Casteism, Anti-brahmin Movements And Indian Politics.pdf

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Prof Sujata Patel

Dept. Of Sociology,

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Prof. Edward Rodrigues

Centre for the Study of Social Systems Jawaharlal Nehru University

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Rahul Sonpimple

Research Scholar , Centre for the Study of Social Systems, Jawaharlal Nehru University

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Prof.Edward Rodrigues

Centre for the Study of Social Systems Jawaharlal Nehru University

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Prof.Edward Rodrigues

Centre for the Study of Social Systems Jawaharlal Nehru University

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Module Structure Casteism, Anti-Brahmin Movements and Indian Politics

This module consists of two sections. The first section of module provides a theoretical understanding developed by various thinkers on caste and caste system. It also discusses the discriminatory role of caste in social life and how caste as a pre-modern phenomenon still remains as a primary factor in the construction of primary relationships in the lives of majority Indians. Second section of module thoroughly discusses the emergence of the anti-Brahmin movements in various parts of India. It also discusses the ideological foundation built by the leaders of the anti-Brahmin movement, such as, Periyar E. V. Ramasamy in Tamilnadu and Joyti Rao Phule in Maharashtra.

Description of the Module Items

Description of the Module

Subject Name

Sociology

Paper Name

Political Sociology

Module Name/Title

Casteism, Anti-Brahmin Movements and Indian Politics

Module Id

Module no. 29

Pre Requisites

A sociological understanding of the caste system and its workings in different parts of the country. A knowledge of caste based social movements in pre and post independent India.

Objectives

To provide an understanding of how the non-Brahmin movement emerged as a radical critique of the caste system. To understand the role of the non-Brahmin movement in refiguring the dynamics of electoral politics in Indian democracy.

Key words

Hierarchy, non-Brahmin movements, Mandal, Jyotiba Phule, Justice party, Adi-movements

Political Sociology Module 29: Casteism, anti-Brahmin Movements and Indian politics Introduction Caste in Indian society refers to a social group where membership is largely decided by birth. The New Shorter Oxford English Dictionary defines Caste as “a Hindu hereditary class of socially equal persons, united in religion and usually following similar occupations, distinguished from other castes in the hierarchy by its relative degree of purity or pollution1.’’ The caste system played a significant role in determining the content and direction of the processes of political socialisation, political mobilisation and institutionalisation within the framework of modern democracy. In the years following independence, the traditional upper castes continued to rule in most parts of India. However, Non-Brahmin and low-caste movements broadly pursuing two aims: achieving upward caste-class mobility and annihilation of caste have altered the conventional operation and relation of caste in many ways. It is in this context, the present module consists of two sections. The first section of module provides a theoretical understanding developed by various thinkers on caste and caste system. It also discusses the discriminatory role of caste in social life and how caste as a premodern phenomenon still remains as a primary factor in the construction of primary relationships in the lives of majority Indians. Second section of module thoroughly discusses the emergence of the anti-Brahmin movements in various parts of India. It also discusses the ideological foundation built by the leaders of the anti-Brahmin movement, such as, Periyar E. V. Ramasamy in Tamilnadu and Joyti Rao Phule in Maharashtra.

Section-I Caste and casteism The Indian caste system is a classification of people into four hierarchically ranked castes called varnas. They are classified according to occupation and determine access to wealth, power, and privilege. The leadership positions in society are monopolized by a few dominant castes (Pintane, 2010). The two most important characteristics of the Indian caste system 1

Ed. Lesley Brown. Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1993

have to do with endogamy and occupational restriction. Every member of a caste or sub-caste is required to marry within their own caste. Any violation of this, results in excommunication from one’s family and caste. When it comes to occupation, every caste member is associated and with required to follow the occupation associated with that caste. Another characteristic is that every caste imposes restrictions on its members with regards to diet and has its own laws which govern the food habit of the members. There are strict barriers when it comes to the mixing of a superior caste with an inferior caste. Hence, under the caste system every caste abides by well established customs and well defined norms of interactions. An idea of purity and pollution is one of the essential characteristic of caste system. Cleanliness is considered to be a very important value in Hinduism, and the caste system enforces this idea. Untouchability was thus a means of exclusivism, a social device that became religious only by being drawn into the pollution-purity complex (Velssasery, 2005). Caste, discrimination and exclusion During the eighties and nineties caste discrimination became a much debated issue on the political arena following a report published by a government commission that mapped out and defined current “backward” castes and ethnic groups in India2. The report also stated a set of recommendations to be implemented by the authorities including several reservation laws for public and educational seats. Being based in deeply engrained social structures, caste based discrimination is part of day to day life3. Discrimination is often based on housing, work and access to public spaces. There are examples of Dalits being denied access to public services such as deep wells, water taps, health care and education. Segregation in housing, schools and cremation grounds, occupational restrictions, prohibition of ownership and access to land, bonded labour, forced prostitution and manual scavenging4

are other

examples of discrimination in the everyday life of Dalits. Discrimination on caste basis can also be seen in terms of the relative underdevelopment of low-caste groups: the literacy rate for Dalits is significantly lower than for the rest of the population, infant mortality and underfive mortality among Dalits are much higher than the average, and Dalits are paid lower

2

The Indian constitution refers to Dalits as Scheduled Castes (SCs) and ethnic minorities as Scheduled Tribes (STs), and together they comprise more than 24 % of India’s population. http://www.censusindia.gov.in/Census_Data_2001/ India_at_Glance/scst.aspx 3 For a situational overview of caste discrimination see the study Caste-based Discrimination in South Asia (2009) by ISDN commissioned by the European Commission. http://idsn.org/uploads/media/EU_Study_CD_2009.pdf. Also, a survey conducted in 2006 examined the practice of untouchability in 565 villages across 11 states in India. See Untouchability in Rural India by Ghanshyam Shah, et al (2006). 4 Manual scavenging was outlawed in 1993, yet today 1.3 million Dalits, mostly women, are employed by municipalities in this occupation.

wages than other workers for similar tasks5. These are just a few specific examples. There are also more violent forms of caste-based discrimination. The practice of caste-based exclusion and discrimination thus, necessarily involves failure of access and entitlements, not only to economic rights, but also to civil, cultural and political rights. The caste /untouchablity and ethnicity based exclusion thus reflect in inability of individuals and groups like former untouchables ,adivasi and other similar groups to interact freely and productively with others and to take part in the full economic, social, and political life of a community ( Bhalla and Lapeyere 1997). The caste and untouchability based exclusion and discrimination, essentially is “structural in nature”, and comprehensive and multiple in coverage, and involve denial of equal opportunities, particularly to the excluded groups like former untouchables (Thorat, 2007). Caste and Politics Movements against caste hegemony of upper caste both in the colonial and post-colonial periods have immensely contributed to the restructuring of caste equations in Indian politics. Caste, a uniquely Indian social institution and Indian politics has been subject of intensive study for many years. Many sociologists including Andre Beteille (1965) in his “caste, class and power” and Rajni Kothari (1970) in his “caste in Indian politics”, have highlighted various aspects of caste in politics. According to M.N Srinivas (1957) the role played by caste in politics is in close approximation to that of the pressure group. While evaluating the role of caste association in democratic politics Ghanshyam Shah (2002), argued that, caste associations assume the role of disseminating political education and the day to day functioning of political system to its members and mobilise and organise them accordingly. This strategy would enable them to enter into political bargaining with the existing political system in terms of demanding for the maximisation of their representation in politics and addressing their problems. Andre Beteille (1965) holds that while westernization is taking individual away from caste identity the role of caste in politics is taking the people towards the caste identity and thereby strengthening it. Caste has always been central to modern Indian politics. Caste also operates as the central principle in the distribution of power and material resources. Non-Brahmin and low-caste movements were active during the colonial era,

5

See the report on special component plan for SCs and STs by National Campaign for Dalit Human Rights, http://www.ncdhr.org.in/resources/publications/daaa-publication/Status%20Report.

broadly pursuing two aims: achieving upward caste-class mobility and annihilation of caste (Omvedt, 1994). However, in the years following independence, the traditional upper castes continued to rule in most parts of India. Caste politics in different regions: Ruptures in demography, agrarian relations, political economy of post-independence period combined to produce the strong linkages between region and caste. Frankel (1989: 64) argued that ‘the fact that cognate castes and sub-castes enlarged their identities through regional and provincial social organizations before the nationalist movement got underway. In particular, the different patterns of caste relations gave substance to region as a political category in States like Andhra Pradesh, Tamil Nadu and Karnataka. These developments established the feature of region specific dominant castes in most parts of India. This feature came under stress at two stages when certain types of caste politics attempted to cross the regional boundaries. Both these ruptures in the established pattern of caste-region equation came as opposition to upper as well as newly dominant castes in various regions. In the interplay of caste and region, Dalits and OBCs were / are often excluded or marginalized. Therefore these sections attempted to breach the happy coincidence of caste and region by pursuing the project of all-India ‘Dalit politics’ and all India ‘OBC politics’ as was the case in Maharashtra. Although backward caste politics gradually emerged in UP and Bihar, it was only in the nineties that it became an issue at an all-India level. After the agitations against reservations in Gujarat and Bihar in the late seventies and early eighties, the agitation in many north Indian States on the issue of reservations for backward castes underlined the simmering conflict between what Lohia had described as forwards and backwards (Palshikar,2006). These developments had two effects. Firstly, the political discourse in the country as a whole, changed considerably. ‘Social justice’ became the central term around which this discourse was constructed. Such a construction facilitated the entry of caste question onto the all-India political scene rather than remaining State-specific. Reservations for OBCs became less controversial and also became part of the policies adopted by various parties. At least at the formal level, parties conceded the claims of OBCs in terms of share in power. Politics of backward castes became an all-India phenomenon.

Dalits in Politics

One can trace the roots of Dalit movement from Bhakti and colonial periods. However, the real quest for power in Dalit movement became eminent in the post-colonial India. Emergence of various regional leaders and political parties of Dalits have shaped electoral politics differently. It is in this context present section discusses the political movement of Dalits in west, south and north India. Dalit politics in Maharashtra- With the introduction of constitutional modernity and democratic space, dalit’s struggle against caste inequality in post-colonial period has changed in many ways. The Republican Party was founded by the legendary Babasaheb Ambedkar in 1957. However, Dalit movement in post Ambedkar period in Maharashtra has vigorously witnessed the conflict in leaderships and ideological position taken by its leaders. The converted dalit Buddhists mostly Mahars, relative deprived dalit castes, idealistic Ambedkaraites, new educated aspiring middle class , influence of left and many other issues fueled into the breakdown of movement and resulted into the various interest groups. Dadasaheb Gaikwad as the tallest leader and one of the founder members of RPI (Republican Party of India —conceived by Ambedkar which came into existence on 3 November 1957) in post Ambedkar era, had faced all such issues when he was leading a movement. Teltumbde, (1997), in his analysis of Post –Ambedkar dalit movement argued that, Gaikwad represented a typical activist of the Ambedkarian movement and had a mass identity. In spite of this, it is true that RPI got fragmented twice under his leadership and he failed to unite the party (Kshirsagar, 1994). In later period, the RPI fragmented into many fractions which turned antagonistic to each other. This was also a period of alliance of many RPI fractions with congress (teltumde, 2012). Dalit politics In North IndiaIn the early 1970s, Kanshi Ram emerged as a dynamic leader after B.R. Ambedkar who gained all India significance by establishing the Dalit organizations. With a handful of educated employees from Pune and Delhi, he set up the All India Backward and Minority Community Employees Federation (BAMCEF) in 1973 and aspired to give it an all India dimension in the next five years. For some years the BAMCEF was working informally until Kanshi Ram launched it formally on 6 Dec. 1978 in Delhi. Kanshi Ram made the BAMCEF ‘A Pool of Brains, Talents and Funds’. The basic object of this organization, which consisted of educated Dalits who had been able to make use of the fruits of government policies, was to pay back to the more oppressed and exploited section of the society to which they belonged.

The BAMCEF, consisting of government employees did not launch rallies but only held seminars. In the political field the main function of the BAMCEF was to supply the funds and dedicated workers to the Bahujan Samaj Party, which was founded in the early eighties.

Although BAMCEF was regarded by some as a pool of Brains, talents and funds, it kept a low profile because of service rules restrictions on public employees. For the furtherance of its objective, Kanshi Ram proceeded to set up a new organization known as Dalit Soshit Samaj Sangharash Samiti on Dec. 6 1981, as a non political agitational arm of his movement. Its primary purpose was to create awareness among the Dalits. The rise in the political standing of any party can be equated with the rise of the political fortunes of its leaders. Having gained political experience and using the BAMCEF and DS-4 as base organization, Kanshi Ram decided to lay the foundation of political party, the BSP on April 14, 1984 on the birth anniversary of B.R. Ambedkar to fulfil the political aspirations of the Dalits. BSP gave a new hope to Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes by creating a strong platform in Indian politics under the leadership of their own community leaders. In Punjab, the influence of the BSP as a political force was felt during February 1992 Assembly elections when it managed to capture 9 seats, thus becoming the main opposition party in the Vidhan Sabha (Kumar, 2011). The BSP candidates were runner up in 34 seats. It also won a Lok Sabha seat in February 1991 elections. With the November 1993 assembly elections in Uttar Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh, Himachal Pradesh and Rajasthan, Kanshi Ram led BSP emerged as a political force at the national level (kumar, 2013). Dalit politics in South India: A case of Tamilnadu The PMK and Dalit parties which seemed to introduce caste concerns into Tamil politics, thus, arguably arise from the cosy relationship between dominant BCs and the two Dravidian parties. Honours have been heaped on Muthuramalingam Thevar, for instance, whilst lower caste politicians are perceived to lack recognition and respect. The continuing underrepresentation of Dalit politicians in cabinets and ministry portfolio questions Dravidian pluralism. Caste politics in this period, furthermore, has been synonymous with outbreaks of caste violence. Lower caste (especially Dalit) assertion has challenged the social status of higher castes and incurred disproportionate, forceful retaliation (or ‘extravagant revenge’) against any caste transgression or resistance) (O. Mendelsohn and M. Vicziany, 1998). Dalit assertion has also led to conflict with state authorities (in 2011, police fired on demonstrators

in Paramakudi killing seven Dalits) emphasising that access to political institutions is not straightforward. An unintended consequence of MBC and Dalit activism, therefore, is that social fault lines have assumed a collective, caste character and rendered violence a recognized, albeit censured, feature of the political repertoire (Gorringe,2012). Section-II Anti Brahmin & anti-caste Movements: Tracing History The non-Aryan or the non-Brahmin movements in Maharashtra and Tamilnadu, the Dalit movements in Panjab and Karnataka were against the Aryan conquest and Brahman exploitation through religion and culture. These movements, being aimed at the argument of the original inhabitants, have a common tag Adi which means original inhabitant. Most of the Dalit movements like ’AdiDharma in Punjab, Adi-Hindu‟ in UP and Hyderabad, AdiDravida, „Adi-Andhra and Adi-Karnataka‟ in South India have a common claim of the Dalits and Sudras being the original habitants of India. Gail Omvedt (1994) writes: it was in the 1920s, however, that Dalits began to organize strongly and independently throughout many regions of India. The most important of the early Dalit movements were the Ad-Dharm movement in the Punjab (organized 1926); the movement under Ambedkar in Maharastra, mainly based among Mahars which had its organizational beginnings in 1924; the Namashudra movement in Bengal; the Adi-Dravida movement in Tamilnadu; the Adi-Karnataka movement; the AdiHindu movement mainly centered around Kanpur in U.P; and the organizing of the pulayas and Cherumans in Kerala (Omvedt,1994). The Namasudhra movement in 1872 was the first protest against the social authority of the higher castes. Sekhar Bandyopadhyay (1997) views: The Namasudhra movement in Bengal is the story of an antyaja or untouchable caste, transforming itself from an amphibious peripheral multitude into a settled agricultural community, protesting against the age-old social disabilities and economic exploitation it suffered from, entering the vortex of institutional politics and trying to derive benefit out of it through an essentially loyalist political strategy. The Namashudras, earlier known as chandals, lived mainly in the low lying swap areas of Eastern Bengal. The Namasudras embraced Islam or Christianity to avoid the stigma of untouchability in the early twentieth century. Chandal Movement of 1872-73 led to the formation of the Namasudra. Led by Harichand Thakur of Faridpur and his son in the subsequent period, the movement believed in education and self-respect. Next to Namasudra movement, Ad-Dharm movement, led by Mangoo Ram in Punjab, made a substantial contribution to the social and political life of

Dalits in Punjab. He was influenced by the Ghadar movement, a radical organization in California aimed at liberating India from British rule through armed insurrection. Similar to the Adi movements in Punjab, Uttar Pradesh and the Namasudra movement in Bengal, the Adi movements in South India had their resonance in constructing Dalit identity. The untouchable movements in Nagpur, Adi-Dravida movement in Tamilnadu, Adi-Karnataka movement in Mysore, Adi-Andhra movement in Andhra Pradesh under Madras Presidency and AdiHindu movement under the Nizam reign had paved the way for constructing the Dalit identity in South India. Anti Brahmin Movement in Maharashtra: From the second half of the 19th century, particularly, in South India, and in the Bombay Presidency, the sons of rich peasants among the dominant landowning castes, and of local traders and moneylenders who expanded into commerce started acquiring English education. A small fraction of this newly educated class came from lower Shudra cultivating, artisan and trading castes, and even from among untouchables. In the 19th century Maharashtra, Poona and Kolhapur provided leadership to the emergence of backward castes. One of the first products of Christian missionary education was Jothiba Phule of Poona, who belonged to the Shudra caste of gardeners. Phule (1827-90) is acknowledged as the father of non-Brahmin movement in India. He wrote several books, like Gulamgiri for the material and spiritual improvement of the lower classes. The condition of the untouchables horrified him. He called upon the people to revolt against Hindu casteist gods and degrading religious practices. He wanted the lower castes to form their own associations, create a spirit de corps and work for their emancipation from the age-old degradation as Shudras in society, education and religion. Jothiba Phule founded the Satya Shodak Samaj to unite all the backward castes on a common platform. He advocated the principle of adequate representation for members of all castes in public services. The non-Brahman movement generated in Bombay province (now Maharashtra) had its effect in Kolhapur-a small Maratha State-under the control of the Bombay Government by Maharaja Chatrapati Shahu. The Maharaja, displeased with the Brahmins, devoted much of his time to the non-Brahman movement. He declared in 1902 that he would reserve at least half the posts in the State for qualified men of non-Brahmin communities. To give fair opportunities to all communities, the Prince started a hostel in Kolhapur city for non-Brahman youths. Kolhapur may be set to be the first State to adopt the reservation policy, though there had been some ineffective attempts earlier by the British government to break the monopoly of one community. Kolhapur therefore, has been a

landmark in the backward class movement towards equality. The backward class movement in India originated in Maharashtra and Tamil Nadu. Jotirao Phule was the ideologue of the non-Brahmin movement in Maharashtra. He rejected the Hindu scriptures and the caste system. According to Phule, Hindu religion was both the ideological means of suppression and the cause of poverty of the low castes. Phule's ideas, education and organization were the means to create unity and sense of identity among the non-Brahmin castes and thereby create free and just society. Therefore Phule and Ambedkar are still a powerful source of inspiration for the lower castes to mobilize themselves. The Satya Shodhak Movement of both Jyotiba Phule and Shahu Maharaj influenced the North Karnataka in particularly, the South India in general. There where branches of Satya Shodhak Samaj at Belgaum, Nippani, Dharwad and Hubli. So also Chatrapati Shahu’s Non-Brahmin Movement spread to Karnataka. This movement of Shahu Maharaj in fact was continued part of the Satya Shodhak Movement of Mahatma Phule. In 1920 Satya Shodhak Samaj was transformed into a Political movement known as ‘Non-Brahmin Movement’. Thus Non-Brahmin Movement led by Shahu Maharaj posed a challenge to the traditional social order and opposed the Brahminical domination and supremacy. Surrounded by all Brahmins, Shahu Maharaj first appointed non-Brahmins in his administration. His most important work was initiation of schools and hostel for nonBrahmin caste and for Dalits (Rosenthal, 1973). The Non-Brahmin leaders of Karnataka were so much influenced by Shahu Maharaj that, they invited him to Non-Brahmin Conference at Hubli in 1920. Before this Shahu Maharaj invited Karnataka NonBrahmin leaders to Kolhapur and gave financial assistance to start the education organizations like Schools and hostels. Thus, the Satya Shodhak Movement of Mahatma Jyotiba Phule and Chhatrapati Shahu Maharaj greatly influenced Karnataka, as a result there was an emergence of prominent leaders like Sir Siddappa Kambali, Annasaheb Latthe, Panditappa Chikkodi, P G Halakatti, Menasinakai, Siddappa Hosamani and others (Omvedt, 2013). These leaders greatly contributed to the cause of Non-Brahmin movement and their communities like Lingayats, Reddy, Jain, Maratha, Muslim, Kurubas and others came to the forefront. So there was much awakening among these communities. Anti-Brahmin Movement in Tamilnadu: The non-Brahmin movement of the 1910s and 1920s and much more violent 'radical' Dravidian or anti-Aryan movement launched by E.V. Ramaswami Naicker in the 1930s are the important phases in the history of TamilNadu backward castes movement. One of Naicker's main targets was the temple and he mobilized a militantly anti-Hindu campaign,

ostensibly in the name of atheism, to smash the temples and destroy the gods. The important factor, which created the strain for the origin of the non-Brahmin movement, is the domination of Brahmins in education and government employment. The Mandal Commission comes to a conclusion that the non-Brahmin movement was started when the runaway lead taken by the Tamil and Telugu Brahmins in the field of education in the erstwhile Madras Presidency and it is well documented. By the turn of the century the male literacy rate among the Tamil Brahmins was 73.6% as against a similar rate among the vellalas of 6.9%. Whereas the male literacy in English was 17.9% among the Tamil Brahmins; it was only 0.19% among the Vellals. The Brahmins had established a near monopoly of the government services and the professions. As far back as 1851, the Madras Revenue board had instructed the District Collectors to restrict the number of the Brahmin entrants into the services. In spite of this, the Brahmin domination of the government services and the professions went on unabated. The caste's domination in the Provincial Congress Committee had been well established. Alerted by the advent of the Montague-Chelmsford reforms and diarchy, the non-Brahmin elite castes took the lead in establishing first the South Indian Liberal Federation, and secondly, the justice Party in 1916. After coming to power in 1920, the party extended in 1921 the scope of the 1881 order, by requiring all the heads of the departments to distribute appointments of all the grades among the various communities (Gorringe, 2007). Mandal movement and Rise of Yadav Politics The OBC reservations as per Mandal Commission were implemented under the government of Prime Minister V. P. Singh in the early 1990’s. This led to severe protests from upperstudents who not only demanded the abolishment of Mandal commission but also that of reservations of scheduled castes and scheduled tribes (Hasan 1998). Jaffrelot (2000) notes that the ‘Mandalisation’ of Indian politics contributed to the democratisation of a traditionally conservative democracy. The rise of the OBCs is first of all the rise of the Yadavs and the Kurmis, as their share among the MPs testifies. Together, they represent about 15 percent of North Indian MPs in the 1990s, as much as the Brahmin or the Rajput MPs. While the Yadavs and Kurmis alone had representatives in the Lok Sabha until the 1970s, new castes joined the political arena in the 1980s (Lodhis, Koeris, Gujars, Malis) and 1990s (such as the Jaiswals, the Telis, and the Kacchis) However, the share of the Yadavs and the Kurmis has grown too, so much so that each one of these castes represents about one-third of the OBC MPs of North India since 1989 (Jaffrelot, 2003). The Kurmis organized themselves as early as the Yadavs through caste associations (Verma, 1979). However, Yadavs have been at the

forefront of the OBC mobilization since the very beginning (Rao, 1987). The leader of the All-India Backward Caste Federation in the 1960s and 1970s, Brahm Prakash Chaudhury, was a Yadav. B. P. Mandal himself was a Yadav, and Yadav leaders have consistently paid greater interest to his report. After the Janata Dal took over in 1989, they mobilized in favor of implementing the Mandal Commission Report. Sharad Yadav, the Minister for Textile and Food Processing in V. P. Singh's government, was among the most vocal. After the antiMandal agitation started, he was at the forefront of the counter-mobilization in Delhi and elsewhere in the country, until he launched his Mandal Rath Yatra in late 1992 and early 1993 in reaction to the Supreme Court's decision regarding the exclusion of the "creamy layer" of OBCs from the quotas. The Court used this expression to designate the elite among the OBCs who did not need any help from the State and, therefore, should not be entitled to any quotas. The Janata Dal, with Laloo Prasad Yadav as President and Sharad Yadav as leader of the legislative group in the Lok Sabha, then lobbied for excluding the well-off peasants from the "creamy layer." They were obviously defending the interests of their caste since many Yadavs had become relatively rich. Eventually, the pressure exerted by the Yadavs-and other OBC leaders-proved to be effective, and the "creamy layer" was defined in a rather loose way. It comprises only the OBC applicants from establishment families, or those whose fathers owned land beyond 85 percent of the acreage permitted by ceiling laws. When the 27 percent reservation was eventually implemented at the Centre after the Supreme Court decision of November 1992, the upper castes did not resist it any more. They resigned themselves to the rule of numbers. Moreover, the liberalization of the economy also began to make careers in the private sector, to which affirmative action laws did not apply, more attractive. Simultaneously, having won the battle over quotas, the lower castes did not feel an acute need for solidarity any more. The very notion of the OBCs started to lose its edge. The general OBC category was, in fact, often used by Yadav elite to promote its interests. Such an elite manipulation was not uncommon in the past since the kisan identity promoted by Charan Singh was also perceived by many Jats as a means to mobilize a large social base and Lohia had deplored it already in the 1960s (Jafferlot , 2000) Conclusion: Prior to the introduction of the universal adult franchise in India, it was mostly the individuals from the higher caste who were politically active. However, the franchise system in India brought in the importance of numbers in India. Those who were placed in the lower ladder of social hierarchy got an opportunity to assert themselves by using their numerical strength. In

many parts of India, caste associations have emerged with the aim of pursuing not only social status and economic interest but political power as well. Many political parties take advantage of the caste sentiments and fracture the society in such a manner that they gain from such divisions. Caste as discussed above, is a primary factor in deciding the social position of groups and individuals, source of honour and dishonour, validation of power and powerlessness, will always rule the political morality until its annihilation from all spheres of the life. In addition, caste in the democracy has also become an important instrument for Dalits and other lower caste to organize and mobilize themselves to attain the political power. Therefore, mobilization of lower castes on the basis of caste identity may not necessarily be considered as casteism, it could be understood rather as formation of interest group of oppressed in the democracy.

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