radio-communications technology permitted the use of equipment of this type on aircraft and so the pilots could receive their flight instructions from ground staff, as well as being able to communicate between aircraft. All of these elements generated more accurate techniques in the field of aerial navigation. Automatic pilot also became used in the 1930’s, which allowed for pilots to be able to take short breaks on long-haul flights.

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The most characteristic aircraft of the period was the Douglas DC-3, a twin-engine monoplane which made its maiden flight in 1936. It had a seating capacity for 21 passengers and could reach a cruising speed of 320 km/h. It soon became the commercial aircraft par excellence in the epoch, and is revered as one of the most important planes ever produced in the history of aviation.

Yet, perhaps, the most important innovation and the one which had the most resounding impact on the history of aviation, and which began in this decade was the jet engine. Manufacture of the jet engine began in England and Germany in this period. The British scientist Frank Whittle patented a design for a jet turbine in 1930, and developed a motor way could be used for practical purposes by the end of the decade. The German Hans von Ohain patented his own version of the jet engine in 1936, and began to develop a similar machine. Neither was aware of the work of the other, and both were considered its inventor. Near to the end of the Second World War, Germany used the first jet-planes and manufactured a series of Messerschmitt Me 262, the first jet-bomber in history:

The fact that planes could now travel at increasingly higher altitudes, where turbulence and other undesirable climatic factors are less common, created a new problem: at

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greater altitudes air is less dense, and therefore, contains less breathable oxygen. As the planes reached higher, pilots, crew and founder it increasingly harder to breathe. Specialist experts, intent on solving this problem, created the pressurised cabin, which managed to maintain atmospheric pressure constant irrespective of the flight altitude. These became popular towards the end of the 40’s although the first commercial flight with a pressurised cabin was the Boeing 307 which made its maiden flight in 1938:

In reality, the period known as the “inter-war” period meant a genuine period of progress in the history of aviation. Indeed, the swift evolution of technology and the daringness of many pilots allowed for records to fall like skittles both in terms of airspeed as well as distance travelled and altitude. The most important achievements have already been mentioned here, though we feel that other flights are also worthy of special mention, and shall list below a brief timeline of these feats: 1922: The Portuguese pilots Sacadura Cabral and Gago Coutinho cross the South Atlantic by air for the first time. . 1926:The Spanish hydroplane, Plus Ultra, piloted by Ramón Franco and Julio Ruiz de Alda, crossed the South Atlantic from Palos de la Frontera (Huelva, Spain) reaching Buenos Aires (Argentina).

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The Elcano Squadron, in the hands of Spanish Captians Eduardo González-Gallarza, Joaquín Loriga Taboada and Rafael Martínez Esteve, along with their mechanics Pérez, Calvo and Joaquín Arozamena Postigo, undertook a flight from Madrid (Spain) to Manila (The Philippines) totalling 17,000 km, in 18 stages and over 39 days. The American explorers Richard Evelyn Byrd and Floyd Bennett achieved the first ever flight over the North Pole. The Argentine pilot Eduardo Alfredo Olivero, along with Bernard Duggan and Emilio Campanelli, flew from Buenos Aires to New York, in 37 stages and over 81 days. 1927: Charles Lindbergh became the first person to cross the Atlantic ocean alone in an unaccompanied aircraft. Leaving from New York (USA) and landing in Le Bourget (Paris, France) following a journey of 5,810kms in 33 hours and 32 minutes. The French pilots Dieudonne Costes and Joseph Le Brix performed the first non-stop aerial crossing of the South Atlantic flying from Saint Louis (Senegal) to Natal in Brazil as part of a flight from Buenos Aires to Paris. 1928: Charles Kingsford Smith and Charles Ulm completed the first flight over the Pacific Ocean, leaving from Oakland (California, USA) and reaching Brisbane (Australia), with refuelling stops in Honolulu and Suva. The Spanish aviator Juan de la Cierva crossed the English Channel using a autogiro, a rotative aircraft which he himself designed. 1929: Richard Byrd and his crew make the first flight over the South Pole. 1931: The American pilots Clyde Pangborn and Hugh Herndon Jr. made the first nonstop flight over the Pacific Ocean, from Tokyo (Japan) to Wenatchee (Washington, USA). 1933: The Spaniards Mariano Barberán, Joaquín Collar Serra and Modesto Madariaga, crossed the Atlantic Ocean by air leaving from Seville (Spain) and Camagüey (Cuba), on board a Breguet XIX GR named Cuatro Vientos, with this being the longest distance covered to date over the ocean.

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1934: The Latvian pilot Herberts Cukurs, using an aeroplane designed and built by himself, leaving from Riga (Latvia) towards Banjul (Gambia) y and back, a total journey of 19,000 km. 1935: Amelia Earhart became the first woman to fly between North America and Hawaii in a single flight. 1936: Herberts Cukurs left Riga (Latvia) and reached Tokyo (Japan), and then made the return journey, a total flight of 40,045 km. Following 1939, and during the Second World War there was a notable increase in technological developments. The worldwide conflict meant that the powers involved in the war had to dedicate major human and financial resources to the development of new weapons and aircraft which would give them the edge over their adversaries. During the war, the fist long distance bombers were developed, along with the first jetplane for practical use and the first jet bombers. At the start of the war, fighters could reach speeds of up to 480km/h and fly at an altitude of 9,000 metres. At the end of the war, and following all the research and developments made by both sides, fighters could reach speeds of 640 km/h and many could climb to altitudes of 12,000 metres. Jet-fighters developed during the war could travel at even greater speeds, though were not used until the end of the conflict. The first functional jet was the German Heinkel HE 178, which made its maiden flight in 1939, shortly after the outbreak of war. This aeroplane meant the first aircraft capable of using the technology of controlled jet engines.

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The application of this type of propulsion for fighter aircraft occurred in the post-war period, though the Messerschmitt ME 62 became the first jet fighter operating during the war, and could reach a maximum speed of 900 km/h. A German prototype, the Messerschmitt ME 163 was capable of reaching 970km/h on short flights and served as the base design for the Messerschmitt ME 163 Komet, the fastest fighter used in the war, which was employed for some missions towards the end of the war, in 1945.

Meanwhile, the bombers of the Second World War were capable of loading twice as many weapons and travelling twice the distance as those in use before the outbreak of conflict. Long distance bombers, with considerable wingspan and propeller powered, where the planes which caused the most impact during the course of the war, as jet bombers started to be used towards the end of the conflict. An example of these enormous bombers can be seen in the Boeing B-29 Superfortress:

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Following the end of WWII, commercial aviation followed a different development model to that of military aviation. The manufacturing companies began to produce models specially adapted and designed for passenger transport, and during the opening years of the war, airlines used military aircraft modified for civilian usage, or versions derived from their military cousins, a fine example of this is the Boeing 377 Stratocruiser, a derivation of the Boeing C-97 Stratofighter, and which became the first two-storey aircraft in the history of aviations, as its fuselage was known affectionately as the “double bubble” which allowed for the upper part to house a passenger deck and below a small VIP lounge which was accessed via a winding staircase, and this was the most successful commercial aircraft until the introduction into service of the Boeing 707 in 1958. In the following picture we can see the Boeing 377 Stratocruiser:

And the Boeing C-97 Stratofighter, from which it is derived:

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Of the commercial aircraft which were developed during this period, two of the standout products were the four-engine Douglas DC-4 and the Lockheed Constellation, which were used for domestic passenger flights or medium haul flights. Both are photographed below:

Trans-Atlantic routes were also undertaken, though it was necessary to include refuelling stops. Trans-Oceanic flights needed more powerful engines, which were already in existence in 1945 in the form of jet-turbines, but these, at this time at least, consumed too much fuel and planes could only travel short distances.

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To solve this problem, although it were only a temporary measure, turboprop engines were designed which were propellers capable of creating more than three thousand horse power. These engines were put into service in the Vickers Viscount, Lockheed L188 Electra or Ilyushin Il-18, planes capable of transporting between 75 and 110 passengers from New York to Paris non-stop and at an average cruise speed of 500 km/h. Pictured below is the Ilyushin Il-18:

During the 40’s and in tandem with the evolution of the propeller and turboprop, engineers began to develop the turbines used in the jet fighters manufactured during WWII. It seemed at first that both the USA and the USSR wanted jet turbines to produce faster and more powerful bombers and fighters, and thus improve their military arsenals. When the Korean War began in 1950, both the USA as well as the USSR possessed jet fighters, the pick of the bunch being the North American F-86 Sabre and the Soviet MiG-15. The first commercial jet airplane in the history of aviation was the British made De Havilland Comet.

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The Comet began to be used as a passenger aircraft in1952, capable of reaching cruising speeds of 850 km/h, with a pressurised and relatively silent cabin. However, two accidents occurring in 1954 in the middle of the sea caused serious doubts to surface in aspects relating to the aircraft’s safety. The main cause of the accidents were the turbines, which were buried into the wing structure and, due to the fact that these reached extremely high temperatures started to debilitate the wing structure, causing this to fragment in the air due to metal fatigue. The De Havilland Company tried to save its plane, whose sales had dipped drastically, through a series of structural modifications, though a third accident in Rome in 1956 made sails fall again, leading to its final withdrawal from production in 1964. However, the Comet had indirectly established a series of flight conditions which would be those which the majority of aircraft manufacturers would follow. Indeed, the cruise speed, flying altitude and undoubtedly, cabin pressure were parameters which would almost become unwritten operating standards for the manufacture of aircraft. The North-American Company Boeing launched the 707 in 1958, which became the first jet airline of notable success. The engineers who developed the model, paid special attention to the mistakes which had spelt the downfall of the De Havilland Comet so that these were avoided in the 707. The Douglas DC-8 and Convair 880 jet models were launched a couple of years later, although the commercial success both planes had was notably lesser than that of the 707, of which a total of 1,010 units were manufactured, making Boeing, from then on, the most important aircraft manufacturer in the world. In the picture below we can see the 707:

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Aside from other improvements, it can be noted that the Boeing 707 located the jet engines outside the fuselage which would avoid the possibility of the turbine overheating and thus wing damage. The later models 727, 737 and 747 were the direct offspring of the 707. The Boeing 737, who production was commenced in 1964, is the most manufactured and popular passenger plane in aviation history, with more than six thousand units produced, and even in the Twenty-First Century the model remains in production thanks to continuous improvements and variations launched. The next aim, once the profile of the flight standards evolution and aeroplane morphology in general had been decided upon, was to increase the aeroplanes’ capacity to be able to transport greater numbers of passengers and thus make flights more profitable. Following this, the development of a wide fuselage began. The first aircraft with a wide fuselage was the Boeing 747, nicknamed Jumbo, capable of transporting more than 500 passengers on a single flight. It was launched in 1968, and many people thought it would be a commercial flop which meant Boeing suffered serious economic difficulties during the development phase. However, the Jumbo was to become a commercial success, beating all expectations, and taking on routes with a great density of passengers. Since its launch, it was the most successful commercial aircraft until the appearance of the Airbus A380, in the beginning of the Twentieth Century Below we have an image of the first incarnation of the Jumbo:

During the decade of the 70’s the first three engine wide-bodied jetliners appeared, the McDonnell Douglas DC-10 and Lockheed L-1011 TriStar, capable of undertaking

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intercontinental routes, also at this time we saw the derivative of the

DC-10, the

McDonnell Douglas MD-11. Below we can see the Lockheed:

Technological evolution was to follow a new path: to reduce the number of engines to only those strictly necessary. The previous three-engine jets meant that the number was reduced from four to three engines. The first twin-engine jets with a wide fuselage was the A300 Airbus, a medium haul commercial aircraft manufactured by European Airbus consortium. Boeing counterattacked with the 767, similar to the A300 but able to run longer routes, though not fitted with a wide fuselage. The 767 revolutionised commercial aviation, as its longer range, low operational costs and transport capacity (holding more than 200 passengers) allowed scheduled operators to use a lesser number of aeroplanes on Trans-Atlantic routes or other routes considered financially unfeasible due to the excessive operational costs involved and the low number of passengers. Thanks to this aircraft, Trans-Atlantic flights became exceptionally popular, and, at the end of the 80’s and beginning of the 90’s, there were more 767’s crossing the Atlantic daily than all the other operators together, and even into the Twentieth Century was still the most used aircraft crossing the Atlantic daily, despite the growing competition of more modern aircraft. The improvements to jet engines led to a reduction in consumption and noise levels, as simple flow jet engines were truly noisy, although cabin pressurisation meant that the passengers could not perceive it. A technological advancement of note in this direction was the so-called “fan”, an enormous ventilator in front of the engine which as well as reducing fuel consumption, it made the engine more efficient, less noisy and providing a higher level of service. In this way, engines went from generally being turbojets to turbofans in the case of commercial aircraft.

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Turbofan technology did though offer a major limitation: it could not exceed the sound barrier. The shockwave produced at this moment would destroy the engine. Following the end of WWII, the technology necessary to perform controlled supersonic flights was as yet unavailable. Besides this, planes were not sufficiently resistant to withstand shockwaves generated at supersonic speeds. At sea level, the sound barrier is at around 1,225 km/h but at 15,000 metres this is reduced to 1.050km/h. Indeed, some WWII did surpass the sound barrier, though with catastrophic results: the shockwaves generated by the speed travelled at caused the destruction of the aircraft, which had not been designed to travel so fast. In the year 1943, American engineers began to work on small, uncontrolled prototypes. The main concern of these aviation experts was that these aircraft could resist the shockwave produced at high-speeds. The good results obtained in these tests led to the manufacture of a series of aircraft named “X planes”. The American Charles Yeager became the first person to break the sound barrier, on the 4th of October 1943, piloting a Bell X-1 christened Glamorous Glennis:

In 1962, the North American X-15 became the first plane to reach the thermosphere. It managed to attain a height of 95,936 metres for sixteen seconds, travelling around 80 kms in this time. This was the first time an aircraft flew in space. Later, the X15 would

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reach 107,960 metres and become the first ever hypersonic plane (5 times the speed of sound) and breaking Mach 6 (six times the sound barrier) on several occasions.

The first supersonic aircraft for civil use were created at the end of the 1960s. The first commercial supersonic liner was the Soviet Tupolev Tu-144, which made its maiden flight on the 31st of December 1968.

Concorde, manufactured by an Anglo-French consortium, first took to the skies two months later. The El Tu-144 began passenger flights in 1977, but due to operational issues was withdrawn from service as a passenger aircraft the next year. Concorde however, became commercially operative in 1976 and carried out TransAtlantic routes:

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Concorde’s supersonic flights were highly successful for more than 20 years; however, one of the Air France Concordes had an accident on the 25th of July 2000, when one of the aircraft’s turbines started to burn, causing it to crash in Gonesse (France) shortly after take-off. Until then, it had been considered the safest commercial aircraft in the world. The plane was modernised until 2003 though due to the drop in passenger numbers and elevated operational costs meant that all Concordes were withdrawn from service in 2003, when BA retired the last craft in service. Since then, no supersonic plane offers a commercial service. In the following paragraph we have added a brief biography of this special aircraft. At the current time, commercial aviation has proceeded with its continuous search for technological improvements with regards to range (fuel consumption reduction), noise, seating capacity, engine efficiency and improvements to the aerodynamics of their planes. Also the search for new materials is a research line in which most efforts are centred. Some modern aircraft have borne witness to these elements of modern technology. With this in mind, on the 12th of June 1994 the Boeing 777 made its maiden flight, making it the first aircraft deigned and planned wholly using computers, and currently it is the world’s largest twin-engine plane. Along with the four-engine Airbus A340, it forms the duo of the planes with the longest operational range on the planet, being able to fly more than 16,000 kilometres without refuelling. On the 27th of April 2005, the Airbus A380 made its maiden flight, operating commercially for the first time on Christmas Day 2007 between Singapore and Sydney,

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thus becoming the biggest passenger aircraft in the world and taking the record held by the 747 since 1969.

However, the A380 is exceeded in size by the Antonov An-225 which made its first flight on the 21st of December 1988 and holds the mantle as the world’s largest aircraft:

And finally, as a demonstration of the new trends in technological innovations, on the 15th of December 2009, following two years’ delay, the Boeing 787 made its maiden flight at the installations that the Company has at Paine Field Airport, in Washington, USA, being so the world’s first commercial aircraft built mainly from compound materials.

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2.2. Supersonic Airflight From London's Heathrow Airport and Orly Airport outside Paris, the first Concordes with commercial passengers simultaneously take flight on January 21, 1976. The London flight was headed to Bahrain in the Persian Gulf, and the Paris to Rio de Janeiro via Senegal in West Africa. At their cruising speeds, the innovative Concordes flew well over the sound barrier at 1,350 miles an hour (2173 km/h), cutting air travel time by more than half. The flights were the culmination of a 12-year effort that pitted English and French engineers against their counterparts in the USSR. In 1962, 15 years after U.S. pilot Chuck Yeager first broke the sound barrier, Britain and France signed a treaty to develop the world's first supersonic passenger airline. The next year, President John F. Kennedy proposed a similar U.S. project. Meanwhile, in the USSR, Soviet leader Nikita Khrushchev ordered his top aviation engineers to beat the West to the achievement. There were immense technical challenges in building a supersonic airliner. Engines would need to be twice as powerful as those built for normal jets, and the aircraft's frame would have to withstand immense pressure from shock waves and endure high temperatures caused by air friction. In the United States, Boeing tackled the supersonic project but soon ran into trouble with its swing-wing design. In England and France, however, early results were much more promising, and Khrushchev ordered Soviet intelligence to find out as much as possible about the Anglo-French prototypes. In 1965, the French arrested Sergei Pavlov, head of the Paris office of the Soviet airliner Aeroflot, for illegally obtaining classified information about France's supersonic project. Another high-level Soviet spy remained unknown, however, and continued to feed the Soviets information about the Concorde until his arrest in 1977.On December 31, 1968, just three months before the first scheduled flight of the Concorde prototype, the fruits of Soviet industrial espionage were revealed when the Soviet's TU-144 became the world's first supersonic airliner to fly. The aircraft looked so much like the Concorde that the Western press dubbed it "Konkordski." In 1969, the Concorde began its test flights. Two years later, the United States abandoned its supersonic program, citing budget and environmental concerns. It was now up to Western Europe to make supersonic airline service viable before the Soviets. Tests continued, and in 1973 the TU-144 came to the West to appear

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alongside the Concorde at the Paris Air Show at Le Bourget airport. On June 3, in front of 200,000 spectators, the Concorde flew a flawless demonstration. Then it was the TU 144's turn. The aircraft made a successful 360-degree turn and then began a steep ascent. Abruptly, it levelled off and began a sharp descent. Some 1,500 feet above the ground, it broke up from overstress and came crashing into the ground, killing all six Soviet crew members and eight French civilians. Soviet and French investigators ruled that pilot error was the cause of the accident. However, in recent years, several of the Russian investigators have disclosed that a French Mirage intelligence aircraft was photographing the TU-144 from above during the flight. A French investigator confirmed that the Soviet pilot was not told that the Mirage was there, a breach of air regulations. After beginning his ascent, the pilot may have abruptly levelled off the TU 144 for fear of crashing into this aircraft. In the sudden evasive manoeuvre, the thrust probably failed, and the pilot then tried to restart the engines by entering a dive. He was too close to the ground, however, and tried to pull up too soon, thus overstressing the aircraft. In exchange for Soviet cooperation in the cover-up, the French investigators agreed not to criticize the TU-144's design or engineering. Nevertheless, further problems with the TU-144, which was designed hastily in its bid to beat the Concorde into the air, delayed the beginning of Soviet commercial service. Concorde passenger service began with much fanfare in January 1976. Western Europe had won its supersonic race with the Soviets, who eventually allowed just 100 domestic flights with the TU-144 before discontinuing the airliner. The Concorde was not a great commercial success, however, and people complained bitterly about the noise pollution caused by its sonic booms and loud engines. Most airlines declined to purchase the aircraft, and just 16 Concordes were built for British Airways and Air France. Service was eventually limited between London and New York and Paris and New York, and luxury travellers appreciated the less than four-hour journey across the Atlantic. On July 25, 2000, an Air France Concorde crashed 60 seconds after taking off from Paris en route to New York. All 109 people aboard and four on the ground were killed. The accident was caused by a burst tire that ruptured a fuel tank, creating a fire that led to engine failure. The fatal accident (the first in Concorde's history) signalled the decline of the aircraft. However, the United States, which is working on a larger and more efficient supersonic airliner, will soon carry the supersonic torch. NASA and the

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U.S. companies involved are being aided in their efforts by the Russians, who have provided a TU-144 for experimental flights. 3 EVOLUTION OF AIR-SPEED RECORDS From the moment the Montgolfier brothers climbing the skies over Paris, mankind had fulfilled one of its longest held dreams: to fly, to rise up into the skies and to emulate the birds. Through the use of the principles of physics we proved that flight was possible. However, once this challenged had been surpassed, the next goal of the air pioneers was to travel from one place to another by air. And this drive is what led the first aeronautical inventors to slide in gliders for short durations with the aim of, albeit for a few seconds, maintaining the pilot in the air. However, the use of these devices required an elevated area from which the craft could be launched. The true technological advancement was the addition of the propulsion factor, which allowed the device to reach sufficient speed to be able to achieve take off. This is the moment when aviation history can really begin to speak of air-speed records. And, undoubtedly, the first ever record was set by the Wright brothers, with a speed of 10.98km/h.

The fact that the Flyer was considered as the first aeroplane in history meant it was granted the privilege of being the first aeroplane to set a record. This record was registered in 1903. In 1905 the same device managed to beat its own records, reaching 60.91km/h. This apparatus had undergone some notable modifications with respect to its predecessor, however, in essence it was practically alike.

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On the 26th of October 1907, Henry Farman reached a speed of 52.7km/h on board his Voisin biplane. This record, although below the Wright mark is worthy of special mention for the altitude he attained. With the same device, the Flyer, on the 25th of May 1909, Pablo Tissander reached 54.81km/h with a flight to similar to the one mentioned in the previous paragraph. The modified Flyer had a series of improvements, such as the inclusion of wooden blades in the propellant helix. Glenn Curtis, on the 23rd of August 1909 almost reached 70km/h, doing so in his Curtiss II device, and reaching 69.82 km/h. The very next day, Louis Bleriot reached 74.318 km/h in his Bleriot XI.

Four days later and with the same aircraft, he managed 76.995 km/h. The following year, on the 23rd of April 2010, Hubert Latham broke the Bleriot records and reached 77.579 km/h in his Antioneta. Once again a Bleriot would take the record off Latham, this time at the hands of the pilot Leon Morane. On the 10th of July 1910 he surpassed the 100Km/h barrier reaching 106.508km/h. In the forthcoming records the Bleriot apparatus would dominate. On the 29th of October 1910, Alfred Leblanc reached 109.756 km/h. The next year, a Bleriot flew to 111.801 in the hands of the same pilot, on the 12th of April. Edouard Nieuport established a new air-speed record on the 11th May 1911 in his Nieuport, raising the barrier to 119.76 km/h.

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A month later, a Bleriot would again take the record and increase the record to 125km/h, once again piloted by Leblanc. Just days later, Nieuport counterattacked and managed two new records: 130.05 km/h y 133.136 km/h, on the 16th and 21st of June respectively. 1912 was owned outright by the pilot Jules Vedrines. During this year, and piloting a Deperdussin tipo monocasco, he achieved the following air-speed records.

-

13 January: 145.161 km/h

-

22 February: 161.290 km/h

-

29 February: 162.454 km/h

-

1 March: 166.821 km/h

-

2 March: 167.910 km/h

-

13 July: 170.77 km/h

-

9 September: 174.100 km/h

For the sheer number of records achieved we include here a photograph of the illustrious Jules Vedrines and his plane:

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By 1913 the air-speed record was close to 200 km/h. And, Maurice Prevost managed on the 17th of June, 179.82 km/h; 27 September 191.897 km/h and on the 29th September 203.85 km/h. In 1914 the speed of 216.5 km/h was flown at. This time the record was achieved by Norman Spratt in his RAF SE.4. This record was to stand for the next four years, until Roland Rohlfs did so with a Curtiss Wasp which he took to 262.3km/h. In 1920, various records were broken, exceeding 300 km/h at the end of the same year. Nonetheless, we have the officially unrecognised 307.5 km/h set by Joseph SadiLecointe in 1919. However, the officially recognised mark in excess of 300 km/h belongs to the same pilot, achieved on the 20th October 1920, reaching 302.529 km/h, using a NieuportDelage 29.

With this same apparatus, Sadi-Lecointe broke the record reaching 313.043 km/h, on the 12th of December. And later on the same plane would travel at 330.275 km/h, on the 26th of September. In 1922, there was only name as far as records were concerned: Billy Mitchell. In his Curtiss R6 he reached 358.386km/h and 360.93km/h on the 12th and 18th of October respectively. Joseph Sadi-Lecointe once again took the helm and broke the record reaching 375 km/h in his Nieuport-Delage, on the 15th of February 1923. However, the record would

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fall several times that year and finally reach 400 km/h. Indeed, on the 4th of November, Alford J. Williams in his Curtiss R2C-1 flew at 429.02 km/h. The craft in which he flew is pictured below:

in 1924, Florentin Bonete broke the only record of the year, on the 11th of November in his Bernard FerboisV.2. Flying at 448,171 km/h. There was a gap of three years before new records were set. On the 4th of November 1927Mario de Benardi reached 479.,29 km/h with his Macchi M.52 Hydroplane. The same pilot, in 1928 used to the same plane to surpass 500 km/h, achieving 512,776 km/h. The first plane to surpass 500 km/h is shown below:

Up to the year 1939, records had been broken through the use of hydroplanes, which allowed for more violent take offs and landings than those performed on land. The majority of the planes designed to fly at great speed were hydroplanes. And so, George H. Stainford, on the 10th September1929, reached 541.4 km/h with the Gloster VI.

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2 days later, Augusto Orlebar reached 575.5 km/h on board a Supermarine S.6. Now in 1931, the record was raised to 655.8 km/h by George H. Stainford in his Supermarine S.6B, on the 13th of September, becoming thus the first pilot to exceed 600km/h. The plane is shown below:

In 1933, using a Macchi MC72 hydroplane, Francesco Agello, flew at 682.078 km/h, y and on the 23rd of October 1943 surpassed the 700km/h barrier by reaching 709.209km/h. This plane is pictured below:

Fritz Wendel, on the 26th of April 1939 reached 755,138 km/h in a Macchi MC72. The next officially recognised record was achieved by H.J. Wilson in 1945 in a Gloster Meteor F Mk4, almost reaching 1000 km/h. Indeed, on the 7th of November he flew at 975.9km/h. This was the first air-speed record set by a jet-engine. A series of records were set between 1941 and 1944 by the first jet engines, the Messerschmitt, but however, these are not considered official records.

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In the following picture we can see a Gloster Meteor F Mk4, the first jet-plane to set a record.

And, on the 7th of September 1946, Edward Mortlock reached 990.79 km/h., also in a Gloster Meteor F Mk4. 1000 km/h was surpassed by Coronel Albert Boyd on board a Lockheed P-80R Shooting Star on the 19th of June 1947. The speed reached was 1003.6km/h and the plane is pictured below: el 19 de junio de 1947. La velocidad que alcanzó fue de 1003,6 km/h. Este fue el avión:

Also in 1947 a Douglas Skystreak raised the record to 1047-356 km/h. On the 15th of September 1948, el Mayor Richard L. Johnson reached 1079.6 km/h on board a North American F-86A-3 Sabre. Little by little speeds attained approached the sound barrier, and in 1952 J. Nash Slade flying a North American F-86D Sabre broke the sound barrier for the first time reaching 1124.13 km/h. This is the record which stood with the International Aviation Federation, although years before in 1947, Chuck Year on board a Bell X-1 unofficially achieved Mach 1.This was a controversial issue in aviation and below w can see the Bell.

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Until 1959 the Mach 2 would not be surpassed. It was in December of that year that Major Joseph Rogers flew at 2455.7kmn/h. The craft is pictured below, a Convair F106 Delta Dart:

However, between Mach 1 and Mach 2 several records were set which are outlined in the table below: Date

Pilot

Aircraft

Record (km/h)

1953

William Barnes

North American F-86D Sabre

1151,88

1953

Neville Duque

North American F-86D Sabre

1171

1953

Mike Lithgow

Suoermarine Swift F4

1184

1953

James B. Verdin

Douglas F4D Skyray

1211,5

1953

Frank K. Everest

North American 100 Sabre

1215,3

1955

Horacio A. Hanes

North American 100C Supersabre

1323

1956

Peter Twiss

Fairey Delta 2

1822

1957

Donald Harris

McDonnell F-101A Voodoo

1943,5

1958

Captain W.W. Irwin

Lockheed F-104 Starfighter

2259,5

1959

Goerigii Mosolov

Ye-66

2388

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The following records began to be set more spaced out over time. The jet propulsion technique improved slightly the aerodynamics and resistance of the apparatus which allowed for the construction of aircraft which travelled faster and faster above the sound barrier. However, these speeds require aircraft which fly at great altitudes as the air resistance is less and allows for speed to be achieved without a disproportionate level of expenditure. On the 22nd of November 1961 Robert G. Robinson took a McDonnell-Douglas F-4 fantasma II to 2585 km/h. A year later, on the 7th of July 1962 the Russian pilot Georgii Mosolov reached 2681 km/h in a Mikoyan Gurevich Ye-166. Afterwards, on the 1st of May 1965 Robert L. Stephens and Daniel André surpassed 3000 km/h, flying at 3331.5 km/h. And in 1976, Captain Eldon W. Joersz and Major George T. Morgan flew at 3529.6 km/h. Between1964 and 1998 the standard military aircraft in use was the SR-71, a Lockheed designed as a supersonic fighter plane. In this period it flew many times above Mach 3 for long distances and flight times. The image below shows this plane:

A new version of the SR-71 was launched in1990 (6th March) to reach Mach 6 which opened the door to a new age “The Hypersonic Age” which meant surpassing the

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barrier of Mach 5.4. However, it was an experimental plane used during the Cold War which was never published nor officially recognised. And into the hypersonic age, on the 16th of November 2004 the experimental plane NASA X-43-A reached Mach 9.6 (11,265 Km/h) for a short period and progressively losing speed. It is considered a record as a unique expression of speed, initially powered by a B52 military aircraft and then a rocket to reach the altitude of 33,5 Km. The hypersonic record in the most traditional aeronautic sense was achieved on the 27th May 2010, for 3 minutes when the military aircraft Waverider X51A (USA) flew at Mach 6 (7350 Km/h).

4.- EVOLUTION OF SPEED IN COMMERCIAL AVIATION Evolution of commercial speed levels In previous sections, we have analysed briefly the historical evolution of aviation technology, from the Montgolfier brothers’ first hot-air balloon to the possibility of exceeding ten times the speed of sound. However, and although technology has shown that these benchmarks can be surpassed, commercial aviation has followed a more stable path, converging towards a cruise speed of around Mach 1 but without exceeding it. If supersonic aviation technology has followed aims to increase speed, what can be said of commercial aviation is that it has sought to follow design patterns which obey criteria more concerned with the economy of transport, comfort and flight smoothness, as well as transporting the greatest number of passengers or freight in a single flight. The initial commercial speeds attained corresponded to the maximum capable of the apparatus at the time, as these could not fly any faster, However, the routes which lead to record speed and optimum speed fork into different directions very quickly. Commercial aviation speeds can be summarised as listed below: 1910: First commercial flight in history: 97 km/h for 100 km. 1914: Start of WWI: at this time, the few commercial routes operating did so as air taxis, travelling at speeds of around 110 km/h

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1918: End of WWI: at the end of the conflict, technology had advanced greatly due to the technological involvement of the different sides in the war, leading to commercal flights at 230 km/h. 1919 to 1929: Although apparently the maximum speed range reached was maintained, aeronautical technology was developed, advancements were made in aircraft design, metal replaced wood. Also engines underwent a major increase in power. This series of technological advances, along with the growing socio-economic impact that air travel had, meant that the inter-war period was considered as The Golden Age of Aviation. Everything was made possible, largely, thanks to the large number of planes and pilots orphaned after WWI. The planes’ reliability and range were improved and Trans-Atlantic travel was made possible. This laid the foundations for commercial aviation as we know it from 1939 onwards. 1919: Canada – Eire (direct): Nova Scotia (Canada), to Clifden (Ireland). The flight was 3,138 km, and took approximately 12 hours, around 261.5 km/h average speed. 1927: New York – Paris (direct): 5.810 km, 33 hours and 32 minutes. 1929 to 1940: The start of “modern commercial aviation”: Propeller driven twin-engines: (1936) DC3 reaching 320 km/h cruise speed (maximum approximate speed around 400 km/h). 1950: Propeller-driven twin-engines: these aeroplanes could reach a cruise speed of 500km/h and a maximum speed of 550 km/h. Technology for jet propellers allowed for greater speeds to be reached than with the previous propeller throttle combustion engines. 1952 to 1958: Commercial aircraft propelled by jets. At the beginning, the services covered by this type of aircraft flew at a speed of 850 km/h. 1958 until the modern day: jet technology has improved greatly, with the apparition of the turbofan jet engines, which considerably reduced consumption and increased passenger comfort. The maximum speeds attainable reached 1,100km/h with cruise speeds of between 800 and 900km/h with this influenced by essentially financial issues as well as prudence which occurred as a result of accidents during the period. At the present time, the aim of increasing speed does not seem to be far up the agenda of commercial airlines, more efforts are concentrated on profitability. As a consequence of this, wide fuselage planes are manufactured and others for specific purposes such

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as the Airbus Beluga, to transport major volumes of cargo, or the Airbus A380, which can transport around 850 people at 900 – 1000 km/h. And undoubtedly, it must not be forgotten that within the sphere of the evolution of the maximum commercial speeds attainable, that achieved by Concorde, which operated from the 21st of March 1976 and until the 26th of November 2006, which had a cruise speed close to Mach 2 (2,400km/h). Until now, no other commercial aircraft has exceeded this record. Graph showing contrast between air-speed records and commercial speeds. The graph below show the evolution of air-speed records established in contrast with the speeds adopted for commercial aviation.

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5.- INFLUENCING FACTORS IN THE ESTABLISHMENT OF COMMERCIAL AIRSPEEDS 5.1. ICAO Annexes. Aviation speeds In 1944, and in response to the rapid growth of the aeronautical industry following years of war, the need arose to unify criteria for all aspects relating to aviation. Likewise, the flights between different countries demanded a standardisation of ground communications, flight protocols, safety assurances and passenger comfort, amongst other aspects. With this at the forefront, on the 7th of December 1944, in Chicago, the CONVENTION OF INTERNATIONAL CIVIL AVIATION was signed, later known more commonly as the Chicago Convention. Along with these aforementioned agreements, a series of annexes was added which standardised and regulated, each one dealing with its specialist area, such as aerodrome dimensions, telecommunications, flight standards, etc. The Chicago Conference annexes are listed below: 1. Personnel licensing 2. Rules of the air 3. Meteorological 4. Aeronautical charts 5. Units of measurement 6. Operation of aircraft 7. Aircraft nationality and registration marks 8. Airworthiness of aircraft 9. Facilitation 10. Aeronautical telecommunications 11. Air traffic services 12. Search and rescue 13. Aircraft accident and incident investigation 14. Aerodromes 15. Aeronautical information services 16. Environmental protection 17. Security 18. The safe transport of dangerous goods by air

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With this, the process of standardisation of civil aviation moved towards completion. Certain annexes regulate aeroplanes’ flight conditions and limit to a certain extent speeds travelled at. Nonetheless, and before we commence, Annex 8 defines a series of speeds inherent in aircraft movement. When planning an existing flight a certain number of speeds must be taken into account. For this reason, the Annexes define 5 different speeds which are outlined in the chart below:

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Therefore, there are various speeds which can be referred to when defining aviation speeds. An example of certain speeds applicable to a specific aircraft can be seen in the following image:

The standard unit of measurement for speed in aviation is the knot, which is equivalent to: 1 knot (kt) = 1 nautical mile / hour = 1,852 km/h We can observe that in general terms speed achieved by these apparatus is determined by the sustentation and aerodynamics of the vehicle. As will be seen in the following point, the aerodynamic factor is crucial for the establishment of different speed records. Likewise, it is necessary to distinguish between “airspeed” and “ground speed”. The speeds defined in the ICAO Annex, except Va, the others refer to speeds measured with respect to the speed of the wind, as in reality the true speed of the plane under the effects of sustentation and aerodynamics is that which is developed with respect to air as sustaining fluid. However, commercial speed is based on “ground speed” as we are dealing with the speed that the plane has achieved with respect to the ground. As would be evident, both speeds coincide whenever the wind speed is null, and when the plane flies horizontally. In Annex 11, in the specification of the turning radius for aircraft in flight, certain parameters regarding speeds are controlled indirectly with respect to the ground and relative speeds.

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Below is a cutting from this point:

Finally, Annex ICAO 8 reflects airspeed limits_

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Therefore, speed limits in flight depend directly on the plane, and the conditions that this requires, without setting fixed limits. Simply, the ICAO establishes mechanisms for the standardisation of each craft and its flight conditions, which must not be contravened. 5.2. The dominant factor in aviation: fuel consumption and power required In mid flight, an aeroplane is nothing more than an object moving through a fluid. As such, the aeroplane experiences a series of forces which allow to it to maintain altitude, though this also brings with it the effects of drag resistance which must be assumed by the engines. Both efforts, sustentation and drag resistance, are forces which the engines must surpass with their power. The majority of the power is used precisely to beat drag resistance which the air exercises on the aircraft. The formula which allows us to obtain the force which acts on an object in motion within a fluid is as follows:

Fd = Cd ρA

V2 2

Whereby:

Fd : drag force

ρ : mass density V : speed relative to the fluid A : reference area Cd : drag coefficient Therefore, the forces owing to drag resistance are proportional to the speed chart and the so-called drag coefficient. Looking at the latter parameter: the Cd coefficient. For speeds still far from the speed of sound (340 m/s or Mach1, as we shall see in the next paragraph),the Cd coefficient adopts constant value which depend on the shape of the object, that is, its aerodynamics etc. To display this, a table has been added below which shows aerodynamic coefficient values for different geometrical shapes:

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Aerodynamic shapes have as we can see a coefficient Cd much inferior to angular shapes. However, at greater speeds and those near the sound barrier, drag coefficient is no longer constant and begins to grow quickly in relation to the increase in speed. This phenomena is known as “drag divergent Mach number”. If we define the Mach number as the speed of the object with respect to the fluid, divided by the speed of sound, in this case 340 m/s, we get the “drag divergent Mach number” as the Mach number from which the Cd begins to rise quickly whilst said number grows. The following graph shows the growth of the drag coefficient with respect to the Mach number, in the scenario of a real aeroplane:

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The graph has the following nomenclature:

M cr is the Critical Mach Number. This is the speed at which on certain parts of the wing, the flow of air reaches the speed of sound.

M DD is a certain value of the Mach number

for which the Cd has grown to a

determined value. For Boeing and Airbus this value is 0.002. Both point E as well as point D depend on the shape of the plane. We can immediately deduce that speeds close to the sound barrier the force of resistance to advancement exercised on the plane Fd grows proportionally to give the coefficient Cd . In the same way, it is deduced that the necessary power to surpass the sound barrier grows considerably with respect to the necessary power to maintain a certain speed close to but below Mach 1. For this reason, supersonic planes have such powerful, power which allows them to surpass the Mach 1 barrier and continue is high drag coefficient areas. The aerodynamic effects translate therefore in a demand on power and obviously, a demand on fuel

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With these curves, with the performance of aviation engines and other parameters which influence flight, the airlines obtain the Fuel Mileage Curves, which relate the number of nautical miles covered for every 1000kg of fuel consumed, in relation to the speed travelled at expressed by a Mach number. Curves generally show a maximum efficiency level over a distance travelled. For the case of the Boeing 737, the curve is as seen below:

Through the use of these curves it is possible to determine exactly fuel consumption produced, and should speed by increased for any reason, the increase of consumption and the consequential the reduction in miles per ton of fuel. This curve clearly shows how at higher cruise speeds, Fuel Mileage decreases rapidly due to what is known as “drag divergence Mach number”, whilst if speed is reduced, consumption is also reduced though over a shorter distance. The acronyms MRC and LRC stand for Maximum-Range Cruise and Long-Range Cruise, which gives an idea of the speeds selected for each type of flight. The penalty values which are reflected in the graph below correspond to the maximum penalties which air company set for their aircraft, establishing through this the maximum speed at which their planes can travel at under normal fuel conditions.

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