The Trial And Crucifixion Of Jesus. Texts And Commentary

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roducit natos <su>cc?dentes sibi; breviora tempora do<mi>nabunt. 8 In pares eorum chortis venient et occidentes rex potens qui expugnabit eos 9 et ducet captivos, et partem aedis ipsorum igni incendit, aliquos crucifigit circa coloniam eorum. Translation. And he [the petulant king] will bring forth children who will succeed him. They will rule for shorter periods. 8 Cohorts will come into their territory, and a mighty king from the West, who will defeat them, 9 and lead them off in chains. And he will burn part of their Temple with fire, some he will crucify near their city. Commentary.809 The Assumption of Moses represents (from the position of Moses as prophet) an apocalyptic unveiling of key aspects Jewish history up to the time of the author and then projecting into the future. The structure of the book is debated, but just prior to this passage there is a fairly clear reference to Herod the Great (the petulant king who ruled for 34 years and whose children succeeded him). This passage then should be compared to the events under Varus (see No. 366 concerning Josephus B. J. 2.75 and A. J. 17.295), including the partial burning of the Temple precincts and the mass crucifixion around the outside of the city (aliquos crucifigit circa coloniam eorum). It is thus likely that the author is writing subsequent to these events. Since he does not mention a later (and complete) destruction of the Temple, many have argued for a pre–70 date to the book. Indeed, Tromp dates the book to shortly after Varus’ governorship (thus early first century A.D.). The mention of only some (aliquos) crucified, even while Josephus put the number in the thousands during Varus’ actions, may play into the way the author escalates the events through to the severe era depicted in chapter 8. (379) Assumption of Moses 8.1–5 Et ta veniet in eos ultio et ira quae talis non fuit in illis a saeculo usque ad illum tempus in quo suscitavit illis regem regum terrae et potestatem a potentia magna, qui confitentes circumcisionem in cruce suspendit. 2 Nam necantes torquebit, et tradi[di]t duci vinctos in custodiam, 3 et uxores eorum di[i]sdonabuntur gentibus. Et filii eorum pueri secabuntur a medicis [pueri] ─────────────── 809 Text and translation from JOHANNES TROMP, The Assumption of Moses. A Critical Edition with Commentary (SVTP 10; Leiden: Brill, 1993), 14–17. The text of Assumption of Moses is dependent on a single Latin manuscript, which is not thought to be wholly accurate. The angle brackets above include conjectured additions by TROMP, while square brackets indicate text he believes should be deleted. TROMP conjectures do<mi>nabunt for donarent. And the readings pares, chortis, qui, and ducet are all conjectured emendations (for pares, mortis, quia, and ducent respectively), which TROMP adopts from previous editors.

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inducere acrobisam illis. 4 Nam illi in eis punientur in tormentis et igne et ferro, et cogentur palam bajulare idola eorum, inquinata quomodo sunt pariter continentibus ea. 5 Et a torquentibus illos pariter cogentur intrare in abditum locum eorum, et cogentur stimulis blasfemare verbum contumeliose. Novissime post haec et leges quod habebunt supra altarium suum. Translation. And suddenly revenge and wrath will come over them, such as there will never have been over them since eternity until that time, in which he will raise for them the king of the kings of the earth, and a power with great might, who will hang on the cross those who confess circumcision, 2 but who will torture those who deny it. And he will lead them chained into captivity, 3 and their wives will be divided among the gentiles, and their sons will be operated on as children by physicians in order to put on them a foreskin. 4 But they will be punished by torments, and with fire and sword, and they will be forced to carry publicly their idols, that are defiled, just like those who touch them. 5 And they will also be forced by those who torture them to enter into their hidden place, and they will be forced with goads to disgracefully blaspheme the word. Finally, after these things (sc. they will be forced to blaspheme) also the laws through the things they will have upon their altar. Commentary.810 The most striking aspects of this passage involves how well it mimics the sufferings of the Maccabean martyrs during the time of Antiochus IV Epiphanes, especially as illustrated above by Josephus (A. J. 12.255–256). Note especially that the “king of the kings of the earth” (a very Persian/Seleucid sounding title) opposes Jewish circumcision, promotes use of idols, and requires blasphemy of the Law. Yet if As. Mos. 6:7–9 represents the era of Varus (and also 6:1–7 alludes to Herod the Great), then these events of chapter 8 should rightly precede those of chapter 6. Some modern scholars have suggested a transpositional error in the manuscripts or a clumsy interpolation of chapters 5 and 6 into the pre-existing document.811 However, it seems more likely that the order represents the author’s intent.812 As the original reader moves into chapter 8 (or possibly chapter 7), one moves beyond the apocalyptic events of the author’s own day (chapter 6) and into the eschato─────────────── 810 Text and translation from TROMP, Assumption of Moses, 16–19. 811 Such options are found in GEORGE W. E. NICKELSBURG, An Antiochan Date for the Testament of Moses, in Studies on the Testament of Moses (ed. G. W. E. Nickelsburg; SBLSBS 4; Cambridge: Society of Biblical Literature, 1973), 33–37; ROBERT H. CHARLES, The Assumption of Moses (London: Black, 1897), 28–30. 812 A similar understanding to the one here can be found in JOHN J. COLLINS, The Date and Provenance of the Testament of Moses, in Studies on the Testament of Moses (ed. G. W. E. Nickelsburg; SBLSBS 4; Cambridge: Society of Biblical Literature, 1973), 15–32; J OHN PRIEST, Testament of Moses (First Century A.D.): A New Translation and Introduction, in The Old Testament Pseudepigrapha I (ed. J. H. Charlesworth; Garden City/London: Doubleday/Darton, Longman & Todd, 1983–85), 919–934; TROMP, Assumption of Moses, 116– 123.

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logical future. On this reading, chapter 8 represents a projection of the hardships under Antiochus Epiphanes into a similar time of persecution in the author’s future, only to meet with final resolution from God later in the book (chapter 10) after the martyr-like sufferings of Taxo and sons in chapter 9 (taking up the Maccabean role to a higher pitch). Under this reading, then the crucifixions upon those who confess circumcision in 8:1 (qui confitentes circumcisionem in cruce suspendit) presents the anticipated suffering of God’s people as part of the apocalyptic calamity that precedes the eschatological victory. Noticeably this text actually was written before Josephus’ account of the Maccabean martyrs. While some have suggested influence on Josephus, this seems an unnecessary conjecture.813 More likely here, we have parallel testimony to the ability of Jewish people in the first century A.D. to look back on the Maccabean period as an era when crucifixion was threatened against martyrs from the Jewish people. (380) Philo, In Flaccum 72 και` οι‘ με` ν ταυñ τα δρω « σπερ ε’ ν τοιñς θεατρικοιñς μι΄μοις καθυπεκρι΄νοντο ñ ντες ω του` ς πα΄ σχοντας· τω ν δ’ ω ς α ‘ ’ ληθω ñ ñ ς πεπονθο΄ των φι΄λοι και` συγγενειñς, ο« τι μο΄ νον ταιñς τω ν προσηκο ΄ ντων συμφοραι ñ ñς συνη΄ λγησαν, α’ πη΄ γοντο, ε’ μαστιγουñ ντο, ε’ τροχι΄ζοντο, και` μετα` πα΄ σας τα` ς αι’ κι΄ας, ο« σας ε’ δυ΄ νατο χωρηñ σαι τα` σω ΄ ματα αυ’ τοιñς, η‘ τελευται΄α και` ε» φεδρος τιμωρι΄α σταυρο` ς ηò ν. Translation. And those who did these things as if in theatrical mimes were acting like those who were suffering; but friends and relatives of those who had truly suffered, merely because they sympathized with the misfortunes of their family relations, were arrested, scourged, tortured, and, after all these torments, as much as their bodies were able to hold, the last and lurking punishment was a cross. Commentary.814 Philo of Alexandria, writing in the mid-first century A.D., records here events of his own day. Alexandria had a sizeable Jewish population, spilling over more than one of the city’s quarters. A. Avillius Flaccus was prefect of Alexandria and Egypt, and in A.D. 38 he conspired with the non-Jewish inhabitants of Alexandria to oppress the Jewish population (in ─────────────── 813 For the suggestion of Josephus’ dependence on As. Mos. see JONATHAN A. GOLDSTEIN, The Testament of Moses: Its Content, Its Origin, and Its Attestation in Josephus, in Studies on the Testament of Moses (ed. G. W. E. Nickelsburg; SBLSBS 4; Cambridge: Society of Biblical Literature, 1973), 44–52. One problem is that Josephus would have needed to read the chapters out of order in order to place the material of chapter 8 earlier than that of chapter 6. See CHAPMAN, Crucifixion, 74–75; note discussion ibid. 74 about whether the reference to suspendere in cruce can be plausibly traced back to the Greek original of this work. 814 Text: COHN / WENDLAND / REITER, Philonis Alexandrini opera, 6:133. The translations follow CHAPMAN, Crucifixion, 75–78.

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part for financial gain, and in part with the hope of achieving the favor of Gaius Caligula). Prior to this passage, Philo describes the forcible eviction of Jews from their homes, along with mob beatings, murders, and burnings. The mention of “mimes” above recalls that particular form of Roman theater, which often involved sensationalist comedic excess and mockery. Unlike the mob actions that precede this passage, these outrages here appear to have been conducted within a legal framework, with arrests and official punishments (leading from torture to the cross).815 The cross is clearly depicted as the worst penalty imposed. That it was the “last” (τελευται΄α) penalty likely also implies that it was the means of execution, by which they met their final end. The parallel section in Philo’s Legat. 119–137 does not discuss crucifixion, likely because that work is less concerned with illustrating Flaccus’ heinous rule as prefect. Crucifixion is otherwise known in Roman Alexandria.816 (381) Philo, In Flaccum 83–84 η» δη τινα` ς οιòδα τω ñ ν α’ νεσκολοπισμε΄ νων μελλου΄ σης ε’ νι΄στασθαι τοιαυ΄ της ε’ κεχειρι΄ας καθαιρεθε΄ ντας και` τοιñς συγγενε΄ σιν ε’ πι` τω ñ, ταφηñ ς α’ ξιωθηñ ναι και` τυχειñν τω ν νενομισμε ΄ νων α ποδοθε ΄ ντας· ε δει γα ρ και νεκρου ’ » ` ` ` ς α’ πολαυñ σαι΄ τινος ñ χρηστουñ γενεθλιακαιñς αυ’ τοκρα΄ τορος και` α« μα το` ι‘ εροπρεπε` ς τηñ ς πανηγυ΄ ρεως φυλαχθηñ ναι. 84 ο‘ δ’ ου’ τετελευτηκο΄ τας ε’ πι` σταυρω ñ ν καθαιρειñν, ζω ñ ντας δ’ α’ νασκολοπι΄ζεσθαι προσε΄ ταττεν, οιðς α’ μνηστι΄αν ε’ π’ ο’ λι΄γον, ου’ τη` ν ει’ ς α« παν, ο‘ καιρο` ς ε’ δι΄δου προ` ς υ‘ πε΄ ρθεσιν τιμωρι΄ας, ου’ κ α» φεσιν παντεληñ . και` ταυñ τ’ ει’ ργα΄ ζετο μετα` το` πληγαιñς αι’ κι΄σασθαι ε’ ν με΄ σω, τω ñ, θεα΄ τρω, και` πυρι` και` σιδη΄ ρω, βασανι΄σαι. Translation. Already I know some individuals among the crucified who were taken down during such a holiday, which was about to arrive, and who were restored to their relatives because they were thought worthy of burial and because they gained the customary rites. For it was necessary that even the dead have the benefit of some good on birthdays of the emperor, and at the same time [it was necessary that] the sacredness of the festal assembly be guarded. 84 But he [Flaccus] did not order [them] to take down those who had expired on a cross; rather he ordered the living to be crucified – those to whom the season used to give for a little while an incomplete amnesty toward a delay of punishment, [yet] not toward a complete discharge. And he did these things after tormenting [them] with blows in the midst of the theater and torturing [them] with fire and iron. ─────────────── 815 HORST, Philo’s Flaccus, 167–168 contends this all represents “lynch mob justice”. But the progression from arrest to scourging, torture and crucifixion appears entirely in keeping with other official crucifixions studied in this volume. 816 Note P. Oxy. XXII 2339; cf. HENGEL, Crucifixion, 80.

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Commentary.817 In the intervening text between this passage and the one previously cited from Flacc. 72, Philo provides an account of the vehement treatment that Flaccus brings upon the Jewish senate. They are scourged, and some die. While Philo will note the socio-economic status of the senate (e.g., Flacc. 81), he does not comment on the social status of the crucified (Flacc. 72, 83– 84), so they may belong to the lower orders of society. In the passage above, Philo testifies in passing to previous examples of crucifixion that he has known, thus providing indirect witness to earlier crucifixions. (Note that, apart from this brief allusion, we would have no historical awareness of those other crosses, and that provides a tantalizing reminder of how few ancient crucifixions actually come down to us in the extant literature.) Philo focuses on the emperor’s birthday, since Flaccus’ transgression of that occasion provided opportunity for some further measure of criticism against his actions. The birthday of the emperor, especially in age of Gaius Caligula, likely had sacred significance under the auspices of the imperial cult. Philo assumes that most victims of the cross are not taken down quickly, but he reminds the reader that certain special sacred occasions should not be met with a city full of crucifixion victims. One might think here of the removal of Jesus (and the two brigands) from the cross on the eve of Passover. Suspension on the cross is the means of execution here, since the “living” are due to be hung up (ζω ñ ντας δ’ α’ νασκολοπι΄ζεσθαι) and since he explicitly speaks of those who had died on the cross (τετελευτηκο΄ τας ε’ πι` σταυρω ñ ν). Their execution is preceded by the spectacle of public beatings and torture in the theater. (382) Josephus, Bellum judaicum 3.320–321 τω ñ, δ• ηò ν με` ν δι• υ‘ πονοι΄ας ο‘ αυ’ το΄ μολος το΄ τε προ` ς α’ λλη΄ λους πιστο` ν ει’ δο΄ τι τω ñν 321 Ι ουδαι ΄ ων και τη ν προ ς τα ς κολα ΄ σεις υ περοψι ΄ αν, ε πειδη και προ ΄ τερον ’ ` ` ` ` ‘ ’ ` ` ληφθει΄ς τις τω ñ ν α’ πο` τηñ ς ’ Ιωταπα΄ της προ` ς παñ σαν αι’ κι΄αν βασα΄ νων α’ ντε΄ σχεν και` μηδε` ν δια` πυρο` ς ε’ ξερευνω ñ σι τοιñς πολεμι΄ οις περι` τω ñ ν ε» νδον ει’ πω` ν α’ νεσταυρω ΄ θη τουñ θανα΄ του καταμειδιω ñ ν. Translation. But the deserter was [viewed] with suspicion by the one [Vespasian] who knew the faithfulness of the Jews to one another and their disdain for chastisement, 321 since also formerly a certain man from Jotapata had been captured and held out against every outrage from torturous tests, and having said nothing concerning those within [the city] to the enemies who examined him with fire, he was crucified while smiling at death.

─────────────── 817 Text: COHN / WENDLAND / REITER, Philonis Alexandrini opera, 6:135. One manuscript reads α’ νασκολωπι΄ζεσθαι for α’ νασκολοπι΄ζεσθαι (no difference in meaning).

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Commentary.818 This incident occurred during the Roman siege of Jotapata (in Galilee near Sepphoris). Josephus himself was present as general in the citadel, so he reports these events from his eyewitness (if not unbiased) viewpoint. The town fought bravely, but at one point a Jewish deserter makes his way to Vespasian, the Roman general. This deserter then reports on the difficult conditions in the city and suggests a raid during the last watch of the night, when the guards often fall asleep (B. J. 3.317–319). The passage above conveys Vespasian’s initial skepticism and its rationale: An earlier captive from the city had willingly endured extreme torture and crucifixion rather than reveal the secrets of Jotapata. However, Vespasian decides to risk the proposed night raid, and it is overwhelmingly successful, granting the Romans control of the city (3.322–339). Here, observe the typical sequence of torture preceding crucifixion. The man is almost certainly assumed to be alive on the cross since he remains capable of smiling disdainfully at his death. More importantly, such heroism against adversity, culminating in a glad embrace of death, would have served as a model of zealous fortitude to his Jewish compatriots and likely also as an example of Stoic virtue even to the Romans. (383) Mekilta, Bachodesh 6 on Exod 20:3–6 ‫ לאוהבי זה אברהם אבינו וכיוצא בו ולשומרי מצותי אלו הנביאים‬.‫לאוהבי ולשומרי מצותי‬ ‫ רבי נתן אומר לאוהבי ולשומרי מצותי אלו שהם יושבין בארץ ישראל ונותנין נפשם‬.‫והזקנים‬ ‫על המצות מה לך יוצא ליהרג על שמלתי את בני ]ישראל[ מה לך יוצא לישרף על בתורה‬ ‫שקראתי מה לך יוצא ליצלב על שאכלתי את המצה מה לך לוקה מאה פרגל על שנטלתי את‬ ‫ ואומר אשר הכתי בית מאהבי מכות אלו גרמו לי ליאהב לאבי שבשמים׃‬.‫הלולב‬ Translation. Of Them that Love Me and Keep My Commandments. “Of them that love Me,” refers to our father Abraham and such as are like him. “And keep My commandments,” refers to the prophets and the elders. R. Nathan says: “Of them that love Me and keep My commandments,” refers to those who dwell in the land of Israel and risk their lives for the sake of the commandments. “Why are you being led out to be decapitated [=slain]?” “Because I circumcised my son to be an Israelite.” “Why are you being led out to be burned?” “Because I read the Torah.” “Why are you being led out to be crucified?” “Because I ate the unleavened bread.” “Why are you getting a hundred lashes?” “Because I performed the ceremony of the Lulab.” And it says: “Those with which I was wounded in the house of my friends” (Zech. 13.6). These wounds caused me to be beloved of My father in heaven.

─────────────── 818 Text: NIESE, Flavii Josephi Opera, 6:316.

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Commentary.819 Rabbi Nathan was recorded to have returned to Palestine in the mid-second century A.D., just after the Bar Kochba revolt (A.D. 132–135). Thus a Hadrianic date for this tradition is a distinct possibility.820 However, in an earlier publication I noted that although this tradition appears in both Leviticus Rabbah and the Midrash Tehillim, it is not ascribed to R. Nathan in those sources and the persecutions vary between sources as well.821 Nevertheless, opposition to circumcision is key to all three traditions (and Hadrianic opposition to circumcision is one possible cause of the Second Revolt), and the stories most nearby this passage in Leviticus Rabbah and Midrash Tehillim also could plausibly stem from the Hadrianic period (since they are attributed to R. Nehemiah); thus a Hadrianic date remains possible. Both Leviticus Rabbah and the Midrash Tehillim omit any mention of crucifixion, so one can further attempt to trace whether such a reference was original. In any case, from the standpoint of the Mekilta, crucifixion was one of the penalties that suffering Jewish martyrs could be expected to endure.

3.8 Methods and Practices of Bodily Suspension in the Roman Period This section summarizes various indications of crucifixion method that have been encountered so far, with particular reference to the Gospels’ accounts of Jesus’ execution. Since this section is mostly summative, fewer new sources will be presented here. Lay literature on crucifixion, especially on Jesus’ crucifixion, frequently speculates on the methods employed in suspending someone on a cross. Frequently, the assumption is that all ancient crucifixions were essentially performed on the same pattern. Thus a composite picture of the cross is drawn, often via citations from scattered ancient sources, and then this is compared to the records of Jesus’ death in the New Testament. One grave difficulty with this procedure concerns the assumption that bodily suspensions followed a single set procedure in antiquity. Such a presumption is difficult to prove from the sources themselves. On the contrary, there certainly were profound variations in ancient practices. For example, it was previously observed that both post mortem and ante mortem suspension employed the same terminology, ─────────────── 819 Text and translation from LAUTERBACH, Mekilta de-Rabbi Ishmael, 2:247–248. I find it difficult to improve on this translation. Text compared with HOROVITZ and RABIN, Mechilta d’Rabbi Ismael, 227 (lines 5–10). 820 A Hadrianic date is supported by JAKOB WINTER and AUGUST WÜNSCHE, Mechiltha. Ein tannaitischer Midrasch zu Exodus (orig. 1909; repr., Hildesheim: Olms, 1990), 213; JACOB NEUSNER, A History of the Jews in Babylonia (5 vols.; SPB; Leiden: Brill, 1965– 1970), 1:78; SCHÜRER, History, 1:555. 821 For a fuller analysis of this passage cf. CHAPMAN, Crucifixion, 90–92.

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sometimes in the same author. Furthermore, Josephus and Seneca spoke directly to variations in suspension practice in their day (see section 3.1). Even if there may be indications of a certain standard expectation in Roman crucifixion practice by the first century A.D.,822 it is likely that many local factors affected which elements would have been followed, modified, or omitted.823 Notably, most ancient sources do not provide enough information to ascertain the specific methods employed in the events they describe. Frequently the texts simply mention that a victim was hung up or affixed to the cross, without indicating any other penal events that preceded their suspension and without detailing the manner of suspension. And for those few passages that provide a greater level of detail, one cannot reasonably abstract from any one instance to all other cases of crucifixion. To consider one key example: A single crucified body, evidenced by archaeology in the environs of Jerusalem, may speak to general crucifixion procedures, or it may in reality just testify to the methods employed in that one event. Thus without more widespread osteological evidence, we must acknowledge limitations in our archaeological knowledge (especially remembering the continuing debates over the osteological analysis of those remains from Giv‘at ha-Mivtar). Of course, ancient historians commonly encounter issues over the best use of scattered and underwhelming sources, and it is still appropriate to synthesize conclusions when the data can support them. Therefore, even as we engage in synthesis below, this is not intended to draw a conclusive universal list of crucifixion procedures in antiquity. It has frequently been observed that the canonical Gospels present perhaps the most detailed accounts of a crucifixion from antiquity. Thus the Gospels are in many ways our best source on crucifixion methods, yet even they do not provide answers to every question. What was the precise shape of the device? How exactly was Jesus attached to that cross? Where specifically were the nails? Was he provided with a sedile? Where exactly on the device were his arms and legs attached? What was the manner of elevating the body? How tall was the cross? What was the precise cause of death? These are some of the questions that remain, and our best extant ancient sources for crucifixion method (i.e., the Gospels) do not provide that level of information. Therefore, some scholars engage in the study of crucifixion method in order to answer questions that the Gospels do not address. They may wish to ─────────────── 822 Observe how both Seneca (Marc. [Dial. 6)] 20.3) and Josephus (B. J. 5.451), while noting variation in postures on the cross, also infer that these departed from an expected norm. Seneca specifically informs the reader that the variety of postures he envisions is “not merely of one kind” (as if a single kind would normally be expected). In a later era, Eusebius assumes a single form with occasional cruel variation (Hist. eccl. 8.8.2). See section 3.1. 823 Compare this with the assessment HENGEL, Crucifixion, 25: “All attempts to give a perfect description of the crucifixion in archaeological terms are therefore in vain; there were too many different possibilities for the executioner.”

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fill out the Gospel accounts, perhaps to verify or adjust the mental image that we moderns have of Jesus’ demise (informed as it is by crucifixes, pictures, statuary, movies, books, and popular preaching). This can be a reasonable historical enterprise, but wisdom requires us to acknowledge from the beginning that there will be questions that remain unanswerable due to limitations in sources and due to the difficulty of developing a composite picture of crucifixion in antiquity with a high degree of certainty. Some scholars investigate crucifixion with more apologetic aims. Their hope is to verify (or deny) the Gospel accounts by the degree to which they accord with a hypothetical norm for ancient crucifixion. In addition to this being difficult (again due to the lack of detail in most ancient sources), such projects stem from faulty premises, especially by approaching these narratives with a high level of suspicion. In fact, the level of detail in the Gospel accounts likely testifies to the profound memories the eyewitnesses had of the event. Moreover, the Gospel writers would naturally wish to portray such an event in keeping with the ways that their contemporaries had experienced other crucifixions (in order that their accounts be received as accurate testimony). Given the desire for the Gospel witness to be perceived as trustworthy, it is even more likely that any variations from an assumed common crucifixion procedure were based on the earliest memories of the specifics of Jesus’ death, necessitating variation from the expected norm. Thus one should likely begin with the assumption that the Gospel writers provide a reasonable account of the kind of crucifixion that someone in Jesus’ day would have endured, and where they suggest a relatively distinctive event (such as early removal from the cross) those unique features also likely have specific historical merit. Given that the Gospels provide substantial witness to ancient crucifixion methods, this section will proceed sequentially through various features of crucifixion and bodily suspension. Special attention will be accorded to the Gospels, and other selected sources, especially those covered earlier in this volume that reference Roman use of the cross, will be provided to further illustrate matters of method. Instead of following a single Gospel narrative, the procedure will be to work through a synoptic account. The goal is not to generate a composite picture of all ancient crucifixions; rather the aim is to illustrate points of contact and uniqueness between the death of Jesus and other known suspensions from antiquity. 3.8.1 Events Preceding the Cross Jesus’ crucifixion is clearly portrayed as his means of death. Among other matters, his dying words are uttered while he is attached to the cross. This reminds us of how other accounts that mention the cross can also be clearly

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ante mortem events, in which the cross becomes the means of execution.824 Yet other ancient reports, employing the same terminology and often partaking of the same general angst about such a suspension, record a post mortem use of the cross. Such post mortem events more often occur in times of war, during which the despised enemy has already died, sometimes by his own hand. In these instances, post mortem suspensions seek to further dishonor the deceased enemy, announce the victory, motivate others to surrender, and generally serve as a warning to other rebels and foreign troops. 825 Roman accounts of the application of the cross against criminals are typically ante mortem, at least when these accounts include sufficient evidence to ascertain that the cross was applied before death. Jesus endured a series of trials and hearings before his final condemnation to the cross. Suspensions of criminals generally followed legal proceedings, though these proceedings were not universally recorded in the sources. Parts 1 and 2 above speak directly to Roman and Jewish legal procedure. The Gospels depict Jesus as beaten and ridiculed, both by Jewish and Roman personnel, prior to his route to the cross (e.g., Matt 26:67–68; 27:26– 31; Mark 14:65; 15:15–20; Luke 22:63–65; 23:11; John 19:1–3). The abuse of convicted criminals was standard practice in both Jewish and Roman contexts (see sections 1.8, 2.7). Other ancient sources on the cross repeatedly mention beatings and scourgings prior to the fixing up of the person on the cross.826 Nevertheless, ancient penal suspensions can also employ even broader terminology such as “torture” and “rack”, often along with beatings, prior to the actual crucifixion; such terminology goes even beyond the recorded array of pre-crucifixion torments mentioned in the Gospels.827 However, many sources ─────────────── 824 To provide a selection of sources studied above, note: Plautus, Most. 348–361; Bacch. 358–365; Cicero, Verr. 2.5.169; Appian, Bell. civ. 3.1.3 [3.9]; also note the Epitaph from Amyzon in Caria (No. 333 above); Philo, Flacc. 83–84; Josephus, B. J. 3.320–321. Also see Josephus, A. J. 12.255–256 (though this concerns Seleucid actions, Josephus appears to have conformed them to the punishments of his day). Further non-Roman ante mortem suspensions are depicted by later Roman authors in (for example): Polybius, Hist. 1.86.4–7; Arrian, Anab. 4.14.3–4. One way to view these is to consider that, even before considering the accuracy of the extant reports, they certainly indicate that their authors believed the cross to be the cause of the person’s death. One could also note the debate about whether Jewish people practiced ante mortem suspension in antiquity (section 3.5); there, the rabbis acknowledge that the Roman government hung up victims alive (Sifre Dev. 221; Midrash Tannaim p. 132, lines 7– 8; b. Sanh. 46b), and other rabbinic case law presumes living victims of Roman crosses; cf. m. Ohal. 3:5; t. Git. 7[5]:1; m. Yebam. 16:3. Further, in any case where crucifixion is put alongside other death penalties as a form of capital punishment, as is frequently the case in the Pauli Sententiae passages in section 3.6, ante mortem suspension is rightly inferred. 825 E.g., Polybius, Hist. 5.54.3,6–7. This is not to suggest that all military uses of the cross were invariably post mortem (cf. Polybius, Hist. 1.86.4–7). The non-military instance in Suetonius, Iul. 74.1 is portrayed as exceptional. 826 Titus Livius, 33.36.1–3; Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Ant. rom. 12.6.6; Josephus, B. J. 2.306–308; 7.200–203.

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merely state that the victim “was crucified” without specific record of any harsh treatment of the victim prior to their cross. In such instances, where penal events preceding the cross are not described (though neither are they denied), various modern scholars have different approaches. Some might infer from the lack of explicit mention of torture preceding the cross that no such torments were applied. Most instead assume that beating and torture was so standard that it need not be recorded; the ancient reader would know to presume its use. This latter assumption seems more reasonable, but it is admittedly a difficult postulate to test with certainty. In any case, the Gospels are not alone in recording that beatings preceded the cross. Jesus carries his cross to the place of execution (John 19:17), and he was assisted by Simon of Cyrene (Matt 27:32; Mark 15:21; Luke 23:26). A famous Jesus logion contains his invitation to his follower to “take up his cross and follow me” (Mark 8:34; cf. Matt 10:38; Luke 14:27). A procession to the cross is elsewhere known in other crucifixion accounts.828 Other sources indicate that criminals could be required to carry their patibulum (likely “crossbeam”) to their own execution (see section 2.9).829 Other texts indicate people could be requisitioned (like Simon) into acts of public service, likely including assisting the condemned in carrying his cross (section 2.8). For criminal executions, the cross commonly appears to have been located at a designated space outside the city.830 This is typically a public locale, since crucifixions were designed to serve as a public spectacle that illustrated the victory of the state over its opponents.831 More than one cross can at times be found there. In periods of war, crosses are often set up near the gates or walls of the city.832 Jesus was crucified with two other victims at Golgotha, which was presumably outside the city (Matt 27:33; Mark 15:22; Luke 23:33; John 19:17). Jesus was stripped before being affixed up on the cross, and his garments were divided by lot among the soldiers (Matt 27:35; Mark 15:24; Luke 23:34). There is a clear reference here to Psalm 22:18, but clothing was also one of ─────────────── 827 E.g., Plautus, Most. 741–744/745; Cicero, Verr. 2.5.14; 2.5.163; Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Ant. rom. 5.51.3; Lex Libitinaria from Puteoli (AE 1971, 88) 2.8–14; Digesta 49.16.3.10; Philo, Flacc. 72, 83–84; Josephus, B. J. 3.320–321. 828 Plautus, Most. 1128–1134. 829 Also note Plautus, Most. 55–57. See discussion in No. 334 of patibulum in the Lex Libitinaria from Puteoli (AE 1971, 88) 2.8–14. 830 E.g., Cicero announces that the cross in Syracuse had traditionally been located outside the city on the Pompeian road, and he complains that Verres has changed that locale to a more prominent location, likely in the city itself (Verr. 2.5.169). The mass crucifixion of the revolutionaries who had fought with Spartacus also occurs on the road leading between cities (Appian, Bell. civ. 1.14.120). 831 Cicero, Verr. 2.4.24 (though judging it too public; cf. Verr. 2.4.26; 2.5.170–171); Historia Augusta 18.23.7–8; Dig. 48.19.28.15. Likely also Firmicus Maternus, Mathesis 8.22.3. 832 Note especially the siege of Jerusalem; Josephus, B. J. 5.549–551; cf. 5.289; 7.202–203.

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the more important possessions of the poor in antiquity (early Jewish marriage certificates often list clothing among valuable possessions), so there was reason for the soldiers to want his clothing (and John further records that Jesus’ tunic was a special seamless one; John 19:23–24). However, it is unclear if any undergarment from Jesus would have been removed, so there is some debate about whether he would have been naked. Most ancient sources do not actually mention the naked (or clothed) status of the victim. A striking exception is found in Artemidorus (Onir. 2.53), who assumes crucified persons are indeed “naked” (γυμνοι΄). COOK correctly counters that this word “naked” need not invariably imply stripped bare, so garments could have covered the male private parts.833 However, although the crucified figure on the Palatino graffito (see section 3.10) may be wearing a shirt, perhaps a colobium or a short tunic, his buttocks also appear visible.834 The use of a titulus, which publicly announces the rationale for punishment, was studied in section 2.10. 3.8.2 Form and Functional Elements of the Cross The precise form of the cross does not typically receive direct description in extant sources. This provides room for debate about the shape of the cross in antiquity and the precise form of Jesus’ cross. Some have argued that σταυρο΄ ς in Greek fundamentally represents an upright pole, and thus Jesus was actually “crucified” on a post without any form of crossbeam.835 Such a view typically entails an etymological fallacy, by assuming that the “original meaning” of the word remains fundamental to all future uses of the term (even centuries later). The word σταυρο΄ ς may indeed derive in earliest Greek from upright posts. Cognate words such as σταυ΄ ρωμα can designate a “palisade” of many such poles; the verb σταυρο΄ ω can even occasionally refer to the building of such a palisade. However at some point in Greek, σταυρο΄ ς became associated with a T- (or t-) shaped crucifixion device. Such a shape to the cross is clearly found in [Pseudo-] Lucian Iudicium vocalium 12, where the tau (Τ) is equated with the σταυρο΄ ς. Other Roman-era sources also imply arms outstretched during a crucifixion; e.g., ─────────────── 833 COOK, Crucifixion, 192–193 (concerning John 21:18–19 as an indirect reference to Peter’s crucifixion). 834 Note the analysis of this graffito in COOK, Envisioning Crucifixion, 282–285. COOK elsewhere notes that this figure “wears some kind of garment,” implying that he was not therefore naked COOK, Crucifixion, 193). This is true, but it overlooks the visible buttocks in the graffito, even if COOK appears aware of this as well elsewhere (ibid., 427 n. 53). 835 Such a view appears in WILLIAM E. VINE, An Expository Dictionary of New Testament Words with their Precise Meanings for English Readers (4 vols.; London: Oliphants, 1939), s.v. σταυρο΄ ς. The Jehovah’s Witnesses also put great weight on this etymological argument.

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note σταυρο΄ ς cognates in Lucian, Prom. 1–2; Epictetus, Diatr. 3.26.21–22; Artemidorus, Onir. 2.53.836 An important (likely second-century A.D.) graffito from Puteoli portrays a crucified person with outstretched arms.837 Illustration (Fig. 6)

In section 3.10, the famed Palatino Alexamenos graffito represents a person hung up on a tau-shaped cross. And J. G. COOK has recently published evidence from an Arieti tomb of a man appended to a cross-shaped device.838 Thus it is certain that many ancient people assumed that a crucifixion involved arms widespread and attached to the cross. However, since most ancient sources do not describe the precise shape the author had in mind, we should not over-assert the strength of our evidence to the point of presuming that all ancient crucifixions took on one particular form. ─────────────── 836 In Plautus, Most. 348–361, the arms and legs of the crucified slave each receive a nail. 837 The drawing in Fig. 6 is by Karis Chapman, based on a photograph in COOK, Crucifixion as Spectacle,, 94 (Fig. 4); also in COOK, Crucifixion, 456. The diagram from ANTONIO LAMBATTi (ibid. 457; idem, Crucifixion as Spectacle, 95) was also consulted, but this drawing here attempts to rectify a few (minor) errant lines in the LAMBATTI rendering. COOK’s informative discussion (Crucifixion as Spectacle, 92–98) presents a helpful history of scholarship on this graffito, noting among other matters: It is best dated to the time of Trajan or Hadrian; the inscribed name Alkimila to the left of the head clearly seeks to identify the victim as a woman, though it may have been added later by another hand; the lines across the back may indicate scourging or could simply be there to express the curved plane of the person’s back, and the purpose of the graffito (e.g., whether it was a jest) is difficult to know for certain, but it likely depicts a historical event. 838 COOK, Patibulum.

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When it comes to the cross of Jesus, there are additional clues to take into account. A number of early Christian authors equate the cross with the tau, and this occurs as early as the Epistle of Barnabas.839 In some of our earliest NT manuscripts (including d45, d66 and d75), the tau and rho in σταυρο΄ ς (and cognates) are combined to form a staurogram that looks like the head of a person astride the tau, implying outstretched arms. Among others, HURTADO has argued that this constitutes one of the earliest Christian artistic portrayals of the cross.840 These memories appear quite soon in the Christian tradition, and they argue favorably for the plausibility of Jesus being crucified on a taushaped cross.841 Both nails and ropes are known to have been employed in instances of people attached to the crux.842 Crucifixion nails receive special testimony in magical cures.843 In Jesus’ case, nails to his feet and hands are likely assumed in Luke’s account of the resurrection (Luke 23:49; “see here my hands and my ─────────────── 839 Note the following passages, many mentioned in section 3.1: Barn. 9:8; Justin, 1 Apol. 55.1–8; 60.1–5; Dial. 40.3; 91.1–2; Irenaeus, Haer. 2.24.4; Tertullian, Apol. 16.6–7; Adv. Jud. 10.7; 13.21; Nat. 1.12.3–4; Marc. 3.18.3–4; 3.22; Minucius Felix, Oct. 29.7–8; Eusebius, Hist. eccl. 8.9.4. 840 LARRY W. HURTADO, The Staurogram in Early Christian Manuscripts: The Earliest Visual Reference to the Crucified Jesus?, in New Testament Manuscripts: Their Texts and Their World (ed. T.J. Kraus and T. Nicklas; Texts and Editions for New Testament Study 2; Leiden: Brill, 2006), 207–226; LARRY W. HURTADO, The Earliest Christian Artifacts: Manuscripts and Christian Origins (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 2006), 135–154. 841 One intriguing, albeit eclectic, study of cross marks in early Christianity is found in JACK FINEGAN, The Archeology of the New Testament: The Life of Jesus and the Beginning of the Early Church (rev. ed.; Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1992), 339–389. His discussion of cross marks on “Jewish-Christian” ossuaries unfortunately does not take into sufficient account either the use of everyday hairline grid marks for use in laying out artistic design on the ossuaries, or the possibility of Christian monastics inscribing crosses on earlier ossuaries. See the discussion in CHAPMAN, Crucifixion, 178–182, which also references the contrasting views of DINKLER and GOODENOUGH; see Erich Dinkler, “Zur Geschichte des Kreuzsymbols,” ZTK 48 (1951): 148–72; Erich Dinkler, “Kreuzzeichen und Kreuz – Tau, Chi und Stauros,” JAC 5 (1962): 26–54; Erwin R. Goodenough, Jewish Symbols in the GrecoRoman Period (13 vols.; Bollingen Series 47; New York: Pantheon, 1953–68), 1:132; 2:254. 842 E.g., Plautus, Most. 348–361; also note nails in the Prometheus myth (adapted into a crucifixion) in Lucian, Prom. 1–2. The nails mentioned in the Lex Libitinaria from Puteoli (2.8–14) are likely for use in attaching the person to the cross. The body from Giv‘at haMivtar was identified as a crucifixion due to the nail in his heel. See further Joseph W. Hewitt, “The Use of Nails in the Crucifixion,” HTR 25 (1932): 29–45; however, in light of the archaeological find at Giv‘at ha-Mivtar, we must reject HEWITT’s claim that such nails could only have been used in hands and not in feet. 843 Pliny the Elder, Nat. hist. 28.11.46, who reports both nails and cords; Lucan, Bell. 6.543–549; Lucian, Philops. 17; m. Šabb. 6:10; y. Šabb. 6:9 [8c]; b Šabb. 67a; and T-S Arabic 44.44 [2/17–20] from the Cairo Genizah. It is conceivable that these nails were used in the construction of the cross, but given the special magical powers attributed to these nails, it is more likely that they were in direct contact with death (and its associated power) through attaching the person to the cross.

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feet”) and the piercing of his hands is also mentioned in John 20:20 (“he showed them his hands and side”). Paul employs the imagery of Jesus nailing the record of debt to his cross (Col 2:14; προσηλω' σας αυ’ το` τω ñ, σταυρω ñ, ), thus indicating that Paul believed Jesus had been attached to the cross with nails. Blood is also commonly associated with the cross.844 This could be due to the various scourgings and tortures that preceded the cross, or to the application of nails to the victim; perhaps most likely it was due to both. The height of the cross can sometimes be quite elevated, in order to increase the prominence of the execution, but this appears unusual enough that the sources specifically remark about it.845 During the last century, the means of death has been debated. All key writings on this issue assume that outstretched arms and the application of nails were standard. Some have argued that the weight of the body pulling on the outstretched arms would immobilize the chest, resulting eventually in asphyxiation.846 F. T. ZUGIBE, after significant experimentation with live volunteers, contends that a crucifixion posture does not create the conditions necessary for asphyxiation; instead death was caused by cardiac and respiratory arrest due to hypovolemic shock.847 Some suggest that the cause was “multifactorial”, including asphyxiation, hypovolemic shock, and acute heart failure as possibilities.848 A recent article has suggested that past research has been inconclusive on the matter.849 ─────────────── 844 Cicero, Verr. 2.5.170–171; Seneca, Ep. 101.14; Suetonius, Cal. 57.3–4; m. Ohal. 3:5. 845 Suetonius, Galb. 9; cf. Anthologia Graeca 11.192; Plautus, Stichus 625–629. 846 This is especially associated with PIERRE BARBET, A Doctor at Calvary: The Passion of Our Lord Jesus Christ as Described by a Surgeon (trans. Earl of Wicklow; New York: Kennedy, 1953). This was anticipated by A. LEBEC, Physiological Study of the Passion of Our Lord Jesus Christ, Catholic Medical Guardian 3 (1925): 126–132. 847 FREDERICK T. ZUGIBE, The Crucifixion of Jesus: A Forensic Inquiry (New York: Evans, 2005); his conclusions are most succinctly stated ibid. 135 in this edition (his previous 1988 edition was entitled The Cross and the Shroud). Condensed in FREDERICK T. ZUGIBE, Two Questions About Crucifixion. Does the Victim Die of Asphyxiation? Would Nails in the Hand Hold the Weight of the Body? BRev 5 (1989): 34–43. ZUGIBE also spends a good deal of his book discussing the Shroud of Turin, which is a potential distraction from the other issues he writes about. Other popular-level books could be mentioned here as well. 848 WILLILAM D. EDWARDS, FLOYD E. HOSMER, and WESLEY J. GABEL, On the Physical Death of Jesus Christ, Journal of the American Medical Association 255 (1986): 1455–1463; they state: “it remains unsettled whether Jesus died of cardiac rupture or of cardiorespiratory failure” (1463). 849 MATTHEW W. MASLEN and PIERS D. MITCHELL, Medical Theories on the Cause of Death in Crucifixion, Journal of the Royal Society of Medicine 99 (2006): 185–188, reviewed over forty studies by physicians, focusing on ten views, and concluded that there has been “suboptimal use” of historical sources in past publications, that humane modern re-enactments cannot fully simulate torturous ancient conditions, that there is “insufficient evidence to safely state exactly how people did die from crucifixion in Roman times,” and that it is likely “different individuals died from different physiological causes” depending on their orientation on a cross. See also COOK, Crucifixion, 430–435.

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3.8.3 Prolonged Suspension and Early Removal When employed for ante mortem suspensions, the sources often assume a protracted death of pain and suffering.850 Corpses can be left on the cross long after the victim expires. A prolonged suspension of the body is also implied when the bodies are left as food for the wild beasts and birds.851 In some cases, after death the body is eventually dragged (perhaps on a hook through the streets) to the place where corpses of criminals are discarded.852 The Gospels highlight as unusual two aspects of Jesus’ crucifixion. First, Pilate allowed the disposal of all the victims’ bodies prior to the Day of Preparation. Second, Jesus’ death came more quickly than expected (Mark 15:44– 45; cf. John 19:31–37). Since bodies are typically left up on the cross for a prolonged period of time, it is helpful to recall the discussion concerning Philo, Flacc. 83–84 (No. 381). Philo remarks, in contrast to Flaccus’ cruelty, that he has seen in the past bodies taken down for burial from the cross in anticipation of an emperor’s birthday, the concern being that the “sacredness of the festal assembly be guarded.” Such imperial birthdays were likely key festivals for the imperial cult, and thus sacred. The Gospels testify to a parallel willingness from Pilate (at what seems to have been tenuous time in his long career in Judea) to honor the sacredness of the Passover week festivities. The following three sources bring into sharper focus matters concerning prolonged suspension and the removal of living bodies from the cross. (384) Petronius, Satyricon 112 Itaque unius cruciarii parentes ut viderunt laxatam custodiam, detraxere nocte pendentem supremoque mandaverunt officio. At miles circumscriptus dum desidet, ut postero die vidit unam sine cadavere crucem, veritus supplicium, mulieri quid accidisset exponit. Translation. Accordingly, the parents of one of the crucified saw the guard being lax, and removed during the night [their son] who was hanging, and committed him to the last rite. But the soldier, who had been circumvented [by the parents] while he was loitering, the next day saw one cross without a corpse; and having become afraid of punishment, he explained to the woman what had occurred.

─────────────── 850 See especially Seneca, Ep.101.14; also Cicero, Verr. 2.5.169. 851 Lucian, Prom. 2. 852 This may also be the intent of the hook procession in the Lex Libitinaria from Puteoli (AE 1971, 88) 2.8–14.

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Commentary.853 In this amusing (though unsettling) tale, Petronius’ character Eumolpus tells the story of a beautiful woman whose husband died. Her grief will not allow her to leave his grave, even as she wastes away. Meanwhile, the provincial governor sentences some brigands (latrones) to be crucified (crucibus affigi in Satyr. 111) near her deceased husband’s funeral chamber. One of the soldiers, who was tasked with guarding the crosses to prevent people burying the bodies (qui cruces asservabat, ne quis ad sepulturam corpus detraheret), falls in love with the woman, and he successfully courts her. While the soldier is with his new “wife” in the funeral chamber, shirking his duty, the events of the passage above occur. One of the crucified corpses is stolen from the cross and buried. The soldier is so distraught at his impending punishment for negligence of duty that he plans to take his own life, but the woman instead orders her dead husband’s corpse to be hung up on the cross to replace the missing body. Observers are surprised to see the different person on the cross. Those listening to Eumolpus’ tale laugh uproariously, except for Lichas, who angrily insists that the governor in the story should have the woman fixed up on the cross in place of her husband (mulierem affigere cruci). For present purposes, we shall observe three quick matters. First, the crucifixion victim was a latrones (brigand), thus continuing that theme which we observed in sections 3.6 and 3.7. Second, if Lichas’ conclusion states a possible judgment on the woman, then it is noticeable that a female can be attached to the cross. Third, the prolonged exposure of crucified corpses could necessitate guards in order to prevent family members from burying their dead. (385) Semah.ot 2.11 [44b] ‫ אביו ואמו צלובין עמו׃ לא ישרה‬,‫ אשתו צלובה עמו בעיר‬,‫מי שהיה בעלה צלוב עמה בעיר‬ .‫ אבל ישרה בצד אחר‬,‫ לא ישרה בצד זה‬.‫באותה העיר אלא אם כן היתה עיר גדולה כאנטוכיא‬ ‫ ואין הצורה ניכרת בעצמות‬,‫עד מתי הוא אסור עד שיכלה הבשר‬ Translation. [A wife] whose husband was crucified854 in her city, [a man] whose wife is crucified in his city, [a person] whose father and his mother are crucified [in] his [city] – [such a person] should not dwell in that city, unless it is a city as large as Antioch. He [whose family member was crucified] should not dwell within this border; rather, [such a] mourner should dwell within ─────────────── 853 Text: M ICHAEL H ESELTINE and W ILLIAM H. D. R OUSE , Petronius; Seneca: Apocolocyntosis (orig. 1930; repr., LCL; Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1987), 234. 854 RABBINOWITZ translates ‫ צלוב‬as “impaled,” although he acknowledges that this passage envisions a penalty enacted by the Roman authorities during which a person would be suspended for view. See J. RABBINOWITZ, Ebel Rabbathi Named Masseketh Semahoth: Tractate on Mourning, in The Minor Tractates of the Talmud: Massekthoth Ketannoth (2 vols. Second Edition; ed. Abraham Cohen; orig. 1965; repr., London: Soncino, 1971), 1:325–400, 334.

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another border. Until when is this forbidden? Until the flesh was consumed, and there is not the form [of the person] remembered in the bones. Commentary.855 The extra-canonical tractate Semah.ot is likely post-Mishnaic. It concerns Jewish burial law. Here, it instructs the family of the crucified to move away from where their crucified family member has been suspended. They should change towns, unless they are in a large enough urban center to shift “borders” within the city. The context assumes that the body will fully decay in public view on the cross. This appears an attempt to save the family the shame associated with crucifixion. Note again how women as well as men could face the cross. Another passage from Semah.ot (2.9 [44b]), which does not directly mention crucifixion, forbids the stealing (for purposes of burial) of a corpse from where it had been executed by the Roman government. The person who steals such a corpse is compared to a murderer, idolater, adulterer, and Sabbathbreaker. Likely this rabbinic dictate stems from the fear of the wrath that the whole Jewish community would face from the Roman government, should a corpse be removed from the cross.856 (386) Josephus, Vita 420–421 πεμφθει` ς δ• υ‘ πο` Τι΄του Και΄σαρος συ` ν Κερεαλι΄ω, και` χιλι΄οις ι‘ ππευñ σιν ει’ ς κω ΄ μην τινα` Θεκω ñ αν λεγομε΄ νην προκατανοη΄ σων, ει’ το΄ πος ε’ πιτη΄ δειο΄ ς ε’ στιν χα΄ ρακα δε΄ ξασθαι, ω‘ ς ε’ κειñθεν υ‘ ποστρε΄ φων ειòδον πολλου` ς αι’ χμαλω ΄ τους α’ νεσταυρωμε΄ νους και` τρειñς ε’ γνω ΄ ρισα συνη΄ θεις μοι γενομε΄ νους, η» λγησα΄ τε τη` ν ψυχη` ν και` μετα` δακρυ΄ ων προσελθω` ν Τι΄τω, ειòπον. 421 ο‘ δ• ευ’ θυ` ς ε’ κε΄ λευσεν καθαιρεθε΄ ντας αυ’ του` ς θεραπει΄ας ε’ πιμελεστα΄ της τυχειñν. και` οι‘ με` ν δυ΄ ο τελευτω ñ σιν θεραπευο΄ μενοι, ο‘ δε` τρι΄τος ε» ζησεν. Translation. After being sent by Titus Caesar with Cerealius and a thousand horses to a certain town called Tekoa, [so that I might] observe beforehand whether there was a serviceable place to receive a fortified camp; as I was returning from there, I saw many captives who had been crucified, and I knew three who were my acquaintances. And I grieved in my soul; and, approaching with tears, I asked Titus. 421 And he immediately commanded them to be taken down in order to receive the most careful medical treatment. And two of them, though being treated, died; the third lived.

─────────────── 855 Text: DOV ZLOTNICK, The Tractate “Mourning” (Regulations Relating to Death, Burial, and Mourning) (Translated from the Hebrew, with Introduction and Notes; Yale Judaica 17; New Haven: Yale University Press, 1966), 4 (with pointing removed). 856 On both texts from Semah.ot, see CHAPMAN, Crucifixion, 199–202.

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Commentary.857 Josephus conveys here his compassionate side as part of his self-defense against charges from his countrymen. At this point in the First Revolt, he is already in the service of the Romans (having been captured as a former Jewish general). For purposes of this study, the account is notable for the number being crucified, the willingness to take down from the cross a revolutionary at Josephus’ request, and especially for the resulting condition of the crucified. The Romans were fairly adept at medicine for their day, especially in treating battle-related injuries. Yet even with “the most careful medical treatment” (θεραπει΄ας ε’ πιμελεστα΄ της) being applied to three living victims of the cross, only one managed to survive. The toll of crucifixion on their bodies was too great for the other two. This could be compared to the remote possibility in the Mishnah (m. Yeb. 16:3 in No. 375; cf. y. Yeb. 16:3) of a crucified person surviving the cross. Sometimes people inquire if it was possible for a person to endure the cross and live. The answer based on this passage would be: It is unlikely. Assuming the victim was clearly alive when he or she was taken down from the cross, and assuming the person received the best possible medical care, then he or she had only a slight chance of surviving.

3.9 Crucifixion and the Actualization of Previous History and Myth As famous historical narratives or fabulous legends are retold, new generations of authors often apply more contemporary terminology to ancient stories. This is certainly the case with bodily suspension accounts. While the earlier narratives may refer to human bodily suspension in relatively vague terms, later generations may employ the more specific suspension vocabulary of their day. Thus κρεμα΄ ννυμι becomes α’ νασταυρο΄ ω or in crucem adfixi, or ‫תלה‬ becomes ‫צלב‬. The shift in terminology, especially to idioms thathave ongoing resonance in the new author’s era, lead to slight (or even large) retellings of the previous narrative. For example, if in the original account the person was vaguely “hung up”, in a retelling they may well be “fixed on a cross” much like the ones the author (and his readers) would see everyday. Such processes have been labeled “actualization” by Septuagint scholars.858 Beyond these subtle translational developments, sometimes new material is simply interpo─────────────── 857 Text: NIESE, Flavii Josephi Opera, 4:388. There are no variants of great importance. 858 Cf. ARIE VAN DER KOOIJ, Isaiah in the Septuagint, in Writing and Reading the Scroll of Isaiah: Studies of an Interpretive Tradition (2 vols.; VTSup 70; Leiden: Brill, 1997), 513– 529. See further discussion in CHAPMAN, Crucifixion, 98. Actualization is here intended to imply the way a translation or interpretation of a previous text (or oral tradition) views those events through the cultural assumptions of the interpreter’s day. For a visual example, one could think of how Renaissance art often portrays biblical figures in European countrysides, wearing European apparel and sitting amidst European furniture.

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lated into the old. The result is a dynamic interchange between the past and its present interpretation. In previous publications, the term “actualization” has been specifically applied to how later Jewish traditions render biblical narratives with contemporary language about bodily suspension.859 Some of that evidence will be duplicated below. Yet, similar dynamics were at work in famous GraecoRoman accounts of historical figures and mythic heroes. To cite an example from earlier in this volume (section 3.6.9), consider how the historical figure of Regulus received increasing attention in later Roman histories. In Polybius, Regulus’ heroic return to Carthage is viewed as ending in imprisonment; in Appian, Silius Italicus, and other authors, Regulus returns to Carthage to face the cross as the reward for his bravery. This chapter is suggestive and selective, rather than comprehensive, since there are many older narratives that receive increasing use of crucifixion language in the late-Republican or Imperial periods. Below we examine one historical example (Polycrates), one mythic illustration (Prometheus), and numerous cases from the Old Testament. 3.9.1 Polycrates Polycrates was the tyrant of Samos, whom Herodotus tells us was so jealous for wealth and power that he allowed himself to be lured into a deathtrap by Oroetes, the Persian governor of Sardis (see discussion of Herodotus, Hist. 3.125.2–4 above in No. 194). Polycrates’ greed became his most well known attribute, and thus it invited others (especially philosophers) to refer to his demise as a cautionary tale. Prior to his death, evidence for Polycrates’ good fortune abounded, especially in a scene when he threw his most-prized ring into the sea, only to have it returned to him in the belly of a fish (Hist. 3.40– 43). Recall that in Herodotus’ narrative (3.125.3), Polycrates was put to death first (albeit in a horrible fashion) before he was hung up post mortem.860 Nevertheless, Herodotus does emphasize Polycrates’ suspension, by employing both α’ νεσταυ΄ ρωσε and α’ νακρεμα΄ μενος, and by telling the story of Polycrates’ daughter, who saw a vision of him being “washed by Zeus” (in the form of rain) and “anointed by the sun” as he was hung aloft (Hist. 3.125.4; cf. 3.124.1). Later authors often overlook Polycrates’ execution prior to his sus─────────────── 859 See DAVID W. CHAPMAN, Crucifixion, Bodily Suspension, and Jewish Interpretations of the Hebrew Bible in Antiquity, in Beyond the Jordan (FS W. Harold Mare; ed. G. A. Carnagey, Sr., G. A. Carnagey, Jr., and K. N. Schoville; Eugene, Oreg.: Wipf & Stock, 2005) 37–48; also in CHAPMAN, Crucifixion, 97–177. 860 “And after putting him to death in a way not fit to be told, Oroetes suspended him on a stake” (’Αποκτει΄νας δε΄ μιν ου’ κ α’ ξι΄ως α’ πηγη΄ σιος ’Οροι΄της α’ νεσταυ΄ ρωσε).

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pension. Instead, they will concisely speak of his execution itself as a suspension/crucifixion, and some will expand on that crucifixion imagery. (387) Cicero, De Finibus 5.30.92 Ille vero si insipiens (quod certe, quoniam tyrannus), numquam beatus; si sapiens, ne tum quidem miser cum ab Oroete praetore Darei in crucem actus est. ‘At multis malis affectus.’ Quis negat? sed ea mala virtutis magnitudine obruebantur. Translation. Truly, that man, if he were foolish (which he certainly was, since he was a tyrant), then he was never blessed; if he were wise, then assuredly he was never a wretch, [even] when by Oroetes, the praetor of Darius, he had been led to the cross. ‘But [one might counter] he had been visited with many evils.’ Who denies that? But these evils [would have been] overwhelmed by the magnitude of [his] virtue. Commentary.861 In the midst of a philosophical dialogue between Cicero and his friends, in which they contrast the views of the Stoics and the Peripatetics, Cicero receives the charge of inconsistency in his understanding of virtue and blessedness. He counters here with the example of Polycrates, who was not blessed simply because he had wealth and frequent good luck. True blessing comes from acting wisely and virtuously, even despite pain and torture. Were Polycrates to have experienced that wisdom (and Cicero is inclined to believe he did not), then the evil of crucifixion would be more than countered by virtue. Here Polycrates’ death is that of a person “led to the cross” (in crucem actus est). (388) Philo, De Providentia 2.24 (Eusebius, Praep. 8.14.24–25) ’ Επει` Πολυκρα΄ τει γε, ε’ φ’ οιðς δεινοιñς η’ δι΄κησε και` η’ σε΄ βησε, χορηγο` ς α’ πη΄ ντησε, χει΄ρων με` ν η‘ τουñ βι΄ου βαρυδαιμονι΄α· προ΄ σθες δ’ ω‘ ς υ‘ πο` μεγα΄ λου βασιλε΄ ως ε’ κολα΄ ζετο, και` προσηλουñ το, χρησμο` ν ε’ κπιπλα΄ ς. Translation. Since Polycrates: by which terrible acts he injured and profaned, with these his patron encountered him; the grievous ill-luck of life became worse and increased as he was punished by a great king, and nailed, fulfilling an oracle.

─────────────── 861 Text: HARRIS RACKHAM, Cicero. De finibus bonorum et malorum (LCL; Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1931 [1923]), 496.

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Commentary.862 In the fragmentary remains we have of this treatise, Philo (in the mid-first century A.D.) recounts the story of Polycrates, recasting it allegorically as an instance of a person who made his soul depend entirely on his body (i.e., he gave into his bodily appetites, rather than committing to the philosophical care of his soul). Just after the text above, the “oracle” is cited from his daughter, though conveyed in Polycrates’ own first-person account. Philo does mention here punishment (ε’ κολα΄ ζετο) prior to the suspension, but there is no indication that this caused death. The suspension is recorded with προσηλουñ το, which could indicate “impale” (as in COLSON’s LCL translation, whereas YONGE has “crucified”); more likely this refers to being nailed to a cross-like object (cf. Philo, Post. 61; Som. 2.213). Later, Philo’s interpretation of Polycrates’ demise (in Prov. 2.25) allegorical develops the meaning of how this death was a suspension (κρεμα΄ μενος). (389) Dio Chrysostom, Orationes 17.15 (“On Covetousness”) και` μη` ν Πολυκρα΄ την φασι΄ν, ε« ως με` ν Σα΄ μου μο΄ νης ηò ρχεν, ευ’ δαιμονε΄ στατον α‘ πα΄ ντων γενε΄ σθαι· βουλο΄ μενον δε΄ τι και` τω ñ ν πε΄ ραν πολυπραγμονειñν, διαπλευ΄ σαντα προ` ς ’Οροι΄την, ω‘ ς χρη΄ ματα λα΄ βοι, μηδε` ρ‘ α, δι΄ου γε θανα΄ του τυχειñν, α’ λλα` α’ νασκολοπισθε΄ ντα υ‘ πο` τουñ βαρβα΄ ρου διαφθαρηñ ναι. Translation. And further the example which is Polycrates: While he ruled over just Samos, he was the most blessed of all people, but since he also wished to meddle in something of the other side [of the sea], and since he sailed across to Oroetes so he might receive money, he did not obtain an easy death, but having been crucified by the barbarian, he was utterly destroyed. Commentary.863 In his speech “On Covetousness,” Dio Cocceianus Chrysostomos, who lived from the second half of the first century A.D. until the early second century, puts forth Polycrates as another historical example of the dangers of greed (alongside Paris, “the sons of Iocasta”, and Xerxes). Dio writes as a Stoic-Cynic philosopher. He assumes that his audience will already know the story (much as they will remember the Trojan War when he mentions Helen and Menelaus), and thus he provides just the briefest of summaries. In terms of the means of death, only α’ νασκολοπισθε΄ ντα is mentioned, and the relationship of this verb to διαφθαρηñ ναι strongly suggests that Dio portrays the hanging up of Polycrates on the σκο΄ λοψ as the manner of execution. He ─────────────── 862 Text: COLSON / WHITAKER / MARCUS, Philo, 9:475. The Greek here is surprisingly condensed and difficult to render into English. One clue for the translator concerns how Polycrates is in the dative case, serving as the object of the verb α’ παντα΄ ω. 863 Text: GUY DE BUDÉ, Dionis Chrysostomi orationes post Ludovicum Dindorfium (2 vols.; Bibliotheca Scriptorum Graecorum et Romanorum Teubneriana; Leipzig: Teubner, 1916–1919), 2:311.

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certainly betrays no awareness of a death prior to Polycrates’ suspension (such as appears in Herodotus, Hist. 3.125.3). (390) Lucian, Contemplantes (Charon) 14 ευò γε παρω, δειñς, ω ò Χα΄ ρων. α’ λλα` Πολυκρα΄ την ο‘ ραñ, ς το` ν Σαμι΄ων τυ΄ ραννον πανευδαι΄μονα η‘ γου΄ μενον ειòναι· α’ τα` ρ και` ουð τος αυ’ το` ς υ‘ πο` τουñ παρεστω ñ τος οι’ κε΄ του Μαιανδρι΄ου προδοθει` ς ’Οροι΄τη, τω ñ, σατρα΄ πη, α’ νασκολοπισθη΄ σεται, α« θλιος ε’ κπεσω` ν τηñ ς ευ’ δαιμονι΄ας ε’ ν α’ καρειñ τουñ χρο΄ νου· και` ταυñ τα γα` ρ τηñ ς Κλωθουñ ς ε’ πη΄ κουσα. Translation. You indeed parody well, O Charon. But you see Polycrates, the tyrant of Samos, who is held to be all blessed; nevertheless even he himself will be crucified, having been betrayed by Maeandrius, the servant who is standing nearby [him], to Oroetes the satrap – the pitiful man falling from blessedness in a moment of time. For even these things I heard from Clotho. Commentary.864 In this sarcastic dialogue, Lucian depicts Charon (the ferryman to the underworld) touring the earthly world of men with Hermes, so that Charon can better understand the lives of men before they go down to Hades. Charon has just spied Polycrates, who is receiving back the signet ring from the fish, which fortune designed to bring back the ring to him. Hermes tells Charon of Polycrates’ impending fate. His extremely good fortune (represented in the ring incident) will quickly be reversed, and he will die by crucifixion (the term α’ νασκολοπισθη΄ σεται clearly designates crucifixion in Lucian). Indeed, the servant assisting Polycrates with recovering the ring appears to be Maeandrius (“the servant who is standing nearby”), who will ultimately betray Polycrates to his executioner. (391) Valerius Maximus, Facta et Dicta Memorabilia 6.9 ext. 5 sed hunc, cuius felicitas semper plenis velis prosperum cursum tenuit, Orontes, Darii regis praefectus, in excelsissimo Mycalensis montis vertice cruci adfixit, e qua putres eius artus et tabido cruore manantia membra atque illam laevam, cui Neptunus anulum piscatoris manu restituerat, situ marcidam Samos, amara servitute aliquamdiu pressa, liberis ac laetis oculis aspexit. Translation. But this man [Polycrates], whose luck always held a fortunate course with full sail, Orontes, the prefect of king Darius, fixed to a cross on the highest peak of Mount Mycale. Upon which position [Polycrates’] putrid joints, and his members dripping with decaying gore, and that left hand (to which Neptune had restored a ring by the hand of a fisherman), Samos, weak─────────────── 864 Text: HARMON, Lucian, 2:426.

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ened by having been oppressed for a long while by bitter servitude, looked with free and cheerful eyes. Commentary.865 In 6.9, Valerius concerns himself with listing historical illustrations of changes in fortune. Polycrates serves here as a prime example among those exemplars from outside Rome. Since he views Polycrates as a tyrant (in the Roman sense), Valerius presumes Samos to have been sorely oppressed by him, such that the whole island rejoiced to look upon Polycrates crucified atop a mountain on the Ionian coast just across the strait from Samos. Ante mortem crucifixion is clearly indicated by the terminology (cruci adfixit) and by the lack of any other means of execution. The picture of Polycrates’ crucified body is vividly drawn. Valerius has fully accommodated the earlier accounts (cf. Herodotus, whose portrayal is much more muted) into a vision of the cross that must have been prevalent in his own day. 3.9.2 Prometheus The legend of Prometheus represents that god as attached to a cliff so that an eagle may come daily to devour his entrails (of course, since he is a god, Prometheus never dies). Such a terrible punishment resulted from how Prometheus angered Zeus by creating humankind and then by giving them fire.866 The legend is an ancient one, known already in Hesiod’s Theogonia 521–569, where Prometheus is bound and impaled with a shaft (521–522).867 Aeschylus represents Hephaestus, along with the gods of Power and Force, executing Zeus’ judgment against Prometheus in the Caucasus mountains; as in Hesiod, Aeschylus portrays the gods employing fetters to Prometheus’ hands and feet and thrusting a shaft through his midriff (Aeschylus, Prom. 1– 11, 52–81). HENGEL suggests that this punishment represents the ancient Greek penalty of apotympanismos.868 In any case, the episode is not presented with crucifixion terminology in the earliest sources. Yet it was a small step for later authors to re-envision such a penalty with crucifixion language, since it overlapped well with the idea of a suspended living victim, fastened to his execution device, and left as food for birds. One example of this from Lucian ─────────────── 865 Text: SHACKLETON BAILEY, Valerius Maximus, 2:96–98. 866 The various accounts actually disagree somewhat on the reasons for Zeus’ wrath; thus Hesiod tells a lengthy story about Prometheus attempting to deceive Zeus concerning the meat and fat on an ox; Hesiod, Theog. 534–555. 867 Hesiod, Theog. 521–524: δηñ σε δ• α’ λυκτοπε΄ δη, σι Προμηθε΄ α ποικιλο΄ βουλον 522 δεσμοιñς α’ ργαλε΄ οισι με΄ σον δια` κι΄ον• ε’ λα΄ σσας· 523 και΄ οι‘ ε’ π• αι’ ετο` ν ω ò ρσε τανυ΄ πτερον· αυ’ τα` ρ ο« γ• ηð παρ 524 η» σθιεν α’ θα΄ νατον. WHITE’s LCL translation renders this as: “And ready-witted Prometheus he bound with inextricable bonds, cruel chains, and drove a shaft through his middle, and set on him a long-winged eagle, which used to eat his immortal liver.” 868 HENGEL, Crucifixion, 11 n. 1.

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(Prom. 1–2) was already presented in section 3.1; another appears from Martial in section 3.10 (Liber de spectaculis 7.1). (392) Arrian, Indica 5.10–11 κατα΄ περ ω ò ν και` το` ν Παραπα΄ μοσον Καυ΄ κασον ε’ κα΄ λεον Μακεδο΄ νες, ου’ δε΄ ν τι προση΄ κοντα τουñ τον τω ñ, Καυκα΄ σω, . 11 Kαι΄ τι και` α» ντρον ε’ πιφρασθε΄ ντες ε’ ν Παραπαμισα΄ δαισι, τουñ το ε» φρασαν ε’ κειñνο ειòναι τουñ Προμηθε΄ ος τουñ Τιτηñ νος το` α» ντρον, ε’ ν ο« τω, ε’ κρε΄ ματο ε’ πι` τηñ, κλοπηñ, τουñ πυρο΄ ς. Translation. Just like the Macedonians also called the Parapamisus the “Caucasus,” though this has nothing to do with the Caucasus. 11 And some even, after noticing a cave in the Parapamisadae, said this is that cave of Prometheus the Titan, in which he was hung on account of the theft of fire. Commentary.869 Arrian here is reflecting on the Macedonian incursion into India under Alexander the Great. He observes that Alexander is the only one to conquer India, save for the hero gods Dionysus and Heracles. While there is a locale associated with Dionysus’ conquest in India, Arrian doubts the Macedonian claim that Alexander managed to conquer the very rock Heracles failed to capture (Aornos). Arrian then proceeds to explain a similar geographical error among the Macedonians – the identification of the Caucasus with the Parapamisus range. Note in Arrian that Prometheus was hung (ε’ κρε΄ ματο). While this may appear a non-descript word, it is commonly employed in Arrian to refer to the bodily suspension of humans.870 Here it must obviously refer to the ante mortem suspension of Prometheus. Assuming that Arrian is following the general contours of the Prometheus myth, impalement can likely be ruled out because of the role of the eagle in attacking Prometheus’ midriff. A further reference in Arrian (Anab. 5.3.1–2) credits Eratosthenes the Cyrenaean with the report that the Macedonians identified a cave in the Parapamisadae with Prometheus’ place of punishment (this text does not mention Prometheus’ suspension, but emphasizes that he had been “bound” so that the eagle could attack). Compare this text with the following passage from Arrian: και` τουñ Καυκα΄ σου κορυφη΄ τις ε’ δει΄κνυτο – Στρο΄ βιλος τηñ, κορυφηñ, ο» νομα – «ιναπερ ο‘ Προμηθευ` ς κρεμασθηñ ναι υ‘ πο` ‘ Ηφαι΄στου κατα` προ΄ σταξιν Διο` ς μυθευ΄ εται (“And a certain peak of the Caucasus was shown – Strobilos is the name of the peak – in that place Prometheus was fabled to have been hung up by Hephaestus according to the command of Zeus”).871 ─────────────── 869 Text: ROBSON, Arrian, 2:320. 870 Arrian, Anab. 4.14.3; 6.17.2; 6.30.2; 7.14.4; Historia successorum Alexandri (FGH 2b 156) Fragments 1.11; 1.18; Periplus ponti Euxini 11.5. 871 Arrian, Periplus ponti Euxini 11.5. Text: ROOS and WIRTH, Flavii Arriani quae exstant omnia, 2:20.

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(393) Lucian, De Sacrificiis 6 Και΄τοι τα` με` ν ‘ Ηφαι΄στου με΄ τρια· το` ν δε` Προμηθε΄ α τι΄ς ου’ κ οιòδεν οιðα ε» παθεν, διο΄ τι καθ• υ‘ περβολη` ν φιλα΄ νθρωπος ηò ν; και` γα` ρ αυò και` τουñ τον ει’ ς τη` ν Σκυθι΄αν α’ γαγω` ν ο‘ Ζευ` ς α’ νεσταυ΄ ρωσεν ε’ πι` τουñ Καυκα΄ σου, το` ν α’ ετο` ν αυ’ τω ñ, παρακαταστη΄ σας το` ηð παρ ο‘ σημε΄ ραι κολα΄ ψοντα. Translation. And yet these are moderate matters concerning Hephaestus, but who does not know what sorts of things befell Prometheus because he especially was a lover-of-mankind? For again Zeus, having led him to Scythia, crucified him on the Caucasus, having stationed an eagle beside him that would daily peck at his liver. Commentary.872 Lucian is in the midst of sarcastically questioning the whole of the pagan sacrificial system, in part because the mythic stories about the gods calls more for their derision than for their admiration. He has just observed that Zeus made Hephaestus lame by casting him out of heaven. Now he turns to another example of Zeus’ anger, namely the penalty he applied to Prometheus. This he encapsulates in the term α’ νεσταυ΄ ρωσεν (“he crucified”), which is Lucian’s standard language for the crucifixions of his day. This instance also serves to show that the gods (like Prometheus and Hephaestus) were themselves feebler than seems appropriate to deity. Lucian makes another reference to the crucifixion of Prometheus for much the same purposes in Jupp. conf. 8.873 There, Cyniscus (while “catechizing” Zeus) inquires into the state of the gods, with Zeus responding that they are eternally blessed and live good lives. Then Cyniscus trots out multiple examples of gods who are injured or grieved, beginning with the crippling of Hephaestus and the crucifixion of Prometheus. Moreover, the entirety of Lucian’s dialogue Prometheus can be mentioned again here. In section 3.1, Prom. 1–2 was discussed, where Lucian employs the whole range of crucifixion terms in discussing Prometheus’ plight. Such crucifixion language continues throughout (e.g., Prom. 4, 7, 9, 10, 15, 17). That dialogue focuses more on Zeus’ irrational behavior. 3.9.3 Biblical Suspension Narratives Several passages in the Hebrew Bible refer to the bodily suspension of a person, usually employing ‫ תלה‬as the main verb. These were studied in their ANE ─────────────── 872 Text: HARMON, Lucian, 3:162. 873 The entirety of the pertinent text Jupp. conf. 8 is simply: ο‘ Προμηθευ` ς δε` και` α’ νεσκολοπι΄σθη ποτε΄ (“And even Prometheus was once crucified”). Note the shift in crucifixion verbs between these dialogues, though both verbs are used interchangeably in Lucian, Prom. 1–2.

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context in section 3.2. This subsection explores some of the ways those passages were reinterpreted by subsequent generations of Jewish readers. Often these later authors would translate ‫ תלה‬with Greek or Aramaic terms that function more like technical terms for human bodily suspension (such as σταυρο΄ ω and ‫)צלב‬. Such vocabulary not only feels more specific, but it also could be used by Jewish authors to depict the kinds of suspensions that the Romans were performing in their day. Thus the original readers of these translations and biblical summaries could understandably find their minds drawn toward crucifixion. Section 3.5 has presented traditions on Deut 21:22–23 in Second Temple and early rabbinic interpretation. The material below has been covered in substantial detail in other publications, so this section will cite a modicum of examples, especially omitting many rabbinic interpretations.874 In contrast to earlier presentations, we shall proceed by corpus and author, rather than by biblical text. I have argued that for Jewish people in the Roman empire, their perceptions of the cross largely overlapped with the experiences of their pagan neighbors except in two vital respects: First, the Jewish populace of Palestine (and of Alexandria) directly experienced crucifixion against their compatriots through (among other matters) the Roman suppression of various Jewish insurrectionist movements (see section 3.7), thus the Jewish populace could understand even better than most of their pagan counterparts the idea of a crucified innocent sufferer or national hero. Second, the authority of Scripture in the lives of Jewish people meant that they had an array of biblical narratives that provided paradigms of people who had been “hung on the tree.” Most of these paradigms represent the victim of suspension negatively, especially the person “cursed of God” in Deut 21 and the figure of Haman, the archopponent of Judaism, in the book of Esther. The Christian proclamation of a crucified Messiah thus potentially encountered a significant stumbling block in explaining the cross of Jesus in the midst of biblical examples that would otherwise call for the derision of those who had been suspended. Evidence of the consequent difficulties for Gospel proclamation can be found in early Jewish and Christian interactions.875 (394) Greek Text of Esther [Esth 7:9 B-text] ειòπεν δε` Βουγαθαν ειðς τω ñ ν ευ’ νου' χων προ` ς το` ν βασιλε' α ι’ δου` και` ξυ' λον η‘ τοι' μασεν Αμαν Μαρδοχαι' ω, τω ñ, λαλη' σαντι περι` τουñ βασιλε' ως και` ω» ρθωται ε’ ν τοιñς Αμαν ξυ' λον πηχω ñ ν πεντη' κοντα ειòπεν δε` ο‘ βασιλευ' ς σταυρωθη' τω ε’ π’ αυ’ τουñ . ─────────────── 874 See esp. CHAPMAN, Crucifixion, 97–177. 875 For the development of these themes cf. CHAPMAN, Crucifixion, 215–217, 234–253.

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Translation. [Esth 7:9] And Bougathan, one of the eunuchs, said to the king, “Behold, Haman also prepared a tree for Mordecai, who spoke concerning the king; and a tree fifty cubits high was raised up in Haman’s property.” And the king said, “Let him be crucified on it.” [Esth E17–18 = 16:17–18; R AHLFS 8:12r B-text] καλω ñ ς ουò ν ποιη' σετε μη` προσχρησα' μενοι τοιñς υ‘ πο` Αμαν Αμαδαθου α’ ποσταλειñσι γρα' μμασιν δια` το` αυ’ το` ν το` ν ταυñ τα ε’ ξεργασα' μενον προ` ς ταιñς Σου' σων πυ' λαις ε’ σταυρω ñ σθαι συ` ν τηñ, πανοικι' α, τη` ν καταξι' αν τουñ τα` πα' ντα ε’ πικρατουñ ντος θεουñ δια` τα' χους α’ ποδο' ντος αυ’ τω ñ, κρι' σιν. Translation. [E17–18] Therefore, you will do well by not employing the letters that were sent out by Haman son of Hamadatha, because he who has done these thing was crucified at the gates of Susa with his entire household, the worthy judgment of the God who rules over all and repaid him quickly. Commentary.876 Typically the Greek OT translations, commonly collected under the banner of the Septuagint, render the Hebrew “hang [‫]תלה‬on a tree” in reference to human bodily suspension with Greek forms from κρεμα' ννυμι / κρεμα΄ ζω, as one would expect (e.g., Gen 40:19, 22; 41:13; Deut 21:22–23; Josh 8:29; 10:26; 1 Esdras 6:31). However, the B-text [LXX] of Esther supplies early evidence of an OT translator employing technical bodily suspension terminology from σταυρο΄ ω. Though scholars discuss the textual relationship of the B-text to the Hebrew, here it is likely that the translator in 7:9 was rendering a text akin to the MT, and thus he actualized a form of ‫ תלה‬by inserting σταυρωθη' τω.877 In contrast, the Lucianic (A-text) at this very juncture (H ANHART L 7:13) employs κρεμασθη΄ τω, which would be more expected.878 In fact, both the B-text and A-text render all other forms of ‫ תלה‬in the Hebrew Esther with a form of κρεμα' ννυμι (note esp. ε’ κρεμα' σθη in the very next verse, 7:10, in the B-text; see further Esth 2:23; 5:14; 6:4; 8:7; 9:13– 14, 25). Nevertheless, in the apocryphal Additions to Esther E18 both the Lucianic text (L 7:28 in HANHART) and the B-text (cited above) agree in stating that Haman was publicly hung on a σταυρο΄ ς (ε’ σταυρω ñ σθαι) with his whole house. In reality, we cannot know if σταυρο΄ ω bears the specific sense of “crucify” here, though it clearly conveys a narrower application to suspension of human bodies than does κρεμα' ννυμι. One further passage in the ─────────────── 876 Text: R OBERT H ANHART , Esther (2. Auflage; Septuaginta VIII.3; Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2008). 877 For textual relationships, note esp. LINDA DAY, Three Faces of a Queen: Characterization in the Books of Esther (JSOTSup 186; Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1995), 15– 18. For this and other matters, see the extended discussion of suspension in Greek Esther in CHAPMAN, Crucifixion, 163–165. 878 The A-text of Esther, with translation, can also be found in DAVID J. A. CLINES, The Esther Scroll: The Story of the Story (JSOTSup 30; Sheffield: JSOT Press, 1984), 238–239 (where he labels this passage 8:13).

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Lucianic recension (A-text 7:14; cf. MT 6:11) reads καθο΄ τι ε’ κει΄νη, τηñ, η‘ με΄ ρα, ε’ κεκρι΄κει α’ νασκολοπι΄σαι αυ’ το΄ ν (“just like in that day he had decided to crucify him”), which introduces α’ νασκολοπι΄ζω, which is another important Greek term for bodily suspension. Certainly, later readers of the LXX would have been influenced by this initial foray in introducing contemporary suspension language into the biblical text. Josephus clearly expands on this throughout his retelling of the Esther narratives (see below). (395) Philo, De Josepho 96, 98 τα` τρι΄α καναñ συ΄ μβολον τριω ñ ν η‘ μερω ñ ν ε’ στιν· ε’ πισχω` ν ταυ΄ τας ο‘ βασιλευ` ς α’ νασκολοπισθηñ ναι΄ σε και` τη` ν κεφαλη` ν α’ ποτμηθηñ ναι κελευ΄ σει και` καταπτα΄ μενα ο» ρνεα τω ñ ν σω ñ ν ευ’ ωχηθη΄ σεται σαρκω ñ ν, α» χρις α› ν ο« λος ε’ ξαναλωθηñ, ς ... 98 τω ñν κατα` το` δεσμωτη΄ ριον ευ’ νου΄ χων υ‘ πομνησθει` ς α’ χθηñ ναι κελευ΄ ει και` θεασα΄ μενος τα’ κ τηñ ς τω ñ ν ο’ νει΄ρων διακρι΄σεως ε’ πισφραγι΄ζεται, προστα΄ ξας το` ν με` ν α’ νασκολοπισθηñ ναι τη` ν κεφαλη` ν α’ ποτμηθε΄ ντα, τω ñ, δε` τη` ν α’ ρχη` ν η‹ ν διειñπε προ΄ τερον α’ πονειñμαι. Translation. The three baskets are a symbol of three days; upon reaching these, the king will command you to be crucified and your head to be cut off, and the attacking birds will feast on your flesh, until you wholly are consumed ... 98 [the king], remembering the eunuchs in the prison, commanded them to be brought; and beholding them, he confirmed the judgment of the dreams, ordering the one to be crucified, his head being cut off, but to the other to be assigned the office that he held before. Commentary.879 This represents Philo’s literal retelling of the Gen 40:18–22, where Joseph interprets the baker’s dream. There is clear application of bodily suspension (even crucifixion) language (α’ νασκολοπισθηñ ναι). More importantly, while the Hebrew text reads that the baker’s head will be “lifted up” (likely decapitation) and then he will be hung post mortem on the tree, here in Philo the reversed order of verbs implies that the suspension precedes the decapitation (though the beheading on the cross is also more clearly indicated in Philo with τη` ν κεφαλη` ν α’ ποτμηθε΄ ντα).880 The birds are portrayed more aggressively here than in the MT, and they are said to devour the whole of the baker. All this must have looked similar to the Roman cross in Philo’s day (note that he was a personal witness at such crucifixions, cf. Philo, Flacc. 72, and esp. 83–84; see No. 380, 381).

─────────────── 879 Text: COHN / WENDLAND / REITER, Philonis Alexandrini opera, 4:81–82. 880 This would be even more evident if one were to follow the reading (found in four manuscripts) και` τη` ν κεφαλη` ν α’ ποτμηθηñ ναι in place of ôη` ν κεφαλη` ν α’ ποτμηθε΄ ντα.

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(396) Philo, De Josepho 156 τελευτη` γα` ρ ε« πεται σιτι΄ων σπα΄ νει· ουð χα΄ ριν και` ο‘ περι` ταυñ τ’ ε’ ξαμαρτω` ν ει’ κο΄ τως θνη,' σκει κρεμασθει΄ς, ο« μοιον κακο` ν ω ð, διε΄ θηκε παθω ΄ ν· και` γα` ρ αυ’ το` ς α’ νεκρε΄ μασε και` παρε΄ τεινε το` ν πεινω ñ ντα λιμω ñ, . Translation. For death follows lack of bread-food, on account of which the one who errs greatly concerning these things also properly dies by having been hung, a similar evil to which he treated the sufferer, for indeed he had hung up and stretched the famished man with hunger. Commentary.881 Philo follows his literal retelling with an allegorical exposition (though one he ambiguously claims to have “heard”). Here, the baker represents the one who is called to feed the mind’s body (i.e., Pharaoh). When failing at his job, he receives just recompense. The baker’s demise here (previously depicted in Jos. 98 with α’ νασκολοπισθηñ ναι) apparently comes “by having been hung” (understanding κρεμασθει΄ς as an instrumental participle). This death also involves being “hung up” (α’ νεκρε΄ μασε) and “stretched” (παρε΄ τεινε). Could the “stretched” refer to being laid out with outstretched arms on the suspension device? (397) Philo, De Somniis 2.213 περισυληθει` ς ουò ν ο‘ νουñ ς ω ð ν ε’ δημιου΄ ργησεν, ω « σπερ το` ν αυ’ χε΄ να α’ ποτμηθει` ς α’ κε΄ φαλος και` νεκρο` ς α’ νευρεθη΄ σεται, προσηλωμε΄ νος ω « σπερ οι‘ α’ νασκολοπισθε΄ ντες τω ñ, ξυ΄ λω, τηñ ς α’ πο΄ ρου και` πενιχραñ ς α’ παιδευσι΄ας. Translation. The mind, therefore, stripped of the things it fabricated, like one who was severed at the neck, will be discovered headless and a corpse, nailed like those crucified to the tree of poor and needy lack of training. Commentary.882 In his “On Dreams,” Philo pens another allegorical interpretation of the Joseph narrative. The mind here is allegorically depicted as the baker’s head, while the baker is the “belly-slave” who provides for the intemperate desires of Pharaoh. The “lack of training” (α’ παιδευσι΄ας) is a wellknown philosophical term for those who have not proper training in instruction or discipline. A poorly instructed mind is likened unto the decapitated baker, who has been nailed to the tree of his wanton indiscipline. The imagery here invokes crucifixion terminology of προσηλωμε΄ νος and οι‘ α’ νασκολοπισθε΄ ντες τω ñ, ξυ΄ λω, .

─────────────── 881 Text: COHN / WENDLAND / REITER, Philonis Alexandrini opera, 4:94. 882 Text: COHN / WENDLAND / REITER, Philonis Alexandrini opera, 3:292–293.

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(398) Josephus, Antiquitates judaicae 2.72–73 λε΄ γει δυ΄ ο τα` ς πα΄ σας ε» τι τουñ ζηñ ν αυ’ το` ν ε» χειν η‘ με΄ ρας· τα` γα` ρ καναñ τουñ το σημαι΄νειν· 73 τηñ, τρι΄τη, δ• αυ’ το` ν α’ νασταυρωθε΄ ντα βορα` ν ε» σεσθαι πετεινοιñς ου’ δε` ν α’ μυ΄ νειν αυ‘ τω ΄ σηπος ñ, δυνα΄ μενον. και` δη` ταυñ τα τε΄ λος ο« μοιον οιðς ο‘ ’ Ιω ειòπεν α’ μφοτε΄ ροις ε» λαβε· τηñ, γα` ρ η‘ με΄ ρα, τηñ, προειρημε΄ νη, γενε΄ θλιον τεθυκω` ς ο‘ βασιλευ` ς το` ν με` ν ε’ πι` τω ñ ν σιτοποιω ñ ν α’ νεσταυ΄ ρωσε, το` ν δε` οι’ νοχο΄ ον τω ñν δεσμω ñ ν α’ πολυ΄ σας ε’ πι` τηñ ς αυ’ τηñ ς υ‘ πηρεσι΄ας κατε΄ στησεν. Translation. [Joseph] said that he still had two whole days to live, for the baskets signified this, 73 and on the third day he, having been crucified, will be food for birds and not able to defend himself. And indeed these things occurred perfectly like Joseph said to both [of them]; for on the day which had been foretold, the king, having sacrificed for his birthday celebration, crucified the baker, but having released the cup bearer from his bond, he established him into the same service. Commentary.883 Josephus here recounts the events of Genesis 40, employing α’ νασταυρο΄ ω (“crucify” or “hang up on a σταυρο΄ ς”) twice to indicate the fate of the baker. By deleting any reference to the lifting of the baker’s head prior to his suspension (as appears in the Hebrew text and in the LXX of Gen 40:19), there is no longer any possible inference of an initial beheading. Instead α’ νασταυρο΄ ω must convey the baker’s means of execution. Also observe here that he is “not able to defend himself” (ου’ δε` ν α’ μυ΄ νειν αυ‘ τω ñ, δυνα΄ μενον), which is Josephus’ own interpretive comment (MT and LXX only mention that he will be food for birds); this must envision the baker being suspended aloft while alive and defenseless. The use of cross terminology, combined with the living execution on the device, strongly points to how Josephus understood this to mimic the crucifixions of his own day. In A. J. 2.77 Josephus will recap these events (following Gen 41:13) with the verb σταυρο' ω (saying “that the one over the bakers was crucified on the same day”).884 (399) Josephus, Antiquitates judaicae 6.374 και` τα` ς με` ν πανοπλι΄ας αυ’ τω ñ ν α’ νε΄ θηκαν ει’ ς το` ’Αστα΄ ρτειον ι‘ ερο΄ ν, τα` δε` σω ΄ ματα α’ νεσταυ΄ ρωσαν προ` ς τα` τει΄χη τηñ ς Βηθσα` ν πο΄ λεως, η‹ νυñ ν Σκυθο΄ πολις καλειñται.

─────────────── 883 Text: NIESE, Flavii Josephi Opera, 1:97–98. Textual variants are minor (the most substantial involves the tense of τεθυκω` ς, which is incidental to our study). 884 A. J. 2.77: ο« τι τε σταυρωθει΄η κατα` τη` ν αυ’ τη` ν η‘ με΄ ραν ο‘ ε’ πι` τω ñ ν σιτοποιω ñ ν.

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Translation. And they set up their armor in the Astarte temple, but the bodies they crucified to the walls of the city of Bethsan, which is now called Scythopolis. Commentary.885 This passage refers to the occasion when the Philistines, having just found the corpses of Saul and his sons, cut off their heads and perform post mortem suspensions of their bodies, by affixing them to the walls of Bethsan. Nysa-Scythopolis was the Hellenistic and Roman name for the Decapolis city of Beth Shean. In context, the punishment is indeed post mortem, and yet Josephus depicts the scene as an instance of α’ νασταυρο΄ ω. This reminds us of the semantic range of this term, and how it can include ante and post mortem suspensions. Here, the device is not a σταυρο΄ ς, but the city wall (cf. Lucian, Prom. 1–2 for a cliff wall as the locale for α’ νασταυρο΄ ω). In any case, the idea of bodily suspension is enough to allow α’ νασταυρο΄ ω to be employed here. The fact that both Saul and his sons are all suspended in this text (while 1 Sam 31:9–10 only mentions Saul), likely stems from Josephus’ synoptic reading of 1 Samuel 31 with 2 Sam 21:12, which mentions the hanging of the sons as well as Saul. Perhaps then the combination of “hanging” in 2 Samuel with being “affixed” to the wall in 1 Samuel aided in associating crucifixion vocabulary (where a person is suspended by being affixed to a device) with this episode. Concerning suspension language in Josephus, perhaps the most striking feature in his retelling of Jewish history from Joshua to Kings concerns his omission of any mention of Joshua suspending the king of Ai (cf. Josh 8:29) or of Joshua hanging up the five kings (Josh 10:26). In fact, Josephus downplays these episodes in general (cf. A. J. 5.48, 61), while other OT suspension events he happily translates with α’ νασταυρο΄ ω and cognates. Elsewhere it has been suggested that this could either be an intentional attempt to attenuate before his Roman readership any harsh military actions by respected Judean leaders, or it may be that Josephus was sensitive about implying that biblical heroes could have employed crucifixion.886 In light of Josephus’ treatment of Deut 21:22–23 (see section 3.5), perhaps both motives may have motivated his refusal to associate Joshua with crucifixion. (400) Josephus, Antiquitates judaicae 11.103 του` ς δε` παραβα΄ ντας τι τω ñ ν ε’ πεσταλμε΄ νων συλληφθε΄ ντας ε’ κε΄ λευσεν α’ νασταυρωθηñ ναι και` τη` ν ου’ σι΄αν αυ’ τω ñ ν ει’ ς τη` ν βασιλικη` ν καταταγηñ ναι κτηñ σιν.

─────────────── 885 Text: NIESE, Flavii Josephi Opera, 2:86. 886 See fuller discussion in CHAPMAN, Crucifixion, 151–153.

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Translation. But concerning those who transgress any of what has been commanded, after being captured, he commanded them to be crucified and their property to be paid as an acquisition into the royal treasury. Commentary.887 Cyrus’ letter concerning the rebuilding of the Jerusalem Temple has just been found and is being read to Darius. The previous record in Josephus of the original writing of the letter has a similar command, also invoking α’ νασταυρωθηñ ναι on those who transgress the Persian king’s edict (A. J. 11.17). This corresponds to the text in Ezra 6 or 1 Esdras 6, but substitutes α’ νασταυρο΄ ω for ‫ זקיף‬in MT or παγη' σεται in the Greek (in Ezra 6:11) or for the κρεμασθηñ ναι in 1 Esdras 6:31. (401) Josephus, Antiquitates judaicae 11.267 ο‘ δε` βασιλευ` ς α’ κου΄ σας ου’ κ α» λλη, τιμωρι΄α, περιβα΄ λλειν ε» κρινεν το` ν ’Αμα΄ νην η› τηñ, κατα` Μαρδοχαι΄ου νενοημε΄ νη, , και` κελευ΄ ει παραχρηñ μα αυ’ το` ν ε’ ξ ε’ κει΄νου τουñ σταυρουñ κρεμασθε΄ ντα α’ ποθανειñν. Translation. And after the king heard [this], he determined to not encompass Haman with any penalty other than the one that had been devised against Mordecai. And he immediately commanded him, having been hung from that cross, to be put to death. Commentary.888 This passage is Josephus’ equivalent of Esth 7:9–10. It is at the key climax of the Esther narratives, when the penalty Haman had devised against Mordecai is instead brought down on Haman and his house. In Josephus, this penalty is described as the hanging on a cross (ε’ ξ ε’ κει΄νου τουñ σταυρουñ κρεμασθε΄ ντα). Notably here, this serves as the mode of execution (note the relationship between the κρεμασθε΄ ντα participial phrase and the infinitive α’ ποθανειñν).889 In his Esther narratives, Josephus expands the use of óôáõñüς cognates beyond those found in the LXX (B-text of 7:9 and E18), so that he commonly employs σταυρο΄ ς cognates throughout the bodily suspension episodes in these narratives.890 Typically these texts have precise parallels in the Greek Esther, in which κρεμα΄ ννυμι (or cognate) occurs. In those very places, Josephus has actualized the narrative by invoking σταυρο΄ ς cognates. ─────────────── 887 Text: NIESE, Flavii Josephi Opera, 3:24. 888 Text: NIESE, Flavii Josephi Opera, 3:55. For κρεμασθε΄ ντα, two mss read α’ νακρεμασθε΄ ντα and Zonaras has κρεμασθηñ ναι; these variants produce no significant change in meaning. 889 The participial phrase is either temporal, in which case the hanging would precede the action of dying, or means, so the manner of death would be by hanging on a cross. 890 Josephus, A. J. 11.208 (cf. Esth 2:23); 11.246 (cf. Esth 5:14); 11.261; 11.280 (cf. Add. Esth. E18 in B-text; L 7:28 in the A-text); and 11.289. In one of these locations, Josephus apparently expanded the LXX text with his own material (A. J. 11.260–261, cf. 11.266).

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(402) Targumim on Genesis 40:19 (Tg. Onq.) ‫בסוף תלתה יומין יעדי פרעה ית רישך מינך ויצלוב יתך על צליבא וייכול עופא ית בסרך מינך‬ (Tg. Neof.) ‫לסוף תלתא יומין ירים פרעה ית ראשך מעילוך ויצלב יתך על צליבה ויאכל עופא ית בשרך‬ ‫מעלווי ראשך‬ (Tg. Ps.-J.) ‫בסוף תלתא יומין יעדי פרעה בסיפא ית רישך מעילוי גופך ויצלוב יתך על קיסא ויכול עופא ית‬ ‫בישרך מינך‬ Translation. (Tg. Onq.) At the end of three days Pharaoh will remove your head from you, and he will suspend you on the cross,891 and the birds will eat your flesh from you. (Tg. Neof.) Toward the end of three days Pharaoh will lift your head from upon you, and he will suspend you on a cross, and the birds will eat your flesh from upon your head. (Tg. Ps-.J.) At the end of three days Pharaoh will remove by the sword your head from upon your body, and he will suspend you on the tree, and the birds will eat your flesh from you. Commentary.892 Although Aramaic ‫ תלא‬was available as the equivalent of Hebrew ‫תלה‬, the targumim commonly employed ‫ צלב‬in translating OT passages that mention human suspension. The terminology of ‫(צלב‬and cognates) is much more exclusively focused on human bodily suspension, including crucifixion, and thus it represents a shift toward more technical terms. This is true throughout targumim on other biblical books as well as here in Genesis. Rather than pursue all these possible examples, which has been done elsewhere,893 this sample from Genesis will serve to illustrate some key trends in ─────────────── 891 The noun ‫( צליבא‬also cf. Tg. Neof.) is here translated as “the cross,” which is a common English equivalent for this noun, and which allows ‫ צליבא‬to be more clearly distinguished from the more neutral ‫“( קיסא‬the tree” in Tg. Ps.-J.). However, this admittedly does bias the translation to a crucifixion reading. Certainly, ‫ צליבא‬technically designates a device intended for penal bodily suspension; and both death by crucifixion as well as a post mortem suspension (such as is likely here) can occur on ‫צליבא‬. 892 The following editions were consulted in order to produce the texts above: SPERBER, Bible in Aramaic, vol. 1; ALEJANDO DÍEZ MACHO, Neophyti 1: Targum Palestinense MS de la Biblioteca Vaticana (5 vols.; Madrid: Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas, 1968– 1979), vol. 1; GINSBURGER, Pseudo-Jonathan; DÍEZ M ACHO, DIEZ M ERINO, M ARTÍNEZ BOROBIO, and MARTÍNEZ SÁIZ. Biblia Polyglotta Matritensia IV, vol. 1.

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the targumic traditions. First, one does observe the shift toward more technical suspension vocabulary with ‫ צלב‬and ‫צליבה‬. These terms also served as standard Aramaic vocabulary for the kinds of crucifixions that the Romans performed. And thus by using this language, the original readers and hearers of the targumim may have felt some increased resonance between the biblical text and the suspension practices of their day. Second, in two of these targumic texts the meturgeman also clarifies that the Hebrew for “lift up your head” here means to “remove your head by the sword.” Thus the suspension is even more clearly post mortem in Onqelos and Pseudo-Jonathan. Note how similar trends were observed above concerning targumic renderings of Deut 21:22–23 (the language becomes more technical concerning bodily suspension, but the rabbinic desire to emphasize post mortem suspension is also evident). Were there space, this could be compared further to targumic interpretation of Num 25:4, and contrasted with the crucifixion-like death of Haman in the Esther targumim.894

3.10 Perceptions of Crucifixion in Graeco-Roman Literature Some of the most intriguing evidence for Roman perceptions of crucifixion appears in Greek and Latin philosophical treatises, novels, satires, and drama. In such literature (along with sources studied above) one witnesses the horror of the cross: The cross could be deemed “wicked,”895 it was known to be painful and cruel,896 it could be labeled among the “most extreme deaths,”897 and it was employed in public in a way that invoked shame and terror.898 This sec─────────────── 893 CHAPMAN, Crucifixion, 108–109, 112–114, 138–141, 153, 155–156, 159–160, 166– 168, covering bodily suspension terminology in the targumic paraphrases of Gen 40:19 (and 40:22; 41:13); Num 25:4; Deut 21:22–23; Josh 8:29; 10:26; 1 Sam 31:10; 2 Sam 21:6, 9–10, 12; Lam 5:12–13; and Esth 2:23; 5:14; 6:4; 7:9, 10; 8:7; 9:14, 24–25. Particularly intriguing is the application of ‫ צלב‬and cognates to Num 25:4 and 2 Sam 6:9–10 (where the Hebrew original does not have ‫)תלה‬. 894 Again see CHAPMAN, Crucifixion, 112–114, 166–168. 895 Note especially the repeated references to the mala crux (“wicked cross”) below in Plautus and Terence. 896 The cruelty of the cross has already been observed above, such as when Cicero contends that the delay of “the cruelest and vilest penalty” (crudelissimi taeterrimique supplici) should be obligatory until the facts of the case against one who claims Roman citizenship are verified (Cicero, Verr. 2.5.165; see No. 281). Also note below how Seneca (Ira 3 [Dial. 5] 3.6) will list the cross among other penal instruments of rage. See further Apuleius, Metam. 1.15.4; Valerius Maximus, 9.2 ext. 3. 897 The cross is a key component of the list of summa supplicia in Pauli Sententiae 5.17.2; 5.21.4; 5.23.14–17. See further Cicero, Verr. 2.5.168–169 (No. 281); Josephus, B. J. 7.202– 203 (“most pitiable of deaths;” No. 372). 898 See especially Cicero, Pis. 18.42: an ego, si te et Gabinium cruci suffixos viderem, maiore adficerer laetitia ex corporis vestri laceratione quam adficior ex famae? (“I, if I saw

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tion proceeds by looking at some of these genres of literature. In most cases, the sources are selected as representatives of the use of the cross in that literature. However, given the importance of the early testimony to the cross in the playwrights Plautus and Terence, they are studied more exhaustively. 3.10.1 Use in Philosophical Argument Philosophers appreciate extreme examples, especially because they permit theories of virtue to be tested most fully. Crucifixion has already served as an extreme example in writings studied earlier from Plato, Aristotle, Cicero, Philo, Seneca, Plutarch, Epictetus, and Lucian (among others). Especially useful in philosophical discourse have been historical or mythological examples of the cross, for these are often well known and engender immediate resonance with the reader; thus consider the actualization both of the historical demise Polycrates and of the mythological overly-harsh punishment of Prometheus (section 3.9). For sake of space, just a couple more examples are mentioned below, though many others could be considered.899 (403) Seneca, De Ira 3 (Dialogue 5) 3.6 Ne quem fallat tamquam aliquo tempore, aliquo loco profutura, ostendenda est rabies eius effrenata et attonita apparatusque illi reddendus est suus, eculei et fidiculae et ergastula et cruces et circumdati defossis corporibus ignes et cadavera quoque trahens uncus, varia vinculorum genera, varia poenarum, lacerationes membrorum, inscriptiones frontis et bestiarum immanium caveae – inter haec instrumenta collocetur ira dirum quiddam atque horridum stridens, omnibus per quae furit taetrior. Translation. Lest [anger] deceive someone as though at some time or at some place it will be beneficial, its unbridled and frenzied fury must be exposed, and its paraphernalia must be ascribed to it: horse-shaped racks and torture devices and chain-gangs and crosses and fires that surround bodies embedded in the ground and even a hook for dragging corpses, various types of fetters, various [types] of penalties, mangling of limbs, brandings of the forehead, and the cages of brutal beasts – among these instruments let anger be ascribed, while it shrieks a certain dreadful and horrible [sound], more vile than all [the instruments] through which [anger] rages. ─────────────── Gabinius and you attached to a cross, would I be more affected by exultation by the lacerating of your body than I would be affected from your reputation”). 899 For other examples, consider Cicero, Fin. 5.84; Att. 7.11.2; Quint. fratr. 1.29; Epictetus, Diatr. 2.2.20; Seneca, Ep. 101.10–14; for 101.14 see No. 123.

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Commentary.900 Lucius Annaeus Seneca (The Younger), probably in the early part of Claudius’ first-century A.D. reign, wrote this Stoic treatise On Anger. In opposition to some philosophers (including Aristotle), who are among those in danger of being “deceived,” Seneca argues that there is no virtuous utility to anger. These other philosophers contended that anger is useful to energize a man in times of war, or while conducting state business, or for other times when some zeal (calor) is required (De Ira 3.3.5). Seneca would claim that in such moments anger actually drives a person to frenzied excess, and he supports his case by listing the kinds of “instruments” that rage employs – namely, the instruments of severe corporal punishment. All these instrumenta are common in the Roman penal arsenal. The list is in some sense uneven – neither ordered based on the increasing intensity of punishment, nor grouped strictly according to capital and non-capital penalties. While cruces (“crosses”) can occasionally be employed to hold someone up for a scourging, in this context it most likely refers to a means of execution.901 Seneca here evidences a philosopher’s critique of the angry excess of standard Roman penal methods, including the cross. (404) Philo, De Posteritate Caini 25–27 και` ε» στιν αυ’ τω ñ, , ο« περ ε» φη ο‘ νομοθε΄ της, παñ σα η‘ ζωη` κρεμαμε΄ νη, βα΄ σιν ου’ κ ε» χουσα α’ κρα΄ δαντον, α’ λλα` προ` ς τω ΄ ντων και` α’ ντιμεθελκο΄ ντων α’ ει` ñ ν α’ ντισπω φορουμε΄ νη πραγμα΄ των. ουð χα΄ ριν ε’ ν ε‘ τε΄ ροις „κεκατηραμε΄ νον υ‘ πο` θεουñ το` ν κρεμα΄ μενον ε’ πι` ξυ΄ λου“ φησι΄ν (Deut 21:23), ο« τι, θεουñ δε΄ ον ε’ κκρε΄ μασθαι, ο‘ δε` α’ πη, ω ΄ ρησεν ε‘ αυτο` ν σω ΄ ματος, ο« ς ε’ στιν ε’ ν η‘ μιñν ξυ΄ λινος ο» γκος, ε’ πιθυμι΄αν ε’ λπι΄δος α’ ντικαταλλαξα΄ μενος, α’ γαθουñ τελει΄ου με΄ γιστον κακο΄ ν. ε’ λπι` ς με` ν γα` ρ τω ΄ ρου θεουñ τη` ν δια΄ νοιαν α’ ρταñ, , ñ ν α’ γαθω ñ ν ουò σα προσδοκι΄α ε’ κ τουñ φιλοδω ε’ πιθυμι΄α δε` α’ λο΄ γους ε’ μποιουñ σα ο’ ρε΄ ξεις ε’ κ τουñ σω ΄ ματος, ο‹ δεξαμενη` ν και` 27 χω ΄ ραν η‘ δονω ν η φυ ΄ σις ε δημιου ΄ ργησεν. ου ð τοι με ν ’ ` ουò ν ω « σπερ α’ π’ α’ γχο΄ νης ñ ‘ τηñ ς ε’ πιθυμι΄ας ε’ κκρεμα΄ σθωσαν. Translation. And, wherefore, it is for him the Law-giver said, “all his life hangs,” (Deut 28:66) since it does not have an unshaken foundation, but, from being drawn in a contrary direction and dragged in a different way, it is always born along by circumstances. 26 On account of which in different words He says, “the one who hangs on a tree has been cursed by God” (Deut 21:23, cf. LXX). For it is necessary to be hung upon God, but this one hangs down from ─────────────── 900 Text: BASORE, Seneca. Moral Essays, 1:260. 901 Note the immediate proximity of cruces to other elements of Roman execution – namely, the ignes of a public burning, and the executioner’s hook (uncus) used to drag the cadaver through the city after an execution. Also note how cruces is separated from the torture devices (eculei et fidiculae) by the exiling of someone into compulsory slavery in harsh environments (ergastula).

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his own body, which is in us as a wooden mass, receiving desire in exchange for hope – the greatest evil for perfect good. For hope on the one hand, being the expectation of good things, fastens the intention on the bountiful God; but desire which produces unreasoning yearning [fastens the intention] on the body, which nature fabricated as the receptacle and the proper place of pleasures. 27 These, therefore, are hung as from the halter of desire. Commentary.902 Philo engages in allegorical interpretation of Deut 21:22–23, cited from LXX. The preceding context argues that those who forsake God and tie themselves to creation will have a life without rest (much like the person whose life is suspended in Deut 28:65–66), while those who follow the unwavering God will have a stable life. Deuteronomy 21 provides a similar warning for those who would hang their desires on their bodily appetites – they will be like the person attached to a cross (a “wooden mass”). Instead, one should fasten one’s intention on God. Such allegorical understandings of the suspension passages from the Pentateuch can also be found in Philo, Post. 61; Somn. 2.213; Prov. 24–25. 3.10.2 Use in Epigrams, Stories and Tales The cross can bring a good dose of gallows humor to any story or epigram. It can also imperil the characters, thus leading to greater narrative tension. Yet even as it serves a narrative purpose, a reference to the cross in literature can betray cultural assumptions concerning who, when, where, and why someone might be crucified. (405) Anthologia Graeca 11.192 (from Lucillius) μακροτε΄ ρω, σταυρω ñ, σταυρου΄ μενον α» λλον ε‘ αυτουñ ο‘ φθονερο` ς Διοφω ñ ν ε’ γγυ` ς ι’ δω` ν ε’ τα΄ κη. Translation. Another man being crucified on a taller cross than him – The envious Diophon, looking on nearby, wasted away. Commentary.903 The Greek Anthology attributes this epigram to Lucillius (along with 11.189–192), and states that it is an epigram “on envy” (ει’ ς φθονερου΄ ς). Lucillius was a satirical epigrammatist who wrote during the first-century A.D. reign of Nero (often dedicating his work to the emperor). The central character here, Diophon, may have referenced the famed athlete of ─────────────── 902 Text: COHN / WENDLAND / REITER, Philonis Alexandrini opera, 2:6–7. 903 Text: WILLIAM R. PATON, The Greek Anthology (5 vols.; LCL; Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1918–1927), 4:162.

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the same name who competed in the pentathlon904; however, other Diophons are also known, and Lucillius also likely invented names for his characters as well.905 In any case, Diophon is portrayed here as an envious (and competitive) soul. Even as he was being crucified, Diophon spied another man on a higher cross and “wasted away” (ε’ τα΄ κη). That Greek verb (from τη΄ κω) makes for a neat double entendre, since it can refer both to the decaying of a body as well as metaphorically to a person who pines for something or who wastes away for want of something he desires.906 We need not presume this was an actual event, though it is clearly predicated on the historic variation in the sizes of crosses in antiquity. (406) Chariton, De Chaerea et Callirhoe 3.4.18 α’ παγο μ ε΄ νω, δε` Θη΄ ρ ω νι μ ε΄ γα μ ε΄ ρ ο ς το υñ πλη΄ θ ου ς ε’ πηκολου΄ θησ ε ν. α’ νεσκολοπι΄σθη δε` προ` τουñ Καλλιρρο΄ ης τα΄ φου και` ε» βλεπεν α’ πο` τουñ σταυρουñ τη` ν θα΄ λασσαν ε’ κει΄νην, δι’ ηð ς αι’ χμα΄ λωτον ε» φερε τη` ν ‘ Ερμοκρα΄ τους θυγατε΄ ρα, η‹ ν ου’ κ ε» λαβον ου’ δε` ’Αθηναιñοι. Translation. And as Theron was being led away, a great portion of the multitude followed. And he was crucified before the tomb of Callirhoë, and he looked from his cross upon that sea, through which he brought the daughter of Hermocrates prisoner, whom not even the Athenians had captured. Commentary.907 Chariton of Aphrodisias wrote this novel sometime before the mid-second century A.D. In it, Chaereas and Callirhoë fall in love and marry, but Chaereas is driven to jealousy and kicks his wife. Falsely assuming Callirhoë is dead, she is buried, but tomb robbers capture her and take her away. When Chaereas learns she is alive, he pursues her through many adventures, until they are finally reunited. Theron was among the tomb robbers who stole Callirhoë away. After crossing the Ionian sea, he was nevertheless captured and held accountable. Theron is tortured for information (3.4.12) prior

─────────────── 904 Lucillius mocks an unnamed pentathlon contestant in 11.84 for being the worst in all five sports, and Fain contrasts this to an epigram of Simonides from Anthologia Planudea 3 (Anthologia Graeca 16.3) where Diophon won all five sports. FAIN suggests Simonides’ epigram may have been the inspiration for Lucillius’ work. See GORDON L. FAIN, Ancient Greek Epigrams: Major Poets in Verse Translation (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2010), 213, 223–224 (concerning his epigram number 6). Other people named Diophon occur in the Anthologia Graeca in 7.519; 12.175. 905 So FAIN, Epigrams, 209–210. 906 Cf. LSJ s.v. τη΄ κω. 907 Text: REARDON, Chariton. De Callirhoe narrationes amatoriae, 52.

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to his crucifixion in this narrative. While on the cross he is portrayed as looking out over the sea, likely indicating that he was alive while suspended. Multiple other examples of crucifixion occur in this novel.908 (407) Apuleius, Metamorphoses 1.15.4 Illud horae memini me terra dehiscente ima Tartara inque his canem Cerberum prorsus esurientem mei prospexisse: ac recordabar profecto bonam Meroen non misericordia iugulo meo pepercisse sed saevitia cruci me reservasse. Translation. In that hour I remembered I saw, as the earth split open, deepest Tartarus and in this certainly the ravenous dog Cerberus. And I was assuredly thinking that good Meroe did not spare my throat with pity, but with cruelty she reserved me for the cross. Commentary. 909 In this extended yarn, we walk with Aristomenes as he encounters various ills in life. He had just met Socrates, who warned him of two witches (one name Meroe). They suddenly come and slit the throat of Socrates, leaving Aristomenes with the body and (potentially) the blame. The stableman believes Aristomenes has killed his companion, and thus we enter into Aristomenes’ vision above. He envisions his impending death and considers Meroe to blame. He knows that, as a murderer, he would face the crux. In fact, Socrates suddenly and miraculously awakes just in time. The cross is a recurring theme in Apuleius, and one we have met above (see Metam. 3.9.1 in No. 347).910 It certainly stands in this passage for the worst possible death Aristomenes can imagine – the equivalent of falling into the jaws of Cerberus. (408) Anthologia Graeca 9.378 (from Palladas) ΄ οντι ’Ανδροφο΄ νω, σαθρο` ν παρα` τειχι΄ον υ‘ πνω νυκτο` ς ε’ πιστηñ ναι φασι` Σα΄ ραπιν ο» ναρ, και` χρησμω, δηñ σαι· “Κατακει΄μενος ουð τος, α’ νι΄στω, και` κοιμω ò τα΄ λας, α’ λλαχο΄ θι.” ñ μεταβα΄ ς, ω 5 ο‹ ς δε` διυπνισθει` ς μετε΄ βη. το` δε` σαθρο` ν ε’ κειñνο τειχι΄ον ε’ ξαι΄φνης ευ’ θυ` ς ε» κειτο χαμαι΄. σω ñ στρα δ• ε« ωθεν ε» θυε θεοιñς χαι΄ρων ο‘ κακουñ ργος, ─────────────── 908 See No. 117 for Chariton, Chaer. 4.2.6–7. See further: 4.3.3; 4.3.5–6; 4.3.8–10; 5.10.6; 6.2.10; 8.7.8; 8.8.2; 8.8.4. These texts are conveniently collected and discussed in SAMUELSSON, Crucifixion, 138–142 (he accepts at least two suspensions in Chariton as clear examples of crucifixion); COOK, Crucifixion, 260–262. 909 Text: ADLINGTON and GASELEE, Golden Ass, 26–28. 910 Cf. Metam. 1.14.2; 4.10.4; 6.31.2; 6.32.1; 10.12.3 for other occasions of the cross.

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η« δεσθαι νομι΄σας το` ν θεο` ν α’ νδροφο΄ νοις. α’ λλ• ο‘ Σα΄ ραπις ε» χρησε πα΄ λιν, δια` νυκτο` ς ε’ πιστα΄ ς· 10 “Κη΄ δεσθαι΄ με δοκειñς, α» θλιε, τω ñ ν α’ δι΄κων; ει’ μη` νυñ ν σε μεθηñ κα θανειñν, θα΄ νατον με` ν α» λυπον νυñ ν ε» φυγες, σταυρω ñ, δ• »ισθι φυλαττο΄ μενος.” Translation. It is said that, to a murderer sleeping beside an unstable wall, Sarapis appeared during the night in a dream, and that he prophesied: “This man who is lying down, let him arise; and, O wretch, sleep after going away elsewhere.” 5 And he awoke and went away. And that unstable wall suddenly and immediately lay in ruins on the ground. And at earliest dawn the criminal offered a thank-offering to the gods while rejoicing, thinking that the god was amused with murderers. But Serapis again warned by oracle, appearing during the night: 10 “Do you think, wretch, that I care for the unrighteous? If I have not now permitted you to die, a painless death now you have fled, but know that you are being guarded for the cross.” Commentary.911 This epigram is attributed in the Greek Anthology (along with 9.377–379) to the fourth-century A . D . Alexandrian author Palladas. The paganism of the poem would indicate either that the author was a pagan himself, or that he was reproducing a pagan-influenced story.912 Sarapis (Serapis in Latin) is a god of the underworld and of healing; he had Egyptian origins, was prevalent in Alexandria, and often worked through oracles and cures in dreams. As in many other texts, the cross is here reserved for a criminal (see above sections 3.6.4–5). The human in this tale is variously represented as a murderer (α’ νδροφο΄ νος), wretch (τα΄ λας/α» θλιος), and criminal (κακουñ ργος); he is also considered to be among the unrighteous (τω ñ ν α’ δι΄κων). Sarapis assures the murderer that the very thing he thought was divine favor actually will enable his eventual punishment to be greater. He is being “guarded” (φυλαττο΄ μενος) for the cross (σταυρω ñ, ), much as a criminal is imprisoned prior to his trial and execution. Such a reversal comforts the reader by revealing that the gods will eventually repay the wicked.

─────────────── 911 Text: PATON, Greek Anthology, 3:206–208. Besides 11.192 and 9.378, other examples of σταυρο΄ ς and its cognates in the Anthologia Graeca are typically Christian (1.54, 60, 111; 8.24, 29, 146; 15.28; cf. 9.655) and thus remain outside the parameters of this study. 912 The religious background of Palladas is disputed.

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3.10.3 Use in Drama In addition to the comical references to the cross in ancient farces, there were vivid re-enactments of crucifixions in some ancient plays, as represented by Josephus and Juvenal. These provided important visual reinforcement of cultural stereotypes about the cross. (409) Josephus, Antiquities 19.94–95 ε» νθα δε` και` σημειñα μανθα΄ νει δυ΄ ο γενε΄ σθαι· και` γα` ρ μιñμος ει’ σα΄ γεται, καθ’ ο‹ ν σταυρουñ ται ληφθει` ς η‘ γεμω ΄ ν, ο« τε ο’ ρχηστη` ς δραñ μα ει’ σα΄ γει Κινυ΄ ραν, ε’ ν ω ð, αυ’ το΄ ς τε ε’ κτει΄νετο και` η‘ θυγα΄ τηρ Μυ΄ ρρα, αιðμα΄ τε ηò ν τεχνητο` ν πολυ` και` περι` το` ν σταυρωθε΄ ντα ε’ κκεχυμε΄ νον και` τω ñ ν περι` το` ν Κινυ΄ ραν. 95 ο‘ μολογειñται δε` και` τη` ν η‘ με΄ ραν ε’ κει΄νην γενε΄ σθαι, ε’ ν ηð, Φι΄λιππον το` ν ’Αμυ΄ ντου Μακεδο΄ νων βασιλε΄ α κτει΄νει Παυσανι΄ας ειðς τω ñ ν ε‘ ται΄ρων ει’ ς το` θε΄ ατρον ει’ σιο΄ ντα. Translation. And even there he [Gaius Caligula] noticed that there were two omens: for a mime was introduced, during which a ruler was crucified after he had been apprehended, and the pantomime dancer introduced the drama Cinyras, in which both he and his daughter Myrrha were slain; and much artificial blood had been spilt around both the crucified man and around Cinyras. 95 And it is also agreed that was the day in which Pausanias, one of the guards, killed Philip, son of Amyntas and the king of the Macedonians, while entering into the theater. Commentary.913 Josephus (at the end of the first century A.D.) is in the midst of narrating the story of Gaius Caligula’s assassination in January of A.D. 41. Gaius’ murder is important to Josephus, in large measure because of Gaius’ antagonism of the Jews and his sacrilegious desire to set up a statue of himself in the Jerusalem Temple – designs finally removed by his death (A. J. 18.257– 309). Josephus previously recounted another omen that preceded the event (e.g., 19.87), but here he enumerates two more: the blood spilt in the theater, and the day coinciding with the anniversary of the death of Philip of Macedon. Earlier, Josephus had mentioned Pausanias’ murder of Philip, who was the father of Alexander the Great (A. J. 11.304–305).914 The fact that Philip himself had been assassinated in a theater makes the parallel appear an omen of Nero’s demise. Nero was stabbed multiple times, and much blood accompanied his murder; thus the prodigious parallel with the day’s theatrical perfor─────────────── 913 Text: NIESE, Flavii Josephi Opera, 4:226–227. 914 The involvement of Pausanias in Philip’s death was well known, though any potential additional involvement of others (including Philip’s family) in the plot seems to have been rumored and debated (e.g., Aristotle, Pol. 1311b; Diodorus Siculus, Bib. hist. 16.93.1– 16.95.1; Justin, Epitome 9.6.1–9.7.2; Plutarch, Alex. 10.4).

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mances. Mimes and pantomimes were often paired in theaters – the pantomime consisting of dramatic solo dance to musical accompaniment, and a mime was an imitative play with multiple actors. Concerning the pantomime, Cinyras was a legendary wealthy king/priest of Cyprus (cf. Homer, Il. 11.19– 28; Plato, Leg. 660E; Tacitus, Hist. 2.3), who was said to have committed incest with his daughter Myrrha; she was later transformed into the myrrh tree (e.g., Ovid, Metam. 11.298–518; Plutarch, Parallela minora 22; though see Apollodorus, Library 3.14.3). Blood does not enter into many of the ancient tales of Cinyras and Myrrha, though perhaps those traditions varied sufficiently in antiquity to have allowed a more violent conclusion to the story/play (even in Ovid, Cinyras pursues his daughter with a sword). The mime involved an actor feigning crucifixion with the aid of “artificial blood” (αιðμα ... τεχνητο΄ ν). Josephus does not provide the title of the play/mime (though it has often been asserted to be the Laureolus),915 nor does he describe the mime sufficiently to allow us to discern the character traits of this “ruler” (η‘ γεμω ΄ν – could this have been a leader of brigands?) or why he deserved to be crucified (σταυρουñ ται).916 For our purposes, it is significant to observe that flowing blood (even quantities of blood) could be associated with crucifixion.917 This text can be compared and contrasted with our next passage. (410) Suetonius, Gaius Caligula 57.3–4 Prodigiorum loco habita sunt etiam, quae forte illo ipso die paulo prius acciderant. 4 Sacrificans respersus est phoenicopteri sanguine; et pantomimus Mnester tragoediam saltavit, quam olim Neoptolemus tragoedus ludis, quibus rex Macedonum Philippus occisus est, egerat; et cum in Laureolo mimo, in quo actor proripiens se ruina sanguinem vomit, plures secundarum certatim experimentum artis darent, cruore scaena abundavit. Parabatur et in noctem spectaculum, quo argumenta inferorum per Aegyptios et Aethiopas explicarentur. ─────────────── 915 The reasons for identifying the mime with the Laureolus would include: the parallel in Suetonius (Cal. 57.3–4; see below) gives the name of the mime on this day as Laureolus (though Suetonius does not mention crucifixion in his account), Juvenal (Sat. 8.183–188; see below) mentions a play by that name that involves a man attached to a cross, and Martial records a spectacle about a crucified criminal playing Laureolus in the Colosseum during the reign of Titus (see below, Martial, Epigrammaton – Liber de spectaculis 7.1–12). 916 WHISTON’s eighteenth-century translation referred to this character as “a leader of robbers”; WHISTON, Flavius Josephus, 507. 917 Even if one were to skeptically assert, possibly in light of Suetonius’ omission of crucifixion in his account of the mime, that Josephus was confused about crucifixion being part of the play on that occasion, it still remains the case that Josephus himself believed that a play about a cross would involve much blood. Josephus, of course, had witnessed many crucifixions in his day; e.g., Vita 420–421; B. J. 5.449–451; etc.

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Translation. By way of prodigies, events had also been observed, which fortuitously had occurred a little before in that very day: 4 While sacrificing, he [Gaius Caligula] had been sprinkled with the blood of a flamingo. And the pantomime Mnester danced a tragedy, which long ago Neoptolemus the tragedian had acted during the games at which Philip, king of the Macedonians, had been killed. And when in the mime Laureolus, in which the main character bursts forth with a collapse and discharges blood, many of the secondary [actors] zealously gave proof of their craft, [so] the stage overflowed with blood. A spectacle was also prepared for the night, in which stories of those inhabiting the Underworld would be displayed by the agency of Egyptians and Ethiopians. Commentary.918 Notably, this text does not mention the cross, which is precisely why it is important to compare it with the preceding passage from Josephus. Suetonius (writing in the early second century A.D.) was quite fond of prodigies and portents, and he frequently included them in his writing (especially preceding the death of an emperor). He records multa prodigia in 57.1–4, going well beyond Josephus’ short list. The portents in the selection above focus on spilt blood and omens of the Underworld.919 In comparison, a few omens are also recorded in Cassius Dio (Hist. rom. 59.29.3–4), with some overlap with Suetonius, but Dio mentions nothing of the theater productions that day in his account of Gaius’ assassination (59.29.1–59.30.1). It is these matters of the theater that concern us, and here it is good to compare and contrast Suetonius with his older contemporary Josephus (A. J. 19.94–95). Both indicate that a pantomime and a mime were performed, both connect the performance in some way to Philip of Macedon, and both mention an excess of blood on the stage. However, whereas Josephus names the pantomime (Cinyras), Suetonius provides the title of the mime (Laureolus). Concerning the pantomime, Suetonius focuses on Mnester (who was the solo dancer in the pantomime)920 and on the previous performance by Neoptolemus. That earlier performance provides another contrast: while Josephus emphasizes that the calendar day was the same as the date of Philip’s assassination, Suetonius does not mention the date, but records (with some level of detail) that the very play was the same. Suetonius does not directly associate blood with the pantomime, but with the mime and especially with the excesses of the secondary ─────────────── 918 Text: ROLFE, Suetonius, 1:492. 919 Flamingos, peacocks and other exotic birds were also regularly offered in the temple to Gaius; Suetonius, Cal. 22.3. 920 Perhaps this detail was of import to Suetonius since he had previously implied that Mnester was one of Gaius’ sexual favorites (Cal. 36.1; 55.1). Mnester was later beheaded by Claudius for his continued sexual favors to others in the imperial house, especially to Messalina (Seneca, Apocol. 13; Tacitus Ann. 11.36; cf. 11.4; Cassius Dio, Hist. rom. 60.22.3– 5; 60.28.3–5; 60.31.5).

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actors (plures secundarum).921 Finally, though Suetonius relates that the title of the mime was Laureolus, which from other sources involved a crucifixion of the title character (see below Juvenal, Sat. 8.183–188; Martial, Epigrammaton – Liber de spectaculis 7.1–12), Suetonius only speaks to the blood the actor discharged, without referring to a cross. None of these contrasting details constitute an actual contradiction, so a harmony of the two accounts could be possible. Nevertheless, it is striking that Suetonius, who otherwise mentions the cross (cf. Iul. 74.1; Cal. 12.2; Galb. 9.1; Dom. 10.1; 11.1) and who typically provides more detail here than Josephus, does not mention crucifixion in this instance. His focus appears to be more on the bloodletting than on its precise means. (411) Juvenal, Saturae 8.183–188 Quid si numquam adeo foedis adeoque pudendis utimur exemplis, ut non peiora supersint? consumptis opibus vocem, Damasippe, locasti sipario, clamosum ageres ut Phasma Catulli. Laureolum velox etiam bene Lentulus egit, iudice me dignus vera cruce. Translation. 183 What if we never employ such extremely repugnant and extremely shameful examples, so that no worse ones remain? 185 With [your] wealth exhausted, Damasippus, you hired out [your] voice to the stage-screen, playing Catullus’ noisy Ghost. 187 Even fleet-footed Lentulus successfully played Laureolus, 188 by my judgment meriting a real cross. Commentary.922 In the early second century A.D. Juvenal derides members of the upper classes who seek fame and fortune from the theatre and other public spectacles.923 Juvenal asserts in this satire that an ancient house and good pedigree is of no inherent value, but that “the one and only nobility is virtue” (8.20). According to Juvenal, these two examples from the stage are among those instances that represent exceedingly shocking and shameful behavior (adeo foedis adeoque pudendis) for a citizen. It must be remembered that Roman actors were often of the lowest classes (including slaves), and in any ─────────────── 921 ROLFE, Suetonius, 1:492n. notes, “The actors secundarum partium entertained the spectators after a play by imitating the actions of the star.” A similar note can be found in ROBERT GRAVES, Gaius Suetonius Tranquillus. The Twelve Caesars (Revised by Michael Grant; London / New York: Penguin, 1989), 182n. 922 Text: RAMSAY, Juvenal and Persius, 172. 923 Juvenal continues after this passage by also denigrating those upper-class members who watch their fellow citizens engage in such demeaning tomfoolery 8.188–199. He further mentions citizens volunteering as gladiators (8.199–210) and Nero as the extreme example of a patrician man putting himself on display at the theatre (8.211–230).

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case their profession (while much in public attention) was often viewed as a crass one. In the first example, Damasippus earns money playing the voice of a ghost from behind a small stage-screen (siparium). In the second, Lentulus plays the role of Laureolus, who is famously crucified in the play. Juvenal’s satirical twist would be to reward Lentulus’ realistic portrayal of crucifixion by wishing him the honor of suffering on an actual cross. We should again note how Juvenal considers this role of crucified Laureolus as excessively shameful for a decent Roman citizen, though the context implies this has both to do with the very activity of serving as an actor as well as with the specifically demeaning role. 3.10.4 Use in Public Spectacle Entertainment As a special case of the “public” nature of crucifixion (and related suspension penalties), the employment of the cross in public spectacular entertainment is particularly striking. Certainly societies both before and after the Romans have made executions into a kind of entertainment for the masses.924 However, the Romans honed this into a gruesome art, especially in the arena, where masses of people around the empire would watch the execution of condemned criminals as a prelude to the popular gladiatorial combats.925 Such executions were typically harsh (involving beasts, fire, crosses), and much creativity could be applied to the staging of such events. Martial’s account of the dedicatory games at the Flavian Amphitheatre provides special insight into the use of such an arena.926 (412) Martial, Epigrammaton – Liber de spectaculis 7.1–12 Qualiter in Scythica religatus rupe Prometheus, adsiduam nimio pectore pavit avem, ─────────────── 924 Even into the modern era, one can readily think of public hangings from a noose as well as use of the guillotine, drawing and quartering, and other communal participatory execution methods. Today Western culture typically does not condone such realism, preferring the death and mayhem to be artificially (albeit graphically) reproduced in films and books, and insisting that dangerous combat sports develop at least some rules to guard against a public death. 925 For a useful study of such events, see KYLE, Spectacles; concerning crucifixion note especially ibid. 53–55, 168–169 (and the useful corresponding notes ibid. 72–75, 181–182). 926 There are further clues to the use of cross in spectacles. Among those mentioned above, note that though Philo found Flaccus’ treatment of the Jewish people abominable, it was predicated in part on the gruesome realties of execution as Roman spectacle (Philo, Flacc. 72, 83– 84). The burning of Christians on crosses by Nero also drew on the imagery of spectacular executions (Tacitus, Ann. 15:44), and this becomes a theme in many subsequent Christian martyrdoms. See further the Historia Augusta 24 (Tyranni triginta) 29.3–4.

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nuda Caledonia sic viscera praebuit urso, non falsa pendens in cruce Laureolus, 5 vivebant laceri membris stillantibus artus inque omni nusquam corpore corpus erat, denique supplicium [dignum tulit; ille parentis] vel domini iugulum foderat ense nocens, templa vel arcano demens spoliaverat auro, 10 subdiderat saevas vel tibi, Roma, faces. vicerat antiquae sceleratus crimina famae, in quo, quae fuerat fabula, poena fuit. Translation. In the state which Prometheus, having been bound to a Scythian cliff, struck the unremitting bird with [his] extraordinary chest, thus Laureolus, hanging on no counterfeit cross, presented [his] exposed internal organs to a Caledonian bear. 5 [His] mutilated limbs lived, while the body members dripped [with blood], and in all the body there was nowhere a body. In the end he endured a well-deserved punishment; that man had stabbed the throat of [his] parent or master, injuring [them] with a sword, Being insane, either he had plundered temples with [their] hidden gold, 10 or he had applied savage firebrands to you, O Rome. The accursed man surpassed the crimes of ancient fame – in him that which had been a play became a penalty. Commentary.927 Marcus Valerius Martialis was raised in Spain but lived most of his adult life throughout the latter half of the first century A.D. in Rome and Italy. He penned his epigrams On the Spectacles to celebrate the opening shows / matches at the Flavian Amphitheatre (i.e., the “Colosseum”) in A.D. 80.928 These brief poetical units frequently honor the emperor Titus and his imperial sponsorship of these spectacles. Prior to the grand gladiatorial shows each day, it was common to produce public executions, and these could mimic famous myths or plays (as when a person playing wingless Daedalus attempted to escape an attacking boar, see Spec. 8). Here in De spectaculis 7.1–12, a criminal is made to play the part of the crucified Laureolus (on this play see above: Josephus, A. J. 19.94; Suetonius, Cal. 57; Juvenal, Sat. 8.183– 188), with the added feature of “Laureolus” being devoured on the cross by a bear (thus combining a known play with the features of a wild animal show). ─────────────── 927 Text: WALTER C. A. KER, Martial. Epigrams (2 vols.; LCL; London: Heinemann, 1919), 1:6–8. The bracketed section in line 7 is supplied by KER, who follows SCHNEIDEWIN. 928 Though sometimes published with Martial’ more famous extended 12 (or 14) books of Epigrammaton, technically the Liber de spectaculis, sometimes called just Epigrammaton Liber, preceded its more extensive kin by some years and should be distinguished from it; SAMUELSSON, Crucifixion, 198 mistakenly conflates these.

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Given Martial’s tendency to highlight the last line(s) of his epigrams, here he may well be emphasizing the audience’s glee at recognizing how the “play became the penalty” – with a living criminal in the role of Laureolus truly suffering death before their very eyes on a very real (non falsa) cross.929 Note how in the opening lines Martial draws an analogy between Laureolus hanging from a cross (crux) and Prometheus being bound to a cliff; the resemblance of Prometheus’ fate to crucifixion is also observed repeatedly in Lucian (Sacr. 6; Jupp. conf. 8; and Prometheus passim; see section 3.9.2). After Prometheus created humanity and gave them fire, Zeus/Jupiter famously sentenced him to be attached to a rocky promontory in the Caucasus Mountains, so that an eagle could daily devour the immortal’s entrails. The analogy was heightened in Titus’ arena by the added feature of the crucified criminal (in the guise of Laureolus) being hastened to his death by having his entrails devoured (though by a bear rather than a bird). Martial increases the irony in lines 1–4 by designating both Prometheus and Laureolus as the active subjects in each of their respective clauses – thus Prometheus is the one who strikes the bird with his chest (rather than the bird playing the active role) and Laureolus is the one who presents his internal organs to the bear. Lines 5–6 graphically depict the criminal’s death. The bear has apparently devoured the internal organs and torso of the criminal so that “in all the body there was nowhere a body” – i.e., he now longer looked like a whole human. At the same time, the limbs are apparently still hanging on the device and dripping blood. Martial depicts the limbs as still living (vivebant laceri ... artus), implying that the person was alive on the crux while the bear attacked his midriff. It is true that we receive no full description of the precise form of the crux, but SAMUELSSON, perhaps too cursorily, asserts that the text does not reveal the “kind of authentic device.”930 The crux here must have been an implement used to affix a still living man by his limbs at an elevation that a bear could easily reach his entrails. Martial seems unclear on the crime that led this particular man to be executed in the crux-form of Laureolus in the Colosseum before clamoring Roman crowds; instead, he provides a range of options: parricide, murder of a master by a slave, temple-robbery, or attempted arson against the city of Rome. This likely provides us with a short list of the kinds of extreme crimes that could invite such a severe form of execution. In any case, Martial appears convinced that the punishment was “well-deserved” (supplicium dignum),931 ─────────────── 929 Though falsa could potentially modify either viscera or cruce in this poetic sentence, here we follow KER in associating it with cruce. In either case Martial shares his amazement that a famous legend/play is being really enacted before everyone’s eyes. 930 SAMUELSSON, Crucifixion, 198. 931 Again note that “dignum” in line 7 is among the text supplied by the editor, so we rightly can only assign limited weight to this one word. However, everything in Martial’s text implies that he admired this innovative way of putting such a man to death. Indeed, most of

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testifying to his trust in the proceedings, even though he does not seem to have been privy to the specifics of the crime. That the criminal may have been “insane” (demens) is no excuse – the modern insanity defense carried no weight in such a matter. Martial does deem the man “accursed” (sceleratus), though the text is too brief as to ascertain whether this assertion stems from the man’s character, his excessive crimes, or his fateful death (or perhaps a combination of these). 3.10.5 Dream Interpretation (413) Artemidorus, Onirocriticon 2.53 Σταυρουñ σθαι παñ σι με` ν τοιñς ναυτιλλομε΄ νοις α’ γαθο΄ ν· και` γα` ρ ε’ κ ξυ΄ λων και` η« λων γε΄ γονεν ο‘ σταυρο` ς ω‘ ς και` το` πλοιñον, και` η‘ κατα΄ ρτιος αυ’ τουñ ο‘ μοι΄α ε’ στι` σταυρω ñ, . α’ γαθο` ν δε` και` πε΄ νητι· και` γα` ρ υ‘ ψηλο` ς ο‘ σταυρωθει` ς και` πολλου` ς τρε΄ φει <οι’ ωνου΄ ς>. τα` δε` κρυπτα` ε’ λε΄ γχει· ε’ κφανη` ς γα` ρ ο‘ σταυρωθει΄ς. του` ς δε` πλουσι΄ους βλα΄ πτει· γυμνοι` γα` ρ σταυρουñ νται και` τα` ς σα΄ ρκας α’ πολλυ΄ ουσιν οι‘ σταυρωθε΄ ντες. Translation. To be crucified is good for all those who sail, for the cross also has come from wood and nails, like the boat, and its mast is likened to the cross. And for the day-laborer it is also good, for the one who has been crucified is also up high and feeds many “birds”. And the hidden things it exposes, for the one who has been crucified is manifest. But it damages the wealthy, for those who have been crucified are crucified naked and lose their flesh. Commentary. 932 Writing in the late second century A .D ., Artemidorus of Daldis (or Ephesus) depicts here the meaning of dreams that involve crucifixion. Obviously, crucifixion must have been prevalent enough in antiquity that people could experience dreams about it. One useful facet of Artemidorus’ work is that provides a rationale for each dream-interpretation. Thus we learn that a σταυρο' ς made of “wood and nails” – either indicating that it required fixing more than one pole together, or that the person was affixed to the σταυρο' ς by means of nails. The fact that it is shaped like a ship’s mast may well indicate that Artemidorus assumes both an upright pole and a crossbeam. Similarly, we read that the cross is elevated, that its victim becomes food for birds, that it is public, that victims are crucified “naked,”933 and that they are ─────────────── De spectaculis joins the crowds in savagely appreciating the brutal spectacles that Caesar staged. 932 HARRIS-MCCOY, Artemidorus’ Oneirocritica, 236. 933 COOK, Crucifixion, 192–193 argues that γυμνοι΄ does not necessarily mean the person was utterly without clothes.

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left up long enough that eventually their flesh decays on the cross. After the paragraph above, the text proceeds to discuss the meaning of crucifixion for unmarried men (they will get married), for slaves (they will be freed), for house and farm owners (they will be ejected from their land), and for urban dwellers (they will achieve political office). In the process, we learn that binds could be involved in crucifixion, and that crosses were set up in the city vicinities. Further mentions of the cross are also to be found in Artemidorus.934. 3.10.6 Vulgar Taunts, Curses, and Jests Closely related to, and sometimes difficult to distinguish from, some of the categories above is the way that references to the crux can appear in coarse language. This especially occurs in comedic plays and in satirical writing, where one finds frequent use of expletives, crass jokes, curses, and farcical (and occasionally crude) repartee. It is likely that this expresses something more akin to normal speech for most Romans than one finds in much of our extant well-crafted oratory and historical narratives. For that reason, a substantial number of passages occur below (esp. from the early Latin authors Plautus and Terence). The section concludes by examining two graffiti examples, one of which has substantial bearing on how pagans viewed from outside the Christian faith in a crucified Son of God. (414) Plautus, Stichus 625–629 Epig. Di immortales, hic quidem pol summam in crucem cena aut prandio perduci potest. Gel. Ita ingenium meumst: quicumvis depugno multo facilius quam cum fame. Epig. Dum parasitus mi atque fratri fuisti, rem confregimus. Gel. Non nego ista apud te. Epig. Satis spectatast mihi iam tua felicitas; nunc ego nolo ex Gelasimo mihi fieri te Catagelasimum. Translation. Epig. Immortal gods!, By Pollux, this man can indeed be induced to the highest cross for dinner or for lunch. Gel. Such is my natural disposition: With many things I can fight more easily than with hunger. Epig. When you were a parasite to my brother and I, we ruined our wealth. Gel. In your presence I would not deny that. ─────────────── 934 Thus see Onir. 2.56 in No. 119. Also see sections 1.76 and 2.68.

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Epig. I have witnessed your good-luck enough now; Now I do not want you to be made for me from Gelasimus to Catagelasimus. Commentary.935 Previously we observed how Plautus makes frequent use of the crux in his comedies, typically in reference to pimps and especially to slaves (see section 3.6.2). Based on the title page, Stichus was produced in 200 B.C. and was based on the ’Αδελφοι΄ by Menander from about a century earlier. At the end of Act 4 of Stichus there is a protracted humorous interaction between Epignomus and Gelasimus. Epignomus was one of two destitute brothers, while Gelasimus was their former “parasite” (i.e., a person who had no real occupation, but who relied on their regular invitation to dinner in exchange for his witty company). The comedy here revolves around Gelasimus’ ravenous eating habits – these, claims Epignomus, had quite literally eaten his brother and him out of house and home. Epignomus refuses to provide another meal for Gelasimus, lest he be made to look even more “ridiculous” – note while Gelasimus transliterates the Greek γελα΄ σιμος (“laughable”), Catagelasimus comes from καταγελα΄ σιμος (meaning “ridiculous”). Epignomus had just previously joked that Gelasimus should go find his meal at the local jail. To which Gelasimus replied that he would gladly do so if it meant a meal. The opening line cited above then goes mockingly well beyond the sufferings of a prison, when Epignomus intones that Gelasimus would be willing to go to a cross if it meant he had a good square meal. While a crux rarely can imply a place of torture in Plautus (likely an apparatus that held someone while they are whipped; see Plautus, Asin. 545–557 quoted above in No. 312), here the picture is of Gelasimus being led (perduci) to the “highest cross” (summam in crucem). The height of such a device would not have served well for scourging, and thus it is much more likely a place of execution (cf. Plautus, Most. 55–57, 348–361, 1128–1134; Mil. glor. 368– 374, quoted above in No. 309). (415) Plautus, Captivi 469–470 ilicet parasiticae arti maximam malam crucem, ita iuventus iam ridiculos inopesque ab se segregat. Translation. May the practices of the parasite go off to the most wicked cross, since now the youth dissociate themselves from the jesters and the destitute. Commentary.936 At the beginning of Act 3 of The Captives, Ergasilus, a parasite, bemoans the state of parasites in his day. He finds himself going hungry ─────────────── 935 Text: NIXON, Plautus, 5:74. For other editions (and translations) of Plautus cf. No. 113. 936 Text: NIXON, Plautus, 1:506.

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because the youth in his Greek community are less interested in having a witty conversationalist like a parasite (a “destitute jester,” so to speak) at the table (whose reward comes only in invitations to eat and carouse). Instead those rich young youths invite other wealthy friends to their tables who will later be able to return the favor. And such youths do not need a parasite acting as a mediator to arrange with a pimp for their prostitutes, since the youths brazenly now contract with the pimps directly. Plautus has Ergasilus employ the phrase ilicet ... maximam malam crucem (“may it go off to the most wicked cross”) as a kind of curse on his parasitical profession. Since today we do not tell people or things to “go off to the wicked cross,” this phrase is often rendered into English with a more natural English curse formula, like “go to the devil” or “to hell with.”937 However in Latin, clearly the crux itself is being employed here as a vehement and vulgar curse. Further examples of this vulgarity in Plautus will be provided below, though often with less comment. (416) Plautus, Amphitryon 1034A–B Amph. At ego te cruce et cruciatu mactabo, mastigia. Mer. Erus Amphitruost occupatus. Translation. Amph. And I will punish you with the cross and with torture, whipping post! Mer. The master, Amphitryon, is busy. Commentary. 938 Unfortunately, Act 4, Scene 2 of the Amphitryon has an extended section where only a few lines have been preserved. These two fragmentary lines above report a conversation between Amphitryon and the god Mercury (who has appeared in the guise of Amphitryon’s slave, Sosia). Earlier in the play Jupiter has also masqueraded in the form of Amphitryon to sleep with Amphitryon’s wife (Mercury/Sosia helped bring this about). The real Amphitryon has recently discovered that his wife has committed this “adultery,” and he now seeks to charge her and to capture the male culprit. Throughout the play Amphitryon verbally abuses the crafty Mercury, all the while thinking he is talking to his slave (Sosia). Here Amphitryon calls Mercury/Sosia a mastigia (“one who deserves a whipping”), which is an epithet that appears often in Plautus when a person is angry with a slave.939 Amphi─────────────── 937 Thus NIXON in LCL translation will typically render such phrases as he does here: “Devil take the parasitical profession!”; NIXON, Plautus, 1:507. OLD s.v. ilicet suggests “to hell with (so-and-so)” as the translation of ilicet malam crucem (citing Plautus, Capt. 469 as an example). Another approach is taken by RILEY: “Away with the profession of a Parasite to very utter and extreme perdition!” 938 Text: NIXON, Plautus, 1:106 (where the fragmentary lines are accorded Roman numerals rather than letters – this being 1034 I & II). 939 Another term that appears in the Amphitryon as a vulgar taunt against slaves is furcifer,

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tryon threatens Mercury/Sosia with the crux and with torture (cruciatus). Both punishments are fitting penalties for a slave (see section 3.6.2 above for crux). Though seeming to be lexical cognates, crux and cruciatus appear to be distinguished here, with the latter indicating “torture” and the former referring to an object upon which someone is hung.940 Without proper context, we do not know the full story of this interaction. But, Mercury apparently still refuses to provide Amphitryon access to Jupiter (i.e., Amphitryon’s double). Indeed, Mercury replies with the double entendre, “the master is busy” – note how the title “master” (Erus) works both as the slave Sosia (i.e., Mercury in disguise) addresses his “master” Amphitryon (albeit Jupiter in costume), and also as the god Mercury speaks of Jupiter as the “master” god, whom Amphitryon should worship rather than fight. (417) Plautus, Asinaria 940–941 Art. Phil. Dem. Phil. Argyr.

I domum. Da savium etiam prius quam abis. I in crucem. Immo intro potius. sequere hac me, mi anime. Ego vero sequor.

Translation. Art. Go home! Phil. Give [me] an erotic kiss again before you go away. Dem. Go to the cross! Phil. No, no, I rather go in. [To Argyrippus] Follow me there, my love. Argyr. Truly I am following! Commentary.941 At the end of the Comedy of Asses, the elderly Demaenetus receives his just desserts. Demaenetus has assisted his son, Argyrippus, in acquiring enough money to buy the beautiful courtesan Philaenium, but on the condition that Demaenetus gets the first night with her. Meanwhile, Demaenetus’ enemy conspires to let Artemona (Demaenetus’ wife) discover this ren─────────────── which may have allusion (via furca) to something much akin to crucifixion (see footnote on furcifer in No. 304 in reference to Plautus, Most. 69–71): ego pol te istis tuis pro dictis et male factis, furcifer, accipiam (“By Pollux, I will receive you in keeping with this talk and wicked doings of yours, furcifer!”; Amph. 285–286); Pergin autem? nonne ego possum, furcifer, te perdere? (“Droning on again? Am I not able, furcifer, to destroy you?”; Amph. 539). 940 While one might argue crux and cruciatus form a hendiadys here, these most likely are set alongside one another here as distinct punishments, which would indicate that the crux here is something other than an equivalent of “torture” (cruciatus). This is contrary to the translation of NIXON, Plautus, 1:107: “torture and torment”. 941 Text: NIXON, Plautus, 1:226.

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dezvous. Artemona interrupts the banquet where Demaenetus is dallying with Philaenium (right in front of Argyrippus), and she carts her lecherous old husband away. As he leaves, Philaenium, who has all along been disgusted by Demaenetus, jokingly calls out to him for one last savium (“erotic kiss”; cf. his demand of her in line 891). He angrily retorts: I in crucem (“go to the cross”). To that she quips that she will “go in” instead, and invites Argyrippus to join her. (418) Plautus, Aulularia 517–522 iam hosce absolutos censeas: cedunt, petunt treceni, cum stant thylacistae in atriis textores limbularii, arcularii. ducuntur, datur aes. iam absolutos censeas, cum incedunt infectores corcotarii, aut aliqua mala crux semper est, quae aliquid petat. Translation. Now you might suppose these [creditors] are finished: they go, yet three hundred [more] pursue, even while the offering collectors942 stand in the atrium, weavers, fringe-makers, and chest-makers. As they are led in, money is paid. Now you might suppose [these are] finished, when the dyers of saffron-colored robes step up, or some other wicked cross is always there, who pursues something else. Commentary.943 The opening of Act 3, Scene 5 of the Aulularia (The Pot of Gold) presents an extended monologue by the Athenian gentleman Megadorus, who complains of the creditors that afflict wealthy gentlemen who marry wives with expensive tastes. Megadorus delineates a long list of tradesmen who come with their invoices and open hands; only a small selection of this text is presented above. In his frustration Megadorus calls such a creditor a mala crux. (419) Plautus, Aulularia 628–633 Eucl. I foras, lumbrice, qui sub terra erepsisti modo, qui modo nusquam comparebas, nunc, cum compares, peris. ego pol te, praestrigiator, miseris iam accipiam modis. ─────────────── 942 Some translations render phylacistae as “jailers”. 943 Text: NIXON, Plautus, 1:286–288.

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Strob. Quae te mala crux agitat? quid tibi mecum est commerci, senex? quid me adflictas? quid me raptas? qua me causa verberas? Eucl. Verberabilissime, etiam rogitas, non fur, sed trifur? Translation. Eucl. Come outside, worm, who crawled out from under the earth just now, who first will not be seen anywhere, now, when you are seen, you disappear. By Pollux, trickster, I will now deal with you in a wretched way. Strob. What wicked cross rouses you? What is the relationship between you and me, old man? What are you striking me for? What are you grabbing me for? Why are you beating me? Eucl. O most-deserving-a beating! Do you still ask that? You are not a thief, but a triple-thief. Commentary.944 Act 4, Scene 4 recounts this interchange between Euclio, an old miserly gentleman, and Strobilus, who is a friend’s slave. Throughout the play Euclio has been worried that someone will discover his hidden pot of gold, and now he believes Strobilus has stolen it. In fact, Strobilius has not yet done so, though he intends to. Euclio calls the slave multiple names (lumbrice, praestrigiator, verberabilissime, trifur), and he will continue to intimidate Strobilus (even threatening to hang him up).945 The slave here retorts: Quae te mala crux agitat? (“What wicked cross rouses you?”),946 using mala crux to represent a vulgar origin that has stimulated the old man’s violent actions. This seems surprising language from a slave to a citizen, but therein lies some of the humor, and Strobilus will continue to taunt the “old man” for many more lines. (420) Plautus, Bacchides 583–586 Quid istuc? quae istaec est pulsatio?947 quae te mala crux agitat, qui ad istunc modum alieno viris tuas extentes ostio? fores paene exfregisti. quid nunc vis tibi? ─────────────── 944 Text: NIXON, Plautus, 1:298. 945 See Aul. 643–644: Fateor, quia non pendes, maximam. atque id quoque iam fiet, nisi fatere (“I did a great [injury], because you are not hanging up. And that also soon will be done, if you do not make [a confession]”). 946 NIXON’s translation captures the spirit of this well: “What the devil’s got into you?”; NIXON, Plautus, 1:299. 947 NIXON follows LEO in noting a possible lacuna here after this line in the text; NIXON, Plautus, 1:386.

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Translation. What is that? What is that pounding? What wicked cross rouses you, such that in this manner you fully exert your manhood against someone else’s door? You have all but broken open the double doors. What do you want now? Commentary.948 At the beginning of Act 4, Scene 2, Pistoclerus answers the pounding at the door,949 where a man waits with the message that Pistoclerus must send his beloved courtesan off with the Captain who bought her. He responds angrily both to the knocking and to the message. Note the phrase quae te mala crux agitat is identical to that in Plautus, Aul. 631 (see above). (421) Plautus, Bacchides 899–904 Cleom. Chrys. Cleom. Chrys. Cleom. Chrys.

Vbi nunc Mnesilochus ergost? Rus misit pater. illa autem in arcem abiit aedem visere Minervae. nunc apertast. i, vise estne ibi. Abeo ad forum igitur. Vel hercle in malam crucem. Hodie exigam aurum hoc? Exige, ac suspende te: ne supplicare hunc censeas tibi, nihili homo.

Translation. Cleom. Where now is Mnesilochus in that case? Chrys. His father sent [him] to the country. On the other hand, that lady went out to the Acropolis to behold the temple of Minerva. Now it is open. Go, see if she is not there. Cleom. Therefore I will go out to the forum. Chrys. Or, by Hercules, to the wicked cross. Cleom. Today will I exact the gold from this man? Chrys. You will exact it, and hang yourself: You should not suppose he will humbly petition you, O worthless man. ─────────────── 948 Text: NIXON, Plautus, 1:386. 949 The knocking comes from a parasite of the Captain, who arrives with a page. The pages raps quietly on the door, and the parasite angrily rebukes him for his wimpy knocking (saying: recede hinc dierecte – “go from here and be hanged” in line 579). The parasite then proceeds to pound on the door just prior to our excerpt above. The notion of being “hung up” (dierecte) shortly before mala crux, appears to be another example of Plautus’ irony.

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Commentary.950 The slave Chrysalus here is working out a scheme to buy off Cleomachus’ hold on his courtesan (one of two girls named Bacchis) for the sake of Mnesilochus, by using money from Nicobulus (Chrysalus’ master and Mnesilochus’ father). Cleomachus comes looking for Bacchis, and despite Chrysalus’ statement above, Bacchis actually reclines in an adjacent room along with Mnesilochus. Meanwhile, Cleomachus, though a foreign captain, has agreed to let the slave Chrysalus abuse him (cf. line 875), in hopes that Cleomachus will obtain 200 gold pieces from Nicobulus via Chrysalus (who fears that Cleomachus will attack his son). In addition to nihili homo (“worthless man”), Chrysalus’ terms of abuse here include wishing Cleomachus to go off in malam crucem (“unto the wicked cross”) and commanding him to “hang yourself” (suspende te). (422) Plautus, Casina 89–96 Ol. Non mihi licere meam rem me solum, ut volo, loqui atque cogitare, sine ted arbitro? quid tu, malum, me sequere? Ch. Quia certum est mihi, quasi umbra, quoquo tu ibis, te semper sequi; quin edepol etiam si in crucem vis pergere, sequi decretumst. Translation. Ol. Am I not to be permitted to talk and to think alone, as I wish, about my own affairs, without you being a spectator? What the deuce are you following me for? Ch. Because I am determined, like a shadow, wherever you go, to follow you always; why, by Pollux, even if you want to hasten to the cross, I have decided to follow. Commentary.951 This conversation between two slaves comes from the very opening lines of Casina Act 1 (after an extended prologue). This Latin farce was based on an original Greek play by Diphilus. Chalinus is shadowing Olympio everywhere, for he realizes that Olympio is scheming to make Casina (a beautiful handmaid in their master’s house) his wife. In a vividly humorous word picture between the two slaves, Chalinus asserts that he will even accompany Olympio as he mounts the cross (cf. section 3.6.2 for slaves and the crux). ─────────────── 950 Text: NIXON, Plautus, 1:420. 951 Text: NIXON, Plautus, 2:12.

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(423) Plautus, Casina 415–416 Ol. Ch. Cleost.

Ostende. mea haec est. Mala crux east quidem. Victus es, Chaline.

Translation. Ol. Show me! This [lot] is mine! Ch. That indeed is a wicked cross! Cleost. You have been conquered, Chalinus. Commentary.952 Lysidamus, the master of the house, has also been stricken with lust for the slave-woman Casina. Here in Act 2, Scene 6, Lysidamus and Cleostrata (his wife) are drawing lots to see which slave gets to marry Casina. Lysidamus hopes that Olympio will win, since Olympio (Lysidamus’ slave and overseer of his country estate) will then help arrange secret trysts for Lysidamus with Casina. Cleostrata suspects this is Lysidamus’ aim, and puts forth Chalinus as the slave she thinks should have Casina’s hand in marriage. In the first line quoted above, Olympio witnesses that the lot has indeed fallen to him, and Cleostrata acknowledges the defeat in the last line. In between, Chalinus (who truly wished to marry Casina) expresses his grief by comparing it to a “wicked cross” (mala crux). The overtones of death here have been signaled earlier in the play, where Chalinus repeatedly emotes that it would be death to him should Olympio marry Casina instead of him.953 (424) Plautus, Casina 611–613 Lys. Alc.

Quid nunc? missurusne es ad me uxorem tuam? Ducas, easque in maxumam malam crucem cum hac cum istac, cumque amica etiam tua.

Translation. Lys. What now? Will you be sending your wife to me? ─────────────── 952 Text: NIXON, Plautus, 2:46. 953 Chalinus even states: “By Hercules, it would be better for me to be dead by means of hanging myself, than for you to be made more entitled to her” (hercle me suspendio, quam tu eius potior fias, satiust mortuom in line 111–112). To which Olympio responded: “She is my plunder; so then you should plunge yourself on a noose” (Mea praedast illa; proin tu te in laqueum induas in line 113). And later Chalinus briefly considers suicide by hanging himself since he has lost Casina in this drawing of lots (in Act 2 scene 7), before he learns that he can help thwart Lysidamus’ scheme. Such notions of suicide, despite showing the depth of emotion Chalinus feels and despite the repeated notions of a death by suspension, need not carry over to the precise means of death implied by mala crux. There is no reason to think that a mala crux is a device for holding a noose (i.e., a “gallows”). It is simply another epithet that calls forth notions of a death by suspension.

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Alc.

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Take [her], and go unto the most wicked cross – with her, with that [wife] of yours, and with your girlfriend too!

Commentary.954 Here in this comedy (Act 3, Scene 4) two old Athenian neighbors converse. Lysidamus, now beside himself in lust for Casina, has made arrangements to have an affair with Casina at Alcesimus’ house (even on the night after her impending wedding to Olympio). In order to have Alcesimus’ house empty for the affair, Lysidamus has asked Alcesimus to vacate the house with his servants and to send his wife over to Lysidamus’ house to keep Lysidamus’ wife company (and out of the way). However, Cleostrata (Lysidamus’ wife), upon learning of the scheme, has stoked a conflict between the two elderly friends. The result is that Alcesimus speaks coarsely with his neighbor Lysidamus. Alcesimus’ taunts to his friend include: “Why don’t you hang yourself” (Quin tu suspendis te? in line 599),955 and “Why indeed, by Hercules, don’t the gods finally destroy you” (Quin hercle di te perdant postremo quidem, in line 609).956 In the vulgar gibe quoted above, Alcesimus directs everyone else (his wife, Lysidamus’ wife, the servant Lysidamus lusts after, and likely Lysidamus himself) to the maxumam malam crucem. One shockingly humorous dimension of this for the Latin audience would have been that this vulgarity comes from a land-owning citizen of Athens in reference to another citizen of the same class. (425) Plautus, Casina 641–645 Par. Lys.

Optine auris, amabo. I in malam a me crucem, pectus, auris, caput teque di perduint, nam nisi ex te scio, quidquid hoc est, cito, hoc iam tibi istuc cerebrum dispercutiam, excetra tu, ludibrio pessuma adhuc quae me habuisti.

─────────────── 954 Text: NIXON, Plautus, 2:66. 955 This is an invitation to commit suicide on a noose, cf. Cas. 111–113, 424. To be fair to Alcesimus, Lysidamus first called Alcesimus a vir minimi (594). 956 In this play, other language can also intone similar strong outbursts of passionate gallows-humor. Thus Lysidamus can deride his slave with Vt quidem pol pereas cruciatu malo (“Indeed, by Pollux, you will perish by wicked torture,” in line 300). More pointed is the exchange between Chalinus and Olympio in lines 389–392 where they alternately invoke upon one another “hanging by the heels” (pedibus pendens), “blowing your eyes out of your head through the nose”, and hanging on a “noose” (laqueum). Most pertinent for us is line 389, where Chalinus applies a curse to Olympio that: “you today will be carrying a chain and a furca” (tu hodie canem et furcam feras). This may have some relevance to our study, bearing in mind that a furca is a Y-shaped piece of wood used for hanging up a person much like a cross (it is also employed interchangeably with crux in Plautus, Pers. 854–855), though elsewhere in Casina it appears as a mere yoke used for carrying coal (line 438).

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Translation. Par. Hold my ears, please. Lys. Go from me to the wicked cross; may the gods destroy your chest, ears, head, and you! For, unless I understand from you whatever this is, with this [staff] now I will smash that skull of yours, you hydra, villainess, who so far have taken me for a laughing-stock. Commentary.957 In Act 3, Scene 5, Pardalisca (the handmaid of Lysidamus’ wife, Cleostrata) comes rushing out of Lysidamus’ house in a feigned fright. At the instigation of Cleostrata (cf. lines 685–688), Pardalisca runs to Lysidamus in order to recount a tale about how Casina has gone insane and plans to kill him. Before telling her story, Pardalisca toys with Lysidamus (perhaps knowing Lysidamus’ amorous nature),958 and asks him to assist her in her fright by holding her chest/breast, fanning her, and now by cradling her ears. In this passage, he runs out of patience at her time-consuming explanation of what has frightened her, and he curses her – both by the gods, and by wishing her to go off to the malam crucem. (426) Plautus, Casina 973–978 Myrr. Cleost. Myrr. Lys. Chal. Lys. Chal.

Quid agis, dismarite? Mi vir, unde hoc ornatu advenis? quid fecisti scipione aut quod habuisti pallium? In adulterio, dum moechissat Casinam, credo perdidit. Occidi. Etiamne imus cubitum? Casina sum. I in malam crucem. Non amas me?

Translation. Myrr. What are doing, O twice-married-man? Cleost. My husband, where did you arrive from with that adornment? What did you do with your cane? Or what cloak did you have? Myrr. In the place of adultery, when he was committing adultery with Casina, I believe he has been deprived [of it]. Lys. I’m dead. ─────────────── 957 Text: NIXON, Plautus, 2:70. 958 Pardalisca certainly already knows that Lysidamus has amorous intentions toward Casina (cf. lines 670–675, 681, 685–688, 703–704). In this context, Pardalisca’s frequent reiteration of amabo, which can simply mean “please” or “I would be grateful”, may bear ironic coquettish hints of “I will love you”. Also, she certainly asks Lysidamus to hold her in some pretty intimate places (e.g., pectus, auris).

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Chal. Lys. Chal.

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Should we again go to bed? I am Casina. Go to the wicked cross! Do you not love me?

Commentary.959 In the climactic final scene of the play, Lysidamus has become the brunt of all jests in his house. Chalinus, the male family slave who had originally desired to be married to Casina, has been veiled and substituted for Casina, even as “she” was due to be carted off as a bride to the neighbor’s (i.e., Alcesimus’) house in order for Lysidamus to have his evening with her (in the place of his bailiff Olympio). Once in the house, Chalinus instead beats Olympio, fends off Lysidamus, and steals Lysidamus’ cane and cloak. In the selection above Myrrhina (Alcesimus’ wife) first taunts Lysidamus as a bigamist (dismarite), who desired to be “married” to both Casina and to his own wife (Cleostrata). Cleostrata, for her part, inquires after his cane and cloak, while knowing full well what has gone on. The reference to ornatu (“adornment”) may either refer to Lysidamus’ disheveled state, or even to the beating that he likely received from Chalinus. Finally, Chalinus reveals himself as the stand-in for Casina (Casina sum), and invites Lysidamus to “go to bed” again together. Lysidamus replies to his slave, “Go to the wicked cross!” (427) Plautus, Curculio 610–612 Ther. Salvos sum, eccum quem quaerebam. quid agis, bone vir? Curc. Audio. si vis tribus bolis, vel in chlamydem. Ther. Quin tu is in malam crucem cum bolis, cum bulbis? redde mihi iam argentum aut virginem. Translation. Ther. I am saved! Here he is! The man whom I have been seeking. How are you doing, good man? Curc. I am satisfied. If you wish ... with three casts of the dice ... perhaps for (your) military cloak. Ther. Why don’t you go to the wicked cross with your casts of the dice and with your onions?!960 Restore to me now my money or the young girl. ─────────────── 959 Text: NIXON, Plautus, 2:104. 960 cum bolis, cum bulbis. NIXON, Plautus, 255 suggests that, though the first mention of bolis above refers to throws of dice, the second occurrence of bolis refers to choice morsels and bulbis refers to an onion; thus he translates: “with all your throes of throat and belly.” RILEY, Comedies, translates “casts and catch-pennies”, focusing on how bulbis was merely a nonsensical alliteration to bolis. The key to unraveling this appears to be in the word bulbus (in the nominative), which unfortunately appears fairly rare in extant Latin texts (I have found

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Commentary.961 At this point in this play (Act 5, Scene 2) set in Epidaurus, the parasite Curculio has managed to trick Therapontigonus, a captain, into giving up his signet ring. With that ring, Curculio then succeeded in issuing papers in Therapontigonus’ name to buy the courtesan-slave (Planesium) with whom Curculio’s patron (Phaedromus) was in love. The ring, however, also ironically identifies Therapontigonus as Planesium’s long-lost brother. At the beginning of this scene Phaedromus and Planesium have been questioning Curculio how he came by the ring. Just as Curculio confesses that he won it at a dice game with a captain, Therapontigonus (that very captain) comes marching up. The interchange above represents Therapontigonus’ opening salutation, Curculio’s sly greeting back to Therapontigonus (Curculio invites him to another dice game), and Therapontigonus’ angry response (he bids Curculio to go to a cross). (428) Plautus, Curculio 693–695 Phaed. Ther. Ca.

Collum obstringe, abduce istum in malam crucem. Quidquid est, ipse ibit potius. Pro deum atque hominum fidem, hocine pacto indemnatum atque intestatum me abripi?

Translation. Phaed. Constrain his neck! Lead that man out to the wicked cross! Ther. [threatening Cappadox] Whatever happens, he will rather go on his own! Ca. O trust of gods and men!962 Am I by this means to be snatched away without verdict and without witnesses? Commentary.963 In the concluding scene of this comedy, Therapontigonus and Phaedromus have cornered the pimp Cappadox, who had sold Planesium as a courtesan-slave under the condition that no one can prove her to be freeborn. However, the ring of Therapontigonus has shown her to be his sister (and thus freeborn), so they are now pressuring Cappadox to return the money he had received. Threats are exchanged both ways, including Phaedromus’ sugges─────────────── only about two score of examples through a Perseus search, most of them in Pliny the Elder or Celsus). Alliteration is certainly present, though I also wonder if the bulbis reference is not perhaps a crass allusion to Curculio’s “bulbs” (perhaps this is related to how onions appear as an aphrodisiac in Petronius, Satyricon 130.7; and are to be avoided by those who have excess semen in Celsus, De medicina 4.28); references to vegetable shapes as male anatomical parts occur elsewhere in Plautus (cf. radishes and cucumbers in Cas. 910). 961 Latin text from Plautus, transl. Paul Nixon, LCL, 2:254–256. 962 See OLD s.v. pro2: as an interjection with fidem: “heaven and earth!” 963 Text: NIXON, Plautus, 2:264.

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tion that they lead Cappadox to the malam crucem, even without trial. The context certainly implies that a mala crux should properly be a judicial penalty. Eventually all works out without serious injury to anyone. (429) Plautus, Menaechmi 63–66 nam rus ut ibat forte, ut multum pluerat, ingressus fluvium rapidum ab urbe haud longule, rapidus raptori pueri subduxit pedes abstraxitque hominem in maximam malam crucem. Translation. For as he was by chance going into the country, when it had rained heavily, while he was entering a rapid stream not a long distance from the city, the rapids pulled away the feet of the one who had grabbed the boy and carried the man away unto the most wicked cross. Commentary.964 The Menaechmi was possibly based on a (now lost) thirdcentury Greek play by Poseidippus. It tells the story of two twins (each ultimately called Menaechmus), who were separated as young boys when one was suddenly taken into captivity (and later adopted) by a wealthy man from Epidamnus (a Greek city on the eastern Adriatic coast). Here in the prologue the narrator explains that this wealthy man met a fitting end. Just as he had been the “the boy’s grabber” (raptori pueri) so a rapid river (note that rapidus is cognate with rapto) had grabbed him. The phrase abstraxitque hominem in maximam malam crucem certainly refers to carrying him away to death. But Plautus, with sardonic wit, metaphorically depicts that death as if it had been particularly proper to a kidnapper and thief – it is “unto the most wicked cross.” (430) Plautus, Menaechmi 326–330 Cyl. Men. S. Cyl.

Iam ergo haec madebunt faxo, nil morabitur. proin tu ne quo abeas longius ab aedibus. numquid vis? Vt eas maximam malam crucem. Ire hercle meliust te interim atque accumbere, dum ego haec appono ad Volcani violentiam.

─────────────── 964 Text: NIXON, Plautus, 2:370.

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Translation. Cyl. Now, therefore, this [food] will be cooked, I will have done it, nothing will be delayed. Accordingly then, you should not go away far from the house. Surely you don’t want [anything more]? Men. S. That you go to the most wicked cross! Cyl. By Hercules, it is better for you to go meanwhile and lie down, while I expose this [food] to the violence of Vulcan. Commentary.965 After Menaechmus was taken into captivity, their grandfather changes the name of Sosicles, Menaechmus’ twin, to “Menaechmus” in honor of the lost brother – in the text above this twin is distinguished by being labeled “Men. S.” (i.e., Menaechmus-Sosicles). Once grown MenaechmusSosicles spends years searching for his lost brother. He finally lands in Epidamnus, where he is constantly confused by the locals for his citizen brother by the same name. As they say, “hilarity ensues.” In Act 2, Scene 2 Cylindrus is the cook of Menaechmus’ mistress/courtesan (Erotium). Cylindrus mistakes the twin for Erotium’s lover, insists that they know one another, and reminds Menaechmus-Sosicles that he is soon due to the Erotium’s house for dinner and dalliance. Throughout the scene the twin responds confused and (often) abusively, as when here he directs Cylindrus to go to the maximam malam crucem. (431) Plautus, Menaechmi 848–850 pugnis me votas in huius ore quicquam parcere, ni a meis oculis abscedat in malam magnam crucem. faciam quod iubes, Apollo. Translation. You [Apollo] forbid me to be merciful with my fists against her, unless she is taken away from my eyes unto a great wicked cross. I shall do as you command, Apollo. Commentary.966 In Act 5, Scene 2 Menaechmus-Sosicles encounters his brother’s wife and her father, who both mistake him for Menaechmus and seek to take him home. In order to escape them, he fakes insanity and acts as if he is receiving instructions from Apollo. The feigned violence works, and the wife runs away. Note how he not only threatens to beat her, but also pretends to abandon her to a wicked doom. Earlier he had menaced her with ─────────────── 965 Text: NIXON, Plautus, 2:396. 966 Text: NIXON, Plautus, 2:450.

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burning out her eyes (840–841), and he will subsequently try to scare off her father as well, though with less success (853–871). (432) Plautus, Menaechmi 910–916 Med. Salvos sis, Menaechme. quaeso, cur apertas brachium? non tu scis, quantum isti morbo nunc tuo facias mali? Men. Quin tu te suspendis? Sen. Ecquid sentis? Med. Quidni sentiam? non potest haec res ellebori iungere967 optinerier. sed quid ais, Menaechme? Men. Quid vis? Med. Dic mihi hoc quod te rogo: album an atrum vinum potas? Men. Quin tu is in malam crucem? Med. Iam hercle occeptat insanire primulum. Translation. Med. May you be well, Menaechmus. I ask you, why do you expose your arm? Do you not know how much harm you are now doing to that malady of yours? Men. Why don’t you hang yourself? Sen. Surely you recognize [the ailment]? Med. Why would I not recognize it? This thing is not able to be harnessed and secured with hellebore.968 But what do you say, Menaechmus? Men. What do you want? Med. Tell me this which I ask of you: Do you drink white or dark wine? Men. Why don’t you go to the wicked cross? Med. Now, by Hercules, he begins to behave like a madman for the first time. Commentary.969 After Menaechmus-Sosicles’ performance as a madman before his twin brother’s father-in-law (here identified as a senex, “old man”), the senex recruits a doctor (medicus) to examine his “son-in-law.” Comically, ─────────────── 967 NIXON, Plautus, 456 notes that LEO finds the text corrupt here, suggesting uno onere in place of iungere. 968 If LEO’s emendation is followed (uno onere instead of iungere), then the line would read: “This thing is not able to be secured with a mass [or “shipload”] of hellebore.” 969 Text: NIXON, Plautus, 2:456–458.

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instead of coming across Menaechmus-Sosicles, this time they encounter Menaechmus himself, whom they presume to be insane (due to his identical twin brother’s antics). In this scene (Act 5, Scene 5) and in the scene before it, Plautus makes light of the medical profession of his day. Thus the medicinal plant hellebore appears to be the medicus’ primary cure (cf. lines 913, 950), and his diagnostic method involves asking questions of dubious value (as in his query about wine preferences above, cf. lines 914–930). Menaechmus by this point in the play has become frustrated by the backlash he has received due to people confusing him with his twin. Nonetheless he shares his brother’s anger management issues, as is evident throughout this scene in the many ways Menaechmus expresses frustration with the medicus. In this passage, he both commends suicide to the medicus and also wishes him off to a malam crucem. (433) Plautus, Menaechmi 1017–1020 Agite abite, fugite hinc in malam crucem. em tibi etiam: quia postremus cedis, hoc praemi feres. nimis bene ora commetavi atque ex mea sententia. edepol, ere, ne tibi suppetias temperi adveni modo. Translation. Come you, depart, flee from here unto the wicked cross! Here! Again [this blow] is for you!: Because you withdraw last, you will bear this reward! I have surveyed their faces very well and to my liking. By Pollux, master, truly I have come to your assistance at just the right time. Commentary.970 Four slaves have been sent by the father-in-law to cart Menaechmus off to the medicus, but Menaechmus fights back. In the text above (from Act 5, Scene 7), Messano, Menaechmus-Sosicles’ slave, rushes to aid the person he mistakenly believes is his master. Thus, we hear Messano’s words as Messano fights daringly (“surveying their faces” with blows), and as he delivers a parting blow (a “reward”) to the last slave to retreat. In the midst of the brawl, Messano curses his fellow slaves and demands that they depart “unto the wicked cross.” Messano’s valiant deed will eventually garner him his freedom from slavery, even as the two Menaechmus twins will soon meet for the first time and learn the reason for everyone else’s confusion.

─────────────── 970 Text: NIXON, Plautus, 2:468.

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(434) Plautus, Mostellaria 849–851 Th. Tr. Th. Tr.

Ibo intro igitur. Mane sis videam, ne canis – Agedum vide. Est! abi, canis. est! abin dierecta? abin hinc in malam crucem? at etiam restas? est! abi istinc.

Translation. Th. I shall go inside then. Tr. Wait please, let me look, lest there is a dog – Th. Come! Look! Tr. There he is! Go away, dog. There he is! Won’t you go away and be hung up? Won’t you go away from here unto the wicked cross? And do you still remain? There he is! Go away from there! Commentary.971 The humor of this interchange (from Act 3, Scene 2) is difficult to appreciate without a fuller context. The slave Tranio is about to lead his master Theopropides into a neighbor’s house, although Tranio has hoodwinked Theopropides into thinking that Theopropides now owns the house (for more context and more selections from this play, see section 3.6.2). The neighbor invites Theopropides to be “taken in”. However, Theopropides, misunderstanding the invitation, insists that he refuses to be “taken in” (i.e., conned) by anyone, so he (in the first line above) resolves to go in of his own accord. Tranio, who constantly parodies his master, even here comes up with a comical way to “take in” his master. Just as the master is about to step in first, Tranio suggests that there may be a vicious dog (wealthy Roman houses commonly had guard dogs), and thus he frightens his master into letting the servant go first and lead him around. There is a hound, though it turns out to be “as placid as a pooch who has just given birth” (line 852). Nonetheless Tranio acts as if he is battling Cerberus. He invites the dog to be “hung up,” and “to go away to the wicked cross.” The use of this suspension language here does indicate that, even while mala crux does demonstrably in other passages still bear its lexical reference (to a cross),972 the idiomatic curse formula can be applied to creatures that you would not normally suspend on such a device.

─────────────── 971 Text: NIXON, Plautus, 3:376. 972 Also note how all other mentions of crux in Mostellaria clearly refer to a place where slaves are taken to be punished by being pinned to it and hung up until they die (Most. 348– 361 [esp. 359–360], 743–744, 1133; cf. 55–57, 69–71; for all these texts see section 3.6.2.

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(435) Plautus, Persa 292–295 Sag. Di deaeque me omnes perdant – Paeg. Amicus sum, eveniant volo tibi quae optas. Sag. Atque id fiat, nisi te hodie, si prehendero, defigam in terram colaphis. Paeg. Tun me defigas? te cruci ipsum adfigent propediem alii. Translation. Sag. May the gods and goddesses lead me to destruction ... Paeg. As I am a friend, I wish that what you pray for would turn out for you. Sag. And would that it occur, unless today I seize you, then pin you down to the ground with [my] fists. Paeg. Would you pin me down? Others will pin you up to a cross before long. Commentary.973 Plautus’ play The Persian likely stems from an unknown Greek original; it is set in an era before the fourth-century B.C. conquests of Alexander the Great (when Persia still had control over Arabia; cf. Pers. 506– 507). Here (in Act 2, Scene 4) we witness the repartee between two slaves – Paegnium, a young wit, and Sagaristio, a senior slave from a neighbor’s house. Paegnium fairly consistently gets the better of Sagaristio. Amidst their raillery earlier in this scene occur many maledictions against one another (e.g., scelerate, venefice, ulmitriba, cucule, morticine, incubitatus, etc.).974 Sagaristio has also been attempting to punch Paegnium, who dodges each blow. In these lines, just as Sagaristio begins to swear by invoking the gods in a curse formula, Paegnium interrupts with a jibe (from a “friend”) that suggests that the curse should be carried out rather than the desired outcome. Then there is this amusing wordplay between defigere (“to pin down”) and affigere (“to pin up”) – with the latter referring emphatically to Sagaristio as the person being pinned up on a crux. (436) Plautus, Persa 349–354 Sat. Vir.

Enim vero odiosa es. Non sum, neque me esse arbitror,

─────────────── 973 Text: NIXON, Plautus, 3:456. 974 Note especially: abi in malam rem (“go out to the wicked thing” in line 289), which may well have reference to the malam crucem. Favoring that rem = crucem here, observe that the next two lines continue to imply that a device is intended (at tu domum: nam ibi tibi parata praestost, “and you [go out to] home: for there it is ready, having been prepared for you”) and that all this particular banter presumes a legal context (vadatur hic me, “this [slave boy] has me post bail”).

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quom parva natu recte praecipio patri. nam inimici famam non ita ut natast ferunt. Ferant eantque maximam malam crucem; neque ego inimicitias omnes pluris existimo, quam mensa inanis nunc si apponatur mihi.

Translation. Sat. Well! You are truly annoying. Vir. I am not, nor do I consider myself to be so, when, though few in years, I rightly advise my father. For enemies do not carry a rumor in the same way it arose. Sat. Let them carry it, and let them go to the most wicked cross! I no more consider all their enmity now than I would an empty table if it was set next to me. Commentary.975 Later in the play, the parasite Saturio, in order to get regular invitations to dinner with Toxilus, has ordered his virgo (i.e., his daughter) to dress up as a Persian slave-girl, with the goal of swindling the pimp Dordalus into falsely purchasing her (Pers. 127–165). In the conversation above between Saturio and his daughter, she objects to being treated this way, and hopes to talk her father out of it. She cautions him that this could mean a bad reputation for her and for him. Saturio, however, is more concerned about getting a square meal (note his ironic derision of an “empty table”) than he is about any enemies circulating increasingly hostile rumors (the kinds that improve-in-the-telling). Saturio curses such enemies and tells them to go to the most wicked cross (maximam malam crucem). (437) Plautus, Persa 794–798 Dor. Ne sis me uno digito attigeris, ne te ad terram, scelus, adfligam. Paeg. At tibi ego hoc continuo cyatho oculum excutiam tuum. Dor. Quid ais, crux, stimulorum tritor? quo modo me hodie versavisti, ut me in tricas coniecisti, quo modo de Persa manus mi aditast? Tox. Iurgium hinc auferas, si sapias. Translation. Dor. Don’t you be laying a finger on me, lest I dash you to the ground, villain! Paeg. Whereas I would immediately poke out your eye for you with this ladle! Dor. What did you say, cross, polisher of goads? In what way did you whirl me around today, ─────────────── 975 Act 3, Scene 1. Text: NIXON, Plautus, 3:462.

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when you cast me into this tangled mess? In what way did you cheat me by the hand of the Persian? Remove [your] abuse from here, if you are wise.

Commentary.976 In the final scene of Persa, Toxilus’ stratagem has succeeded, and the pimp Dordalus has been swindled. After Toxilus bought the freedom of his beloved slave-prostitute (Lemniselenis) from Dordalus, they then lured Dordalus into buying Saturio’s daughter from Sagaristio (Toxilus’ fellow slave). Sagaristio was dressed as a Persian slave dealer (hence the name of the play, and the reference to Persa in the lines above). Saturio then enters and claims his daughter, with the result that Dordalus is out more money than Toxilus had paid for Lemniselenis.977 In the lines above, Toxilus is hosting a drinking party to celebrate their success. Paegnium, a young boy slave, is serving the wine with a ladle. And Dordalus comes in to accuse Toxilus. Dordalus begins to heap expletives on Toxilus,978 including stimulorum tritor (“polisher of goads”), presumably implying that the pointed goads should be applied so often to Toxilus that they are polished by the rubbing action. More to the point, Dordalus calls Toxilus a crux (“cross”). (438) Plautus, Persa 853–857 Dor. Tox. Dor. Tox. Sag. Dor. Tox.

Male disperii, sciunt referre probe inimico gratiam. Satis sumpsimus supplici iam. Fateor, manus vobis do. Et post dabis sub furcis. Abi intro – in crucem. An me hic parum exercitum hisce habent? Convenisse te Toxilum me spectatores, bene valete. leno periit. plaudite.

Translation. Dor. I have been wickedly destroyed; they know how thoroughly to return a favor to [their] enemy. Tox. We have exacted sufficient punishment now. Dor. I confess so! I offer you my hands. Tox. And afterward you will offer [them] under the furca. Sag. Go away indoors – unto a cross. ─────────────── 976 Text: NIXON, Plautus, 3:514. 977 Toxilus pays nummos sescentos (Pers. 37, 437), while Dordalus pays sexaginta minae minus duobus nummis (685–686). Toxilus announced that he planned to con Dordalus for more money in line 327. 978 Such verbal insults between Dordalus and Toxilus are a recurring theme in the play; cf. 405–426.

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Have these men applied to me an insufficient harassment? You met me, Toxilus… Audience, goodbye! The pimp has been done in. Applaud!

Commentary.979 These are the closing lines of the play. The pimp Dordalus is maltreated by Toxilus and Sagaristio during the final drinking party and after their successful con. In the final line, as is typical in Plautus, a central character (here Toxilus) bids the audience adieu and demands their applause. Dordalus’ last words are likely addressed to the audience as well, as he inquires of the spectators if his harassment has been “insufficient” (parum is a term that, in a likely double entendre, can also be used to call for an encore). For several pages of the script Toxilus and friends heap offense on Dordalus, and likely take physical shots at him as well (cf. 794–795, 809–818). Thus, though the physical movements are not in the Latin script above, they may well be implied – imagine Dordalus being kicked out the door by Sagaristio in line 855 above. The language of Dordalus’ demise bears overtones of death (disperii, periit),980 and his come-uppance is portrayed as a fitting punishment (supplicium). When he “offers his hands” (manus vobis do), Dordalus employs a phrase commonly heard from a gladiator making his last appeal to the audience to spare life. Thus the metaphorical imagery of the cross appears quite fitting in this context of punishment and death. Note how the mention of furca (a fork-shaped tree used for torture and execution) can be employed interchangeably with crux. The line “abi intro – in crucem” comically employs two competing prepositions (intro and in) against a verb (abeo) that bears its own prepositional prefix – as if in his drunkenness Sagaristio stammers “Go out ... inside ... unto the cross!” (and then gives Dordalus the boot). (439) Plautus, Poenulus 271–274 I in malam crucem. tun audes etiam servos spernere, propudium? quasi bella sit, quasi eampse reges ductitent, monstrum mulieris, tantilla tanta verba funditat, quoius ego nebulai cyatho septem noctes non emam. Translation. Go to the wicked cross! Do you even dare to scorn slaves, O shameful creature? As if she were beautiful, as if kings regularly took her home, monster of a woman, so small a woman pours out such great words, with whom I would not purchase seven nights with a ladle of mist. ─────────────── 979 Text: NIXON, Plautus, 3:522. 980 Note how earlier in line 814 Paegnium instructs Dordalus to commit suicide: “You, take a stout rope unto yourself and hang yourself!” (Restim tu tibi cape crassam ac suspende te).

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Commentary.981 Plautus’ Poenulus (Little Carthaginian) was based on the Greek New Comedy play Καρχηδο΄ νιος (see line 53). It was likely first performed toward the beginning of the second century B.C. The above lines (from Act 1, Scene 2) represent the slave Milphio expressing his disgust at a statement by the courtesan Adelphasium. She (Adelphasium) had just declared that she would rather wait to go to the Temple of Venus at this time on Venus’ festival day (cf. 191), because this is the hour when the lowest prostitutes are there, whom sordid slaves are likely to purchase (264–270). Adelphasium and her sister, Anterastilis, were kidnapped as young girls (along with their nurse) and sold to the pimp, Lycus. This is the day for the sale of courtesans, and their pimp was awaiting them at the Temple (264, 339–340). Milphio takes offense at Adelphasium’s disparagement of slaves, and wishes her to go to the malam crucem. The irony throughout this scene concerns how Milphio despises Adelphasium so greatly, while Milphio’s master (Agorastocles) is hopelessly in love with her. (440) Plautus, Poenulus 343–347 Ag. Ad. Ag. Ad. Mil. Ag.

quid ais tu? quando illi apud me mecum caput et corpus copulas? Quo die Orcus Acherunte mortuos amiserit. Sunt mihi intus nescio quot nummi aurei lymphatici. Deferto ad me, faxo actutum constiterit lymphaticum. Bellula hercle. I dierecte in maxumam malam crucem.

Translation. Ag. What do you say? At what time [are you going] with me to that place you will unite head and body with me? Ad. On the day which Orcus will have released the dead from Archeruns. Ag. Inside I have I don’t know how many frantic gold coins. Ad. Let them be paid over to me, I will immediately make that which is frantic stand still. Mil. Pretty little woman, by Hercules! Ag. [To Milphio] Go, be hung up on the most wicked cross! Commentary.982 Shortly later in the same scene (Act 1, Scene 2) Agorastocles (with Milphio by his side) has finally worked up the courage to approach Adelphasium. While he fawns over her, she comes off rather aloof to his amorous advances. Apparently Agorastocles has frequently promised to free her, but has never come through (359–364). Orcus was the god of the underworld, and Archeruns was his river – the expression has the same effect as “when ─────────────── 981 Text: NIXON, Plautus, 4:26. 982 Text: NIXON, Plautus, 4:34.

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hell freezes over” (i.e., “never”). Adelphasium does perk up at the mention of money, to which the slave Milphio derisively calls her a Bellula (“pretty little woman”). Agorastocles responds angrily to Milphio’s taunt. Note the verbs here with maxumam malam crucem, especially how dierecte (“be hung up”) indicates an awareness (even in the midst of an otherwise common expletive in Plautus) that the malam crux entails bodily suspension. (441) Plautus, Poenulus 491–497 Anta. Dum exta referuntur, volo narrare tibi etiam unam pugnam. Lyc. Nil moror. Anta. Ausculta. Lyc. Non hercle auscultabo. Anta. Quo modo? colaphis quidem hercle tuom iam dilidam caput, nisi aut auscultas aut is in malam crucem. Lyc. Malam crucem ibo potius. Anta. Certumnest tibi? Lyc. Certum. Translation. Anta. While they are bringing back the sacrificial meat, I want to narrate to you yet one [more] battle. Lyc. I don’t care for that. Anta. Listen! Lyc. By Hercules, I shall not listen! Anta. How is that possible? By Hercules, I shall now certainly batter to pieces your head with [my] fists, unless you either listen or go to the wicked cross. Lyc. I would rather go to the wicked cross. Anta. Your mind is made up? Lyc. Made up. Commentary.983 At the end of Act 2, Lycus the pimp and Antamonides (a soldier) are heading toward Lycus’ house. Antamonides intends to buy Anterastilis (Adelphasium’s younger sister). Meanwhile, Antamonides recounts absurdly boastful tales of his past military conquests, such as his slaying 60,000 flying men. Lycus has had enough, and refuses to listen to more. Plautus quips that Lycus would even rather go to the malam crucem. Instead, they will soon go to dinner. ─────────────── 983 Text: NIXON, Plautus, 4:50.

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(442) Plautus, Poenulus 510–512 nequiquam hos procos mi elegi loripedis, tardissimos. quin si ituri hodie estis, ite, aut ite hinc in malam crucem. sicine oportet ire amicos homini amanti operam datum? Translation. Vainly have I selected for myself these club-footed suitors, the slowest possible Indeed, if you are going today, go! Or go from here to the wicked cross! Is this the proper way for friends to give service to a man in love? Commentary.984 At the beginning of Act 3, Agorastocles has recruited a group of advocati (“counselors”),985 who will assist him in procuring Adelphasium from Lycus the pimp. However, as a man in love, he is eager to get going, but they are too slow for him. Agorastocles’ larger monologue states that for a man in love “there is nothing more harsh than a slow friend” (504), and he remarks that he passed over selecting older men so they would not slow him down. For the next page of the play, their slow pace will be the brunt of jests and jabs. Here, he tells them to get a move on, or go to the malam crucem.986 (443) Plautus, Poenulus 779–795 Adv.

Periisti, leno. nam istest huius vilicus quem tibi nos esse Spartiatam diximus, qui ad te trecentos Philippeos modo detulit. idque in istoc adeo aurum inest marsuppio. Lyc. Vae vostrae aetati. Adv. Id quidem in mundo est tuae. Agor. Age omitte actutum, furcifer, marsuppium: manifesto fur es mihi. quaeso hercle, operam date, dum me videatis servom ab hoc abducere. Lyc. Nunc pol ego perii certo, haud arbitrario. ─────────────── 984 Text: NIXON, Plautus, 4:52. 985 Agorastocles calls them procos, which may either be a humorous reference to them assisting as proci, “suitors”, although in reality they are helping him entrap Lycus; or a reference to them as proci, “leading citizens”, though they bought their freedom and are not wealthy, cf. lines 519–520, 536–537. Perhaps a double-entendre permits both options to serve as an ironic play on proci. 986 Various comedic touches likely connect in context to malam crucem: Two lines later (line 514) Agorastocles jokes that they learned their slow pace while on a chain-gang, implying continued reference to punishments accorded to criminals. The advocati will later say in reply nos te nihili pendimus (“we are hanging nothing for you”; line 520), which is an idiomatic way of saying “we care nothing about” (see OLD, s.v. nihilum) but which may potentially bear a sarcastic reference to the mala crux with which Agorastocles taunted them.

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consulto hoc factum est, mihi ut insidiae fierent. sed quid ego dubito fugere hinc in malam crucem, prius quam hinc optorto collo ad praetorem trahor? eheu, quom ego habui hariolos haruspices; qui si quid bene promittunt, perspisso evenit, id quod mali promittunt, praesentarium est. nunc ibo, amicos consulam, quo me modo suspendere aequom censeant potissimum. Translation. Adv. You have perished, pimp. For that man is his vilicus whom we told you was a Spartan, who transferred to you three hundred gold coins just now. And that gold is moreover in the pouch in here. Lyc. Woe upon your life! Adv. This indeed is in store for you. Agor. Come, furcifer, let go of the pouch immediately: you are plainly a thief. [Addressing the advocati:] By Hercules, I implore you, devote your attention as you see me take [my] slave from this man. Lyc. Now, by Pollux, I have certainly perished, no doubt. It has occurred by a plan that laid an ambush against me. But why am I doubting that I should flee from here unto the wicked cross, before they drag me violently by the throat from here to the magistrate? Alas, when I had seers and diviners, who, if they had promised well, it happened very slowly, that which they promised evilly is paid on the spot. Now I will go; I will consult with friends about which means they advise as the favorable and best possible way to hang myself. Commentary.987 In Act 3, Scene 5 of The Little Carthaginian, Agorastocles has sprung a trap on Lycus the pimp. Agorastocles has schemed throughout to gain possession from Lycus of Adelphasium. Agorastocles sends his vilicus (his slave who oversees the farm) named Collybiscus to approach Lycus in the form of a wealthy Spartan, who seeks luxuriant housing and female company. However, once Collybiscus has handed over the money and has been led into Lycus’ house, Agorastocles arrives with his advocati (counselors) as witnesses in order to accuse Lycus of harboring an escaped slave, who has pilfered his master’s money. The passage has many ironic touches. For example, Scene 5 begins with Lycus stating that diviners can all “go hang themselves” (suspendant omnes nunciam se haruspices in line 746), for they had recently ─────────────── 987 Text: NIXON, Plautus, 4:78.

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interpreted the sacrificial entrails to indicate that Lycus’ future was to be an evil one (cf. 449–466), whereas he had just received the biggest purse of his life; now Lycus recognizes that he should have listened to their warning, and he instead contemplates hanging himself (me ... suspendere in 794–795). The expletive furcifer in line 784 likely carries its typical referent to “one who dwells on the fork-shaped furca” here, especially so proximate to the mention of the crux in line 789 (and 799; see below).988 In Rome a cross may actually have been considered an appropriate punishment for a person who helped an escaped slave. Some scholars might potentially argue that Lycus’ mention of the crux (in 789) signifies in context his resolution to commit suicide by hanging himself (in 794–795), thus the crux would refer to a gallows on which one hangs by a noose. However, given the way Plautus frequently employs in malam crucem (with or without magnam or maximam) as a vulgar metaphor for death (much like English “go to hell”), then we see here rather an ironic twist of words as Lycus chooses to “flee unto the wicked cross” by committing suicide (a death by suspension) rather than suffering the actual crucifixion of the magistrate. Further irony may be implied in this: he fears they will violently drag him to the magistrate by his throat, so instead he will hang himself by the neck in order to forestall the magistrate. (444) Plautus, Poenulus 796–800 Ag.

Age tu progredere, ut [testes] videant te ire istinc foras. estne hic meus servos? Coll. Sum hercle vero, Agorastocles. Agor. Quid nunc, sceleste leno? Adv. Quicum litigas apscessit. Agor. Vtinam hinc abierit malam crucem. Adv. Ita nos velle aequom est. Translation. Ag. Come you, go forwards! so that [the witnesses] see you going out the door from there. Is this not my slave? Coll. By Hercules, I truly am, Agorastocles. Agor. What now, villainous pimp? Adv. The man with whom you are going to court has gone away. Agor. If only he would have gone out from here to the wicked cross. Adv. Thus too is what we want as the favorable outcome. ─────────────── 988 Note esp. furcifer in Most. 69–71 (extensively discussed in No. 3054).

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Commentary.989 As Act 3 now transitions to Scene 6, Agorastocles has gone into Lycus’ house to retrieve his vilicus Collybiscus. Agorastocles returns unaware that Lycus has fled the scene, thus Agorastocles makes a grand show of having “discovered” his slave, even though both he and his advocates also already knew that Collybiscus was in the house. After being informed that Lycus has bolted, Agorastocles pronounces his desire that Lycus ends up on a malam crucem, and the advocati concur with that desire (elsewhere they call Lycus corruptorem civium, a “corruptor of the citizens,” line 816). The irony here stems from how Lycus had just considered the malam crucem to be his best choice for where to go next (in line 789 just discussed earlier) – so everyone is on the same page in commending the “wicked cross” to him (but for very different reasons). (445) Plautus, Poenulus 1306–1309 Anta. quid tibi negoti est autem cum istac? dic mihi. Han. Adulescens, salve. Anta. Nolo, nihil ad te attinet. quid tibi hanc digito tactio est? Han. Quia mihi lubet. Anta. Lubet? Han. Ita dico. Anta. Ligula, i in malam crucem. Translation. Anta. What is your business then with that woman? Speak to me! Han. Good health to you, young man. Anta. I do not want anything connected with you. What is this touching her with your finger? Han. Because I want to. Anta. Want? Han. So I said. Anta. Shoe-strap!990 Go to the wicked cross! Commentary.991 Antamonides, the braggart soldier from earlier in the play, here angrily approaches the newly arrived Carthaginian gentleman, Hanno. Hanno has just discovered his long-lost daughters Adelphasium and Anterasti─────────────── 989 Text: NIXON, Plautus, 4:78–80. 990 Aside from being an obvious curse, the precise referent of ligula is tricky. While Lewis and Short (s.v.) consider it a “term of reproach” related to “tongue of a shoe, a shoe-strap, shoe latchet”; OLD s.v. ligula classifies it amidst various tongue-shaped items as a “term of abuse [with] uncertain sense.” The one other occurrence in Plautus is Poen. 1014, where it is simply an object to be sold alongside canalis ... et nuces (gutters/pipes and tree-nuts). 991 Text: NIXON, Plautus, 4:102.

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lis, as well as his kidnapped nephew Agorastocles. His daughters are affectionately embracing Hanno just as Antamonides happens on the scene. Antamonides has paid good money to the pimp for Anterastilis, and so he approaches Hanno as if he were a competing lover, hence his terms of abuse in the final line above (followed by others that continue to be offensive in lines not recorded above). Eventually by the end of the play all will be set right, the Carthaginians will all return home and Lycus the pimp will be compelled to hand over another courtesan-slave to Antamonides.992 (446) Plautus, Pseudolus 326–335 Cal. Bal. Cal. Ps. Cal. Ps. Bal. Ps.

Pseudole, ei accerse hostias, victumas, lanios, ut ego huic sacruficem summo Iovi; nam hic mihi nunc est multo potior Iuppiter quam Iuppiter. Nolo victumas: agninis me extis placari volo. Propera, quid stas? ei accerse agnos. audin quid ait Iuppiter? Iam hic ero; verum extra portam mi etiam currendumst prius. Quid eo? Lanios inde accersam duo cum tintinnabulis, eadem duo greges virgarum inde ulmearum adegero, ut hodie ad litationem huic suppetat satias Iovi. I in malam crucem. Istuc ibit Iuppiter lenonius.

Translation. Cal. Pseudolus, go! Fetch sacrificial animals, sacrificial victims, and butchers, so that I may sacrifice to this highest Jove; for, this man is to me now a much more powerful Jupiter than Jupiter. Bal. I do not want victims: I want to be placated with lamb’s meat. Cal. Hurry! Why are you standing? Go, fetch the lambs. Do you not hear what Jupiter says? Ps. I shall be here soon; but first I must yet again run outside the city gate. Cal. Why there? Ps. From there I shall fetch two butchers with their cow-bells; ─────────────── 992 Notably, in the process of Lycus getting his come-uppance, on several more occasions he will consider suicide by hanging himself (with variations on suspendere me in lines 1341– 1343), and he will later offer his neck for punishment (1351–1354, 1401). However, Hanno’s final threat to his welfare is certainly more vague than the NIXON translation would suggest (in line 1407: ego te meruisse ut pereas scio, “I know that you deserve that you should be destroyed,” rather than NIXON’s “I know that you have earned a hanging”; NIXON, Plautus, 4:141).

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at the same time I shall have driven from there two troops of elm-wood rods, so that today an abundance will support this Jove for his favorable sacrifice. Go to the wicked cross! There the pimping Jupiter goes.

Commentary.993 In Act 1, Scene 3, Calidorus is a man in love, and he has been repeatedly entreating Ballio the pimp for the right to purchase the slavecourtesan Phoenicium (the object of Calidorus’ affections). Ballio here makes Calidorus think there is hope. Calidorus responds by calling Ballio by the name Jupiter/Jove, since Ballio is the person who has the single authority that Calidorus craves (i.e., the power to sell Phoenicium). There is light-hearted talk of sacrifice/banquet, and Ballio (who has already showed his disdain for Jove, lines 265–269), merrily plays off such an identity with Jupiter and calls for a meal of lamb for himself. Meanwhile, the slave Pseudolus (the namesake of the play) treats Ballio with less regard. Pseudolus makes a number of puns between a religious animal sacrifice (with its butchers and victims) and a criminal execution (with its “butchers” and “rods” and “support” for the victim).994 Ballio understands Pseudolus’ double-entendre, and counters with a vulgarity: “go to the wicked cross.” Pseudolus regards that as a place where pimps should go (especially a pimp who makes himself out to be Jupiter). Soon Pseudolus’ disdain for Ballio will prove to be merited, since Ballio has all along concealed that he has already contracted Phoenicium to another man. (447) Plautus, Pseudolus 829–830, 836–847 Coc. Bal. Coc. Bal. Coc.

nam vel ducenos annos poterunt vivere meas qui essitabunt escas quas condivero ... At te Iuppiter dique omnes perdant cum condimentis tuis cumque tuis istis omnibus mendaciis. Sine sis loqui me. Loquere, atque i in malam crucem. Vbi omnes patinae fervont, omnis aperio: is odos dimissis manibus in caelum volat.

─────────────── 993 Text: NIXON, Plautus, 4:184. 994 Nixon notes: “Executioners lived outside the Esquiline Gate” (Plautus, transl. Nixon, 4:184n.), and this explains the reference to Pseudolus going outside the portam in line 331. Ballio had just earlier threatened one of his slave-courtesans that the craft of the butcher (lanius) would be applied to her (hanging her out on a meat frame; see lines 196–201). The “troops of elm-wood rods” (greges virgarum…ulmearum) refer in the double entendre both to fuel for a sacrificial fire and to rods used to beat a criminal.

742 Bal. Coc. Bal. Coc. Bal. Coc. Bal.

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Odos dimissis manibus? Peccavi insciens. Quidum? Dimissis pedibus volui dicere. eum odorem cenat Iuppiter cottidie. Si nusquam is coctum, quidnam cenat Iuppiter? It incenatus cubitum. I in malam crucem. istacine causa tibi hodie nummum dabo?

Translation. Coc. For they will even be able to live two hundred years who fed on food which I shall have seasoned ... Bal. And may Jupiter and all the gods destroy you with your spices and with all those lies of yours! Coc. Please allow me to speak. Bal. Speak, and go to the wicked cross. Coc. When all my pans are boiling hot, I open them all: This odor with stretched-out hands flies to heaven. Bal. An odor with stretched-out hands? Coc. I made an ignorant slip. Bal. How so? Coc. I wanted to say with stretched-out feet. On this odor Jupiter dines daily. Bal. If you don’t go cook anywhere, pray tell what does Jupiter dine on? Coc. He goes to his bed without supper. Bal. Go to the wicked cross! For that reason shall I give you a nummus today? Commentary.995 On his birthday, the pimp Ballio has hired a cook (cocus) for the day. Ballio has already proven himself to be a cheapskate, who is obsessed with money (e.g., lines 170–229), but he was forced to hire the cook at the cost of a nummus (about twice the normal daily wage, cf. 808–809). When Ballio complains about the price (lines 790ff.), the cook insists that he costs more because his food is seasoned in a heavenly fashion – fit for Jupiter himself. On two occasions Ballio gets fed up with the cook’s braggadocio, and instructs him to “go to the wicked cross” (lines 839, 846). In the intervening lines, the precise referent of dimissis manibus is difficult, but should it indicate “stretched-out hands” then there may be an ironic slip-of-the-tongue that the cook employs after having just been taunted with the crux (on which a person can appear with outstretched arms).996 ─────────────── 995 Text: NIXON, Plautus, 4:234.

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(448) Plautus, Pseudolus 1179–1183 Har. Bal. Har. Bal. Har.

Sanine estis? Quid hoc quod te rogo? noctu in vigiliam quando ibat miles, quom tu ibas simul, conveniebatne in vaginam tuam machaera militis? I in malam crucem. Ire licebit tamen tibi hodie temperi. Quin tu mulierem mi emittis, aut redde argentum.

Translation. Har. Are you [two] sane? Bal. What because I ask you this? At night, at the time the soldier went on patrol, when you went at the same time, did the soldier’s sword fit in your sheath? Har. Go to the wicked cross! Bal. Yet you will be permitted to go [there] at the right time today. Har. Indeed you are to dispatch the woman to me. Or, return the money! Commentary.997 Near the climax of the play (Act 4, Scene 7), Harpax (a slave in the service of the soldier who had already paid Ballio money for Phoenicium) encounters the pimp Ballio. Harpax insists on delivery of the girl. However, Pseudolus had already arranged for someone to intercept the soldier’s money and his seal; then they had submitted the money to Ballio, and thus they earlier gained the release of Phoenicium from the pimp. As Harpax approaches Ballio, the pimp is mistakenly convinced that Harpax is the fake slave sent by Pseudolus to swindle him out of his money. Thus Ballio makes many jests (some quite crude) against Harpax. In response to one of the most ─────────────── 996 For outstretched arms, cf. Plautus, Mil. glor. 358–360; Most. 359–360 (see sections 2.9 and 3.6.2). OLD s.v. dimitto 5b permits the sense of “to cause or allow to extend, stretch out” with particular reference to hands (citing Seneca, Contr. 9.6(29).12 [sic actually 8.6.12]: manus ad genua dimitte, rea es). NIXON’s translation of the Pseudolus follows this: “flies to heaven with outstretched arms”. On the other hand, LEWIS and SHORT, S.V. dimitto II.A.2 understand dimitto in this passage to stand for “with hands relaxed, i.e. in all haste.” The other similar passage in Plautus (Epid. 451–452 in Act 3, Scene 4) fits either definition: si audias meas pugnas, fugias manibus dimissis domum (“If you heard my battles, you would flee home with manibus dimissis” [‘outstretched hands’ or ‘in all haste’]). Finally, it is possible to derive dimissis instead from demitto (see OLD s.v.) with the sense of “to lower” or “to hang down”. I found one possible parallel in the fourth-century A.D. work by Maurus Servius Honoratus, Commentary on the Aeneid of Vergil on Vergil’s line 4.205 (where Servius reads nam inferos demissis ad terram manibus invocamus). This explains the RILEY translation of the Pseudolus line: “with its hands hanging down” (the irony here then would concern how an odor can fly to heaven with drooping hands). Our translation obviously favors the OLD suggestion with dimitto (i.e., “stretched out”), but the precise identification of dimissis must be held tenuously. 997 Text: NIXON, Plautus, 4:266–268.

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obscene quips, Harpax above tells Ballio to “go to the wicked cross.” Ballio, thinking Harpax a slave on a criminal mission, retorts that Harpax will soon himself end up on that malam crucem. The exchange of taunts will continue for a couple more pages before Ballio fathoms that he has been duped and that all along he has been insulting his client’s trusted slave. (449) Plautus, Pseudolus 1294–1295 Sim. Ps. Sim.

Di te ament, Pseudole. fu i in malam crucem. Cur ego adflictor? Quid tu, malum, in os igitur mi ebrius inructas?

Translation. Sim. May the gods love you, Pseudolus. [Pseudolus belches] Phew! Go to the wicked cross! Ps. Why am I to be afflicted? Sim. What then you, wickedness – do you, drunkard, belch into my face? Commentary.998 Simo, Calidorus’ father, had wagered Ballio that Pseudolus would swindle the pimp. With the success of Pseudolus’ scheme, Simo has thus received a big purse from Ballio. In this closing scene of the farce (Act 5, Scene 2), the merry Simo looks for Pseudolus to share the prize, and he soon discovers the inebriated slave. Apparently the pungent aroma of the Pseudolus’ wine-soaked belches is sufficient cause for Simo to recommend him to the malam crucem. Nevertheless, Simo quickly forgives the soused slave, and they go off together at the end of the play. (450) Plautus, Rudens 174–180 Scep.

desiluit haec autem altera in terram e scapha. ut prae timore in genua in undas concidit. salvast, evasit ex aqua. iam in litore est. sed dextrovorsum avorsa it in malam crucem. hem, errabit illaec hodie. Daem. Quid id refert tua? Scep. Si ad saxum quo capessit, ea deorsum cadit, errationis fecerit compendium. Translation. Scep. This other woman, moreover, has leapt out of the lifeboat toward the land. How in the face of fear she falls down on her knees in the waves! ─────────────── 998 Text: NIXON, Plautus, 4:280.

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She is saved! She has gone out from the water. Now she is on the shore. Oh, but having turned aside toward the right, she is going to the wicked cross. Alas! She will wander astray there today. Daem. Why is this important to you? Scep. If [she goes] to the rock toward which she is heading, and she falls downwards, she will have made a short cut of her wandering. Commentary.999 Early in The Rope (Act 1, Scene 2) the boat has shipwrecked on which traveled the pimp Labrax and his two courtesan-slaves. Daemones and his witty slave Sceparnio observe the survivors coming to shore. Here they focus on the plight of the second courtesan as she makes it to shore but begins walking in a dangerous direction toward a cliff. The slave Sceparnio refers to her impending death as if she were going toward a malam crucem.1000 (451) Plautus, Rudens 516–518 Charm. Labr.

Bonam est quod habeas gratiam merito mihi, qui te ex insulso salsum feci opera mea. Quin tu hinc is a me in maxumam malam crucem?

Translation. Charm. It is good that you give me thanks as I deserve, who, by my service, made you from ‘unsalted’ to ‘salty’. Labr. Why don’t you go away from here and from me unto the most wicked cross? Commentary.1001 At this point in Rudens (The Rope) the pimp Labrax and his companion, Charmides have washed up on the shore of Cyrene after a shipwreck. As result of that wreck, Labrax has lost his traveling-trunk and two slave-girl prostitutes, whom he was planning to sell for a high price in Sicily at Charmides’ recommendation. The conversation expresses the bitterness of Labrax as he blames Charmides for his plight. Charmides meanwhile takes the ─────────────── 999 Text: NIXON, Plautus, 4:304. 1000 It is difficult to know for certain, but Sceparnio may make a slight jest connecting the criminal punishment implied by a crux to that of a saxum, since the saxum could refer in Rome to a rock from which criminals were thrown down to their death (see OLD s.v. saxum). For a saxum as a rock from which one can jump to commit suicide see Plautus, Trinummus 266. The expression inter sacrum salumque may imply “[caught] between an altar and a cliff” (although OLD provisionally suggests here that salum in such contexts means a knife or sword); see Plautus, Capt. 617; Cas. 971 [this line is potentially spurious]. Salum refers to mere rocks in Plautus, Merc. 197–198; Mil. glor. 1024; Most. 677. 1001 Text: NIXON, Plautus, 4:336.

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opportunity to make a host of nautical jokes, including the double entendre above that he helped Labrax go from being “unsalted” (ex insulso) to “salty” (salsum). Insulsus not only means “saltless” but also “unattractive, dull, boring, stupid,” and salsus can also apply to a person’s salty wit1002; thus Labrax is no longer dull host, but a funny one. Labrax in turn reviles his companion with the expression “go away to the most wicked cross (is…in maxumam malam crucem).”1003 (452) Plautus, Rudens 1065–1072 Trach. ita ut occepi dicere, illum quem dudum e fano foras lenonem extrusisti, hic eius vidulum eccillum tenet. Gr. Non habeo. Trach. Negas quod oculis video? Gr. At ne videas velim. habeo, non habeo: quid tu me curas quid rerum geram? Trach. Quo modo habeas, id refert, iurene anne iniuria. Gr. Ni istum cepi, nulla causa est quin me condones cruci; si in mari reti prehendi, qui tuom potiust quam meum? Trach. Verba dat. hoc modo res gesta est ut ego dico. Translation. Trach. As I began to say: concerning that pimp whom you previously expelled outside of the temple, this man [Gripus] holds his traveling-trunk over there. Gr. I do not have it. Trach. Do you deny what I see with my eyes? Gr. But I would wish you do not see! I have it, I don’t have it: what do you care which deeds I do? Trach. How you have it, that is important, whether justly or unjustly. Gr. If I did not catch that [by fishing], there is no reason why you should not deliver me up to the cross; If I snagged [it] in the sea with a net, why is it more yours than mine? Trach. He deceives. The deed occurred in this way as I said. Commentary.1004 Gripus, a fisherman and slave of Daemones, managed to catch Labrax’s lost traveling-trunk in his net. Gripus plans to keep the trunk ─────────────── 1002 See definitions for insulsus and salsus in OLD s.v. 1003 Among the many other salty epithets that Labrax applies to Charmides in this conversation, we also find malo cruciatu in Sicilia perbiteres “would that you perished in Sicily by wicked torture,” line 495). The venom of the expletive, combined with the use of malus, shows a strong similarity to the passion of the text above (Rud. 518), but we should follow the lexicons in distinguishing crux (“cross”) from cruciatus (“torture”). 1004 Text: NIXON, Plautus, 4:394.

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and its contents for himself. However, the slave Trachalio caught Gripus in the act. In this interchange (from Act 4, Scene 4), Trachalio attempts to convince Daemones to open the trunk in order to discover evidence that Labrax’s slave-courtesans were in fact freeborn. However, Gripus still attempts to hold on to the trunk. As a slave, Gripus acknowledges that, if he had come by the trunk dishonestly, then they should “deliver me up to the cross” (me condones cruci). This statement about the crux is not truly a vulgar taunt or jest, rather it is more a statement of fact; thus it might better fit under evidence that slaves could be crucified (see section 3.6.2), but it seemed best to keep the passages from Rudens together. (453) Plautus, Rudens 1160–1162 Daem. Pal. Daem. Grip. Trach. Grip.

dic, in ensiculo quid nomen est paternum? Daemones. Di immortales, ubi loci sunt spes meae? Immo edepol meae? Pergite, opsecro, continuo. Placide, aut i in malam crucem.

Translation. Daem. Speak! On the toy sword what is the paternal name? Pal. Daemones. Daem. Immortal gods! Where are my hopes to be placed? Grip. Rather, by Pollux, my [hopes]? Trach. Go on, I implore [you], without more ado! Grip. Gradually, or go to the wicked cross! Commentary.1005 In this climatic moment (from Act 4, Scene 4), Daemones has followed Trachalio’s advice and summoned Palaestra to identify the contents of her childhood toys from a casket in Labrax’s traveling-trunk. Gripus, who had hoped to keep the trunk for himself, realizes that the more items Palaestra identifies, the less likely he will get to claim ownership of the trunk. Meanwhile, as Palaestra (who had been captured as a child and sold to Labrax the pimp) identifies the items, Daemones increasingly comes to realize that Palaestra is his long-lost daughter. Without stage directions in Plautus’ own script, we are left to infer to whom Gripus addresses the final line quoted above. He could be addressing (perhaps under his breath) Palaestra or he might be speaking directly to Trachalio.1006 In any case, Gripus is sufficiently ─────────────── 1005 Text: NIXON, Plautus, 4:404. 1006 In the preceding pages, Gripus has maligned both his fellow slave Trachalio (e.g., lines 938–1126, 1166–1168) and the slave-courtesan Palaestra (e.g., 1131–1147, 1170). NIXON’s translation suggests Trachalio, and the RILEY translation directs Gripus’ words to Palaestra.

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frustrated with his ever-decreasing prospects, to wish another slave to “go to the wicked cross.” (454) Plautus, Trinummus 595–599 sed id si alienatur, actumst de collo meo, gestandust peregre clupeus, galea, sarcina: effugiet ex urbe, ubi erunt factae nuptiae, ibit istac, aliquo, in maximam malam crucem, latrocinatum, aut in Asiam aut in Ciliciam. Translation. But if it [the farm] is lost, it’s cost me my neck,1007 [since I’ll be] bearing abroad [his] shield, helmet, and soldier’s kit: he will escape from the city, after the wedding has been done, he will go that way in some direction unto the most wicked cross, plundering, whether in Asia or in Cilicia. Commentary.1008 At the end of Act 2 of Trinummus (Three Coins), Stasimus (a slave of Lesbonicus) has just fooled someone into allowing Lesbonicus to keep the family farm. However, Stasimus still worries that his master will give the farm away (likely as a dowry in marrying off his sister), and thus they would loose the last possessions they have. Should that happen, he imagines the unpleasantness of his destitute life when he will have to accompany Lesbonicus as his slave and weapon carrier, after his master has gone off into soldiering and plundering. The term latrocinatum (“plundering,” from latrocinor) is somewhat ambiguous. It certainly can imply “serving as a mercenary soldier,” which would be appropriate to the way Greek troops at this time often served as mercenaries in Persian armies in Asia and Cilicia, but latrocinatum can also refer to “engaging in brigandage.”1009 Intriguingly, as we have already seen above (sections 3.6.5 and 3.7.2), brigands were often punished on the crux in later Latin literature. In any case, Stasimus compares the horror of that life to going in maximam malam crucem. (455) Terence, Eunuchus 382–385 Par. Chaer.

flagitium facimus. an id flagitiumst, si in domum meretriciam deducar et illis crucibus, quae nos nostramque adolescentiam habent despicatam et quae nos semper omnibus cruciant modis, nunc referam gratiam atque eas itidem fallam, ut ab illis fallimur?

─────────────── 1007 Note entry in LEWIS and SHORT, Latin Dictionary, s.v. collum. 1008 Text: NIXON, Plautus, 5:154.

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Translation. Par. We are performing an outrage. Chaer. Can it really be it an outrage, if into a house of a courtesan I am drawn, and with those crosses, which have scorn for us and our youth and which always torture us by every means, I now express gratitude and I deceive them in the same way that we are deceived by them. Commentary.1010 This brief excerpt comes from Act 2, Scene 3 of The Eunuch by Publius Terentius Afer, which was first performed in 161 B.C. and was based on an original Greek play by Menander. Amidst the many madcap events in the play, the young lad Chaerea has become enamored with a girl, named Pamphila, who was recently given as a slave to the courtesan Thais (with whom Chaerea’s brother, Phaedria, is having an affair). Phaedria is about to send a eunuch to Thais as a present. Here Chaerea schemes with the slave Parmeno for Chaerea to substitute himself for the eunuch in order to spend time alone with the girl whom he adores (Pamphila). Parmeno labels this action an “outrage” (flagitium), and he recognizes it as a scheme that could well backfire and lead him (as a slave) to pay the penalty. Chaerea counters that, others would consider such a subterfuge well deserved (in line 387)1011 – his reasoning being that young men are always being “tortured” by courtesans and thus such a subterfuge from a young man is merited. In this vulgar metaphor, courtesans are compared with crosses (crucibus), and Chaerea makes a Latin wordplay (based on similar lexical stems) between these crosses and the torment they bring (cruciant). As with other instances of crux in Terence (e.g., Andria 621; Phormio 368, 544), the context is insufficient to know precisely what device Terence intends by a crux, and whether it is a means of execution or merely one of torture.1012 However, clearly a crux ─────────────── 1009 See OLD s.v. latrocinor. 1010 Text: SARGEAUNT, Terence, 1:272. 1011 The following two lines (386–387) read: 386 an potius haec patri aequomst fieri, ut a me ludatur dolis? 387quod qui rescierint, culpent; illud merito factum omnes putent. (“or is it more right this be performed against my father, that he may be made sport of by me with my stratagems? 387 Since those who have become wise [to the stratagem against a father], would blame [me]; [but] that [eunuch scheme] all would suppose a deed with merit”). Chaerea argues that his eunuch scheme is laudable, especially in contrast to the stock-in-trade antics of most New Comedy plays, where slaves assist their young wards in stratagems designed to deceive their fathers. 1012 The reader may initially think that the verb cruciant (from crucio), with its notions of torment and torture of the living, may well define the extent of the torment implied in crucibus (from crux). Furthermore, instances of crux as a place of mere torture are known in early Latin (see esp. Plautus, Asinaria 545–557 above in 3.6.2). However, crux in early Latin is more often associated with death by suspension (where the context is determinative), and the metaphor here is clearly intended to be superlative, which works all the better if these courtesans,

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is not a pleasant object for Terence. As is typical in such comedies, Pamphila will eventually (after many more humorous situations) be discovered to be free-born, and Chaerea can thus marry her. (456) Terence, Phormio 367–371 Phorm. Geta Phorm.

at quem virum! quem ego viderim in vita optumum. videas te atque illum ut narras! in malam crucem! nam ni ita eum existumassem, numquam tam gravis ob hanc inimicitias caperem in vostram familiam, quam is aspernatur nunc tam illiberaliter.

Translation. Phorm. But what a man! Whom I would see as the best man [I’ve known] in life. Geta May you look to yourself and to that man as you tell your tale! Phorm. [Go] unto the wicked cross! For, unless I had esteemed him so, never so intense an enmity would I have incurred towards your family on behalf of this [girl], whom he [Demipho] now scorns so ungenerously. Commentary.1013 In Act 2, Scene 3 of this play (performed first in 161 B.C. and taken from Apollodorus’ The Claimant), Phormio (a parasite) and Geta (a slave) have assisted the young citizen Antipho in marrying a poor, but beautiful, young lady, while Antipho’s father was away from Athens. Their initial scheme involved Phormio claiming that Antipho was the girl’s nearest male kin (her cousin) after her mother had passed away (thus, by Athenian law, obligating Antipho to marry her for her welfare).1014 Now Antipho’s father (Demipho) has returned. The marriage angers Demipho and he argues that he should undo it. In the dialogue above, Phormio and Geta are aware that Demipho is listening in on their conversation. Phormio continues the deception of having known the girl’s father (“the best man” he has ever met), while Geta (one of Demipho’s slaves) pretends to antagonize Phormio on behalf of Demipho. Geta indirectly cautions Phormio above that he must present an honorable account of the story. To Geta’s threat, Phormio responds with the imprecation: in malam crucem (“[Go] to the wicked cross”). ─────────────── while causing torment in the near term, are here also portrayed as the device upon which young men ultimately meet their complete demise. Thus, we cannot decisively settle the matter. 1013 Text: SARGEAUNT, Terence, 2:42. 1014 Ironically, she actually is Antipho’s cousin (due to his philandering uncle), though no one knows that yet.

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(457) Terence, Phormio 542–544 sane hercle pulchre suades: etiam tu hinc abis? non triumpho, ex nuptiis tuis si nil nanciscor mali, ni etiam nunc me huius causa quaerere in malo iubeas crucem? Translation. By Hercules, you advocate very beautifully: will you get out of here?! Should I not triumph, if from your marriage I acquire no amount of misfortune, unless even now you order me for his sake to seek a cross in misfortune? Commentary.1015 Even while the slave Geta continues to scheme about how best to appease Demipho concerning Antipho’s marriage, now Phaedria (Antipho’s male cousin) and Antipho implore Geta to swindle money from Demipho so Phaedria can purchase a slave girl, with whom Phaedria is in love. In the words above, Geta expresses to Antipho his natural hesitation about taking on yet another escapade against Demipho, even while the first has not been achieved, though eventually Geta will agree to help. The final idiom he employs (quaerere in malo ... crucem) is a bit different than the idioms that we encountered above that combine malam and crucem, for here malo (ablative) does not agree with crucem (accusative) – thus the rendering above (“to seek a cross in misfortune”). Nonetheless, the sense of the idiom is tangible enough.1016 (458) Anthologia Graeca 11.230 (from Ammianus) Μασταυ΄ ρων α’ φελω` ν δυ΄ ο γρα΄ μματα, Μα΄ ρκε, τα` πρω ñ τα, α» ξιος ειò πολλω ñ ν τω ñ ν υ‘ πολειπομε΄ νων. Translation. Marcus, by taking away the two first letters of Mastauron, you are worthy of much of those remaining. Commentary.1017 The Greek Anthology attributes this passage to Ammianus, who was a satirical epigrammatist active in the early second century A.D. (during the rule of Hadrian). Μασταυ΄ ρων likely refers to the place where Marcus is from – he is Marcus of Mastaura.1018 The taunt is an obvious one – remove ─────────────── 1015 Text: SARGEAUNT, Terence, 2:62. 1016 Idiomatic English translations include RILEY’s “to be seeking risk upon risk,” and SARGEAUNT’s “to jump ... from the frying-pan into the fire”. 1017 Text: PATON, Greek Anthology, 4:180. HENGEL, Crucifixion, 9 n. 19 intends this passage in his reference to 9.230 [sic]; this is corrected to 11.230 in the French edition HENGEL, La crucifixion, 22 n. 19. 1018 Grammatically this is indicated by the genitive form of Μασταυ΄ ρων. Strabo mentions a Μα΄ σταυρα (“Mastaura”) in Asia, in the vicinity of Nysa and near the Maeander River (Geogr.

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the first two letters from Μασταυ΄ ρων (“of Mastaura”) and you have σταυ΄ ρων (“of crosses”), and thus Marcus becomes “Marcus of the Crosses.” (459) Petronius, Satyricon 58.2 Nescit quid faciat, crucis offla, corvorum cibaria. Translation. He does not know what he should do, cross meat, food of ravens. Commentary.1019 This is in the context of a satirical conversation, in which a freedman gave a speech, only to be laughed at by Giton. The freedman then turns upon Giton and lets loose a full-page-worth of slurs and cut-downs. Among these are two parallel phrases above: crucis offla (lit. “meat of the cross)” and corvorum cibaria (“food of ravens”). Together these portray the person as attached to a cross and being devoured by birds. Certainly it served as a vulgar taunt. (460) Petronius, Satyricon 126.9 Ego adhuc servo nunquam succubui, nec hoc dii sinant, ut amplexus meos in crucem mittam. Translation. Until now I have never succumbed to a servant, nor may the gods permit this, that I would send my loving embrace to a cross. Commentary.1020 Later in the Satyricon, Petronius portrays a slave woman with high standards – she will only sit in the laps of knights, not of slaves (she leaves the slaves to her mistress). She speaks of her revulsion at sleeping with a slave, as if she would be embracing the cross that was the slave’s destiny. This is surely another vulgar witticism tied to the cross. Meanwhile just after the text above in this satirical reversal, while the maid will only sleep with knights, her mistress longs to kiss the scars of the flogged slaves.

─────────────── 14.1.47). Further, a TLG search of Μασταυ΄ ρων yielded 34 other texts, all of which imply that Μασταυ΄ ρων is a place; most of these references are in lists of bishoprics. Note especially the seventh-century reference to Asia: Θεο΄ δωρος ε’ λε΄ ει θεουñ ε’ πι΄σκοπος Μασταυ΄ ρων ε’ παρχι΄ας ’Α σι΄ας ο‘ μοι΄ως υ‘ πε΄ γραψα (in Concilia Oecumenica, Concilium universale Constantinopolitanum tertium [680–681], Concilii actiones I–XVIII, document 18, page 826). 1019 Text: HESELTINE and ROUSE, Petronius; Seneca: Apocolocyntosis, 104. HESELTINE informs us that nescit was conjectured by BUECHELER. 1020 Text: HESELTINE and ROUSE, Petronius; Seneca: Apocolocyntosis, 278.

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(461) Pompeii Graffito (CIL IV, 2082) In cruce figarus. Translation. Be fixed to a cross! Commentary.1021 This graffito was discovered in the Stabian Baths at Pompeii, which were built in the first century B.C. and destroyed by the first century A.D. eruption of Vesuvius, so the inscription must date between those termini. The verb figarus is awkward. COOK suggests figaris (“get fixed/nailed”), but it could be an errant perfect participle. In any case, there is clearly an invective here that derisively invokes the cross upon the reader. (462) Palatino Graffito Illustration (Fig. 7)

Commentary.1022 In the midst of a prolonged section on the mockery and derision that was commonly associated with crucifixion, this would be an appro─────────────── 1021 See text and discussion in COOK, Crucifixion, 122 (ibid. 455 Fig. 4). COOK helpfully compares this to CIL IV 1864: Samius / Cornelio / suspend(e)re (“Samius to Cornelius, be hanged!”). Also see COOK, Envisioning Crucifixion, 277. 1022 Drawing by Karis Chapman based on photographs. Cf. GIULIA SACCO, Il graffito blasfemo del Paedagogium nella Domus Augustana del Palatino, in Le iscrizioni dei cristiani in Vaticano. Materiali e contributi scientifici per una mostra epigrafica (ed. I. Di Stefano Manzella; Inscriptiones Sanctae Sedis 2; Città del Vaticano Roma: Monumenti, Musei e gallerie pontificie Distribuzione esclusiva, Edizioni Quasar), 192–194; MARIA ANTONIETTA TOMEI, Museo Palatino, English Edition. Rome: Electra, 1997, No. 78.

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priate place to close with the famed Alexamenos graffito from the Palatine hill. The picture represents a man with an ass’s head crucified with outstretched arms (he may wear a shortened tunic, but his buttocks are visible); meanwhile, another man (dressed likely in a slave’s tunic) raises his hand in honor of the crucified figure.1023 The scrawled inscription reads “Αλεξαμενος σεβετε θεον” (“Alexamenos, worship god”).1024 There is clear mockery here, and it is almost certainly directed toward the Christian religion. COOK rightly observes that pagans accused Christians of worshipping the head of an ass, and ass-worship was a charge previously leveled at the Jewish religion.1025 Indeed, there are a number of indications that pagans felt free to deride the Christian religion because it followed (in Lucian’s words) a “crucified sophist.”1026 In this regard, HENGEL points to the “folly” of the message of the crucified Son of God (1 Cor 1:18).1027

─────────────── 1023 COOK, Envisioning Crucifixion, 283 suggests the raised hand may indicate blowing a kiss . 1024 Many conjecture that the author intended to write σεβεται, to imply “Alexamenos worships god”; cf. HORSLEY and LLEWELYN, New Documents, 4:137 (No. 34). 1025 COOK, Envisioning Crucifixion, 283–284; cf. ibid. 282–285 for the broader context of the graffito). For the charge against Christians, he rightly mentions Minucius Felix, Oct. 9.3; 28.7; Tertullian, Apol. 16.12; Nat. 1.14.1–4. 1026 Lucian, Pereg. 13; cf. Pereg. 11. For pagan derision of Christianity, note the many passages cited by HENGEL, Crucifixion, 1–10; COOK, Crucifixion, 418–423. On Jewish views cf. CHAPMAN, Crucifixion, 223–253. 1027 HENGEL, Crucifixion, 1.

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WRIGHT, N. T. Jesus and the Victory of God. Christian Origins and the Question of God Vol. 2. Minneapolis: Fortress, 1996 WROE, ANN. Pontius Pilate: The Biography of an Invented Man. Orig. 1999. Repr. New York: Random / Modern Library, 2001 YADIN, YIGAEL. Epigraphy and Crucifixion. IEJ 23 (1973): 18–22 –. Pesher Nahum (4QpNahum) Reconsidered. IEJ 21 (1971): 1–12 –. The Temple Scroll. 3 vols. with Supplementary Plates. Jerusalem: Israel Exploration Society, 1977–1983 YARDLEY, JOHN C. Justin. Epitome of the Philippic History of Pompeius Trogus. American Philological Association Classical Resources 3. Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1994 –. Tacitus. The Annals: The Reigns of Tiberius, Claudius, and Nero. With Introduction and Notes by A. A. Barrett. Oxford World’s Classics. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008 YIFTACH-FIRANKO, URI. Law in Greco-Roman Egypt: Hellenization, Fusion, Romanization. Pages 541–560 in The Oxford Handbook of Papyrology. Edited by R. S. Bagnall. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2009 YONGE, CHARLES DUKE. The Orations of Marcus Tullius Cicero, literally translated. London: Bell, 1903 YOUNGER, K. LAWSON. Ancient Conquest Accounts: A Study in Ancient Near Eastern and Biblical History Writing. JSOTSup 98. Sheffield: JSOT Press, 1990 ZANGENBERG , J ÜRGEN . ΣΑΜΑΡΕΙΑ. Antike Quellen zur Geschichte und Kultur der Samaritaner in deutscher Übersetzung. TANZ 15. Tübingen/Basel: Francke, 1994 ZEITLIN, SOLOMON. The Christ Passage in Josephus. JQR 18 (1927–28): 231–255 –. The Crucifixion of Jesus Re-examined. JQR 31 (1941): 327–369 –. The Dead Sea Scrolls: A Travesty of Scholarship. JQR 47 (1956–57): 1–36 –. Josephus on Jesus. Philadelphia: Dropsie College, 1931 –. Megillat Taanit as a Source for Jewish Chronology and History in the Hellenistic and Roman Periods. Philadelphia: Dropsie College for Hebrew and Cognate Learning, 1922 –. The Phrase ‫יתלה אנשים חיים‬. JJS 8 (1957): 117–118 –. Who Crucified Jesus? Orig. 1942. Repr. New York: Harper, 1947 ZIAS, JOSEPH. Human Skeletal Remains from the ‘Caiaphas’ Tomb. ‡Atiqot 21 (1992): 78–80 ZIAS, JOE, and JAMES H. CHARLESWORTH. Crucifixion: Archaeology, Jesus, and the Dead Sea Scrolls. Pages 273–289 in Jesus and the Dead Sea Scrolls. Edited by J. H. Charlesworth. Orig. 1992. Repr. New York: Doubleday, 1995 ZIAS, JOSEPH, and ELIEZER SEKELES. The Crucified Man from Giv†at ha-Mivtar: A Reappraisal. IEJ 35 (1985): 22–27, plates 5–7 ZIEGLER, JOSEPH, and OLIVIER MUNNICH. Susanna, Daniel, Bel et Draco. Zweite Auflage. Septuaginta XVI.2. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1999 ZIEGLER, KONRAT. Plutarchi vitae parallelae III/1. Zweite Auflage. Bibliotheca Scriptorum Graecorum et Romanorum Teubneriana. Leipzig: Teubner, 1971 ZLOTNICK, DOV. The Tractate “Mourning” (Regulations Relating to Death, Burial, and Mourning). Translated from the Hebrew, with Introduction and Notes. Yale Judaica 17. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1966 ZUCKERMANDEL, MOSES SAMUEL, ed. Tosephta. Based on the Erfurt and Vienna Codices with Parallels and Variants. With Supplement by Saul Lieberman. New Edition with Additional Notes and Corrections. Jerusalem: Wahrmann, 1970 ZUGIBE, FREDERICK T. The Crucifixion of Jesus: A Forensic Inquiry. New York: Evans, 2005 –. Two Questions About Crucifixion. Does the Victim Die of Asphyxiation? Would Nails in the Hand Hold the Weight of the Body? BRev 5 (1989): 34–43

Ancient Sources The page numbers in italics indicate numbered items in which the text is treated

I. Old Testament Genesis 1:26 1:26–28 1:27 4:10 9:6 11:5 11:7 18:24–25 30:14 31:25 35:3 35:7 36:22 40 40:13 40:18–22 40:19 40:22 40:23 41:12–13 41:13

112 487 112 57 43 112 112 35 118 376 112 112 118, 120 693 331 330–332, 691 370, 479, 639, 690, 693, 697 479, 690, 697 639 330–332, 479, 639, 690, 693, 697

Exodus 3:14 15:9 15:10 15:17–18 15:18 19:13 20:4 20:5 20:7 20:25

110 642–643 642 643 643 62 177 65 48, 50 103

21:22–25 22:17 22:27 22:28(27) 23:13 31:14–15 35:2

349 64, 71 504 64, 129 65 64 64

Leviticus 5:1 12:2–4 13 14:16 16 16:12–15 16:27 18:21 19:6 19:12 19:16 19:17 19:18 19:26 19:31 20:2 20:10 20:14 20:23 20:27 21:14 21:19 24:10–16 24:10–23 24:14 24:15b 24:15–16

57 44 112 103 20 19 497 65 497 50 504 86 86 64 64, 66 65, 496 82 497 42 63–64, 496 129 497 101 129 58, 60, 105 102 102

806

Ancient Sources

24:15b–16 24:16 24:22 24:23 27:28–29 27:29 32 32:11 32:14

102 48, 50, 64, 99, 102, 149 54 496 42–43 42 110 109 109–110

Numbers 10:3 12:6–8 15:27–31 15:30 15:30–31 15:31 15:35 15:35–36 19:1 19:14 19:20 22:24 23 23:19 24:16 25:1–13 25:4 25:14–15 30:31 35:30

376 35 120 105, 118, 120 117, 121 119 64 496 112 268 44 67 111 109–110 489 45 479–480, 697 36 120 91

Deuteronomy 1:17 4:7 4:16 4:23 4:25 5:11 10:12–21 12:5 12:11 12:29–31 13 13:1–6 13:2–6 13:2–11 13:2–12 13:6 13:6–11 13:9

39 112 177 177 177 50 46 103 103 46 36, 47, 70, 133, 495 35 34 46 134 64, 69, 134 32, 69, 75 134, 137

13:11 13:12–16 13:12–17 13:13–17 13:13–19 13:14 13:15 16:16 16:21–22 17:2–7 17:5 17:6 17:6–7 17:7 17:8–13 17:12 17:12–13 17:13 18:10 18:10–11 18:18 18:20 18:22 19:6 19:15 19:15–21 19:16 19:18–19 19:20 21 21:18–20 21:18–21 21:19–21 21:21 21:22 21:22–23

21:23 22:21 22:22 22:24 27:5–6 27:15 28:65–66

496 495 69 134 34, 75 35 36 36 34 34 496 73, 82, 87, 91–92, 502 88 61–62 37 38, 134 37 75–76, 80 65 64, 66 190 64, 66, 75, 134 39 36 82, 87–88, 91, 502 39–40 39 39, 92 80 369, 482, 489, 491, 493, 501, 503–504, 522, 525, 528, 689, 700 488 75, 488 488 488, 496 79, 113–114, 488, 491–495, 504 41, 63, 103, 115, 138, 320, 348, 370–371, 372–373, 389, 477, 479, 480–484, 488–494, 502, 504, 506, 522, 528, 531, 639, 689–690, 694, 697, 700 61, 114–116, 488–489, 491, 493, 502, 520, 522, 699 496 82, 116 496 103 177 700

28:66 32:5 Joshua 6:2 6:4 6:21 7:3 7:15 7:19–20 7:25 7:26 8:23 8:25 8:28 8:29

10:27 Judges 3:21 4:21

376 376

10:26–27

Ruth 1:15–17

807

2:10–11 3:1 4:5–12 4:7 4:8 4:9–12 4:12 6:9–10 7:23 16:6 16:13 18:9 18:14 18:17 20:22 21:6 21:6–10 21:9–10 21:12

374 374 320 376, 495 374 374–375 320, 325, 357, 410, 479, 639 697 112 496 496 348 376 348 376 479, 697 320 479, 697 320, 375–376, 479, 639, 694, 697

699 120 372 376 372 371 497 59, 60 59, 496 372 371 371 371 348, 370, 389, 479, 697 372 371 373 373 373 373 325, 370, 697 348, 372, 489, 639 373

10:1 10:2 10:3 10:5–6 10:8–21 10:24–25 10:26

Ancient Sources

371–372, 373, 489, 690, 694,

373, 690, 694,

1 Kings 12:18 13:26 21:10 21:13

496 72 98 496

2 Kings 18:13–14 18:17 18–19 21

361 361 362 120

1 Chronicles 22:2

29

2 Chronicles 9:29 10:18 24:21 32 32:9 33:1–9

133 496 496 362 361 120

Ezra 6 6:1–2 6:1–12 6:2–3 6:3–5 6:3

695 383 383 383 384 383

373, 389, 479,

499

1 Samuel 13:3 17:46 17:51 28:6 31 31:8–13 31:9–10 31:10 31:16

376 376 376 35 694 375–376, 639 694 320, 376, 479, 697 374, 376

2 Samuel 1:2–16 2:8–10

374 374

808 6:6–12 6:11 6:11–12 Esther 1:10 1:12 2:21–23 2:23 3:1–2 3:3–5 3:5–6 3:8–11 4:1–5:8 5:11–14 5:14 6:1–12 6:4 6:11 7:8–10 7:9 (B-text) 7:9–10 7:10 (B-text) 7:10 8–9 8:1–2 8:4–6 8:7 8:7–8 8:17 9:6–10 9:10 9:12–14 9:13 9:13–14 9:14 9:14–15 9:17–19 9:20–32 9:24–25 9:25 Job 7:14 33:6

Ancient Sources 383–384 479, 695 383–384, 639 388 644 385–386, 387 370, 385, 479, 639, 690, 695, 697 386 386 386 386 386 386–387 370, 385, 479, 639, 690, 695, 697 385 370, 385, 387, 479, 639, 690, 697 691 385, 387–388 689–691, 697 370, 385, 479, 639, 695 690 697 389 388 388 370, 385, 388, 479, 639, 690, 697 388 389 389 389 385, 388–389 370, 479 385, 479, 639, 690 479, 697 389 389 389 697 370, 385, 388–389, 479, 639, 690 35 35

Psalms 11:7 16:9 22:18 110:1 120:5

508 527 673 105–106, 113, 130 125

Proverbs 11:10 25:14 25:18 50:20–21 50:21

57 97 98 118 118

Kohelet 7:26

644

Isaiah 5:18 6:5 13:5 14:13–14 26:21 30:10 36:1–2 36–37 38:12–13 44:9–20 48:5

118, 120 125 110 111 109 518 361 362 41 177 177

Jeremiah 7:1–15 7:34 10:14 16:9 23:25–32 25:10 26:4–9 26:8–11 27:9–10 29:8 33:11

126 126 177 126 35 126 126 127 35 35 126

Lamentations 5:12–13 479, 697 Ezekiel 18:1–20 22:9

35 41

809

Ancient Sources 28:2 32:27

111 119

Daniel 4:14 7 7:9 7:13

112 113 112 106, 113, 130

Amos 5:11 5:26–27

29 43

Micah 7:1 7:2

125 43

Nahum 1:2 1:14 2:12 2:12–14 2:13b 2:14

86 177 516 520 516 518, 521

Zechariah 10:2 13:6

35 668

II. New Testament Matthew 1:16 5:41 9:34 10:14–15 10:17 10:23 10:21 10:25 10:35–36 10:38 11:20–24 12:22–24 12:23–24 18:15–17 21:2–7 21:11 23:34 24:2 24:15–28 26:4 26:34 26:55 26:57 26:59 26:59–60 26:60 26:60–61

74 280 134 134 134 134 134 134 134 673 134 134 138 87 280 64 134, 477 42, 66, 151 42 477 55 622, 640 10, 55 477 133 40, 89, 96 66

26:60–62 26:61 26:62 26:65 26:66 26:67 26:67–68 27:2 27:11 27:13 27:14 27:15 27:15–16 27:16 27:17 27:17–23 27:20 27:21 27:22 27:22–25 27:24 27:26 27:26–31 27:27 27:28–31 27:32 27:33 27:35

151 30, 96, 122 96 98 477 141 66, 672 163 163, 241 163 163 163, 255 262 273, 640 163, 273 139 273, 477 163, 273 163 477 163 270, 273 672 163 270 276, 280, 282, 566, 673 673 673

810

Ancient Sources

27:37 27:38 27:39–40 27:40 27:41–44 27:44 27:58 27:62 27:62–63 27:63 27:65 28:14

293 622, 640 477 30, 151 477 622 163 163 131 133 163 163

Mark 2:7 2:24 3:22 6:1–6 6:15 8:31 8:34 9:30–31 10:32–34 11:2–6 11:15–17 11:18 13:2 13:14–20 13:14–23 13:21–22 14:1 14:1–2 14:48 14:55 14:55–56 14:55–65 14:56 14:56–59 14:56–61 14:57–58 14:59 14:61 14:62 14:64 14:65 15:1 15:2 15:2–5 15:4 15:5 15:6

64 64 64, 134, 138 74 64 139 673 139 139 280 16 477 42, 66, 151 151 42 37 70, 477 15 274, 622, 640 40, 477 133 1 40, 89, 92 92 151 66 40, 86 99 106–107, 110–111, 130 98, 477 66, 141, 672 163, 246 163, 241, 246 243, 246 163 163 255, 262, 267

15:7 15:8 15:9–15 15:11 15:12 15:13–15 15:14 15:15 15:15–20 15:16–20 15:21 15:22 15:24 15:26 15:27 15:29 15:29–30 15:31–32 15:43 15:44 15:44–45 15:56 15:57–58 15:59

640 163 139 262, 273, 477 163 477 163 163, 262, 270, 273 672 270 276, 280, 282, 292, 566, 673 673 673 293 622, 640 30, 150 477 477 96, 163 163 678 96 96, 121 96

Luke 3:1 3:1–2 3:2 4:28–29 4:29 7:16 7:39 9:58 10:13–15 10:30 10:36 11:14–15 11:15 12:52–53 13:1 13:33 14:27 19:30–34 19:47 20:20 21:6 21:20–24 22:2 22:52 22:63

8, 158, 163 3 14 134 496 64 64 134 134 640 640 134 138 134 163, 173 64 673 280 477 164 42, 66, 151 42, 151 477 622, 640 141

811

Ancient Sources 22:63–65 22:64 23:1 23:1–2 23:1–25 23:3 23:4 23:5 23:6 23:6–12 23:7 23:10 23:11 23:12 23:13 23:13–16 23:13–25 23:16–25 23:17 23:18 23:18–25 23:20 23:22 23:24 23:26 23:33 23:34 23:35 23:38 23:49 23:50 23:52 24:20

672 141 163 131 198 163, 241 163 131 163 156, 269 198, 269 477 163, 269–270, 672 163 163, 477 269 139 477 255, 262, 269 273 477 163, 269 269 163 276, 282, 566, 673 673 673 477 293 676 96 163 477

John 2:19 3:1 5:16 5:18 6:14 7:12 7:40 7:45–49 7:47 7:50 7:52 7:53–8:11 8:7 8:28 8:48 8:59

150 96 64 64 64 131, 133 64 131 133 96 64 82 62, 496 110 64 64, 496

9:16 9:17 9:24 10:20 10:31 10:36 11:45–53 11:49 13:30 18:2 18:12–24 18:13 18:13–24 18:14 18:15 18:16 18:19 18:22 18:24 18:28 18:28–32 18:29 18:31 18:33 18:35 18:37 18:38 18:38–19:16 18:39 18:40 19:1 19:1–3 19:2–3 19:4 19:5 19:6 19:6–7 19:7 19:8 19:10 19:12 19:12–16 19:13 19:14 19:15 19:17 19:19 19:21 19:22 19:23–24 19:31

64 64 60 64 496 98 477 14 55 55 10 3, 10, 14, 55 8 477 10 10 10 10, 141 3, 14, 55 55, 163, 268 477 163 15, 30, 163 163, 241 163 163 163, 269 139 255, 262, 267 273, 477 163, 270 672 270 163 163 149, 163 477 149 163 163, 263 163, 269 477 163 139 163 282, 292, 566, 673 163, 292–293 163 163 674 163

812 19:31–37 19:38 19:39 20:20

Ancient Sources 678 163 96 292, 677

Acts of the Apostles 2:23 477 2:36 477 3:13 163 4:5–6 3 4:6 8, 14 4:10 477 4:27 158, 163 5:26 496 5:33–39 96 6:14 151 7:1 8 7:58–60 496 12:23 400 13:28 163 14:5 496 14:19 496 21:27–31 25 21:31–40 18 22:22–30 18 23:23–30 18 23:35 161 26:26–27 198 27:2 280 27:6 280

Romans 7:2–6 7:4

81 81

1 Corinthians 1:18 2:2 2:8 7:18

754 V 198 121

2 Corinthians 10:13–16 280 Galatians 1:18–23 3:13 6:1

12 483 87

Colossians 2:14 2 Thessalonians 3:15 87 1 Timothy 2:11 6:13

158 163

2 Timothy 3:23–25

87

III. Ancient Near Eastern Texts Babylonia Code of Hammurabi §21 324–325, 326, 328, 363 §25 326 §108 327 §110 326 §129 326 §130 326 §133 326 §143 326 §153 324, 325–327 §155 326

§157 §§215–225 §221 §§226–227 §227 §256

326 327 324 327–328 326, 328, 363 327

Assyria Middle Assyrian Laws Tablet A, §53 327, 349–350 Ashurbanipal, Cylinder B I,95–II,6 364–365

813

Ancient Sources Ashurbanipal, K 2802 II,1 366 Ashurbanipal, Rassam Cylinder I,95–II,6 361 I, 134–II,7 364 VII,45–50 320 IX,122–128 366 Ashurnasirpal II, Annals A I,89–94 350–351, 361 II 351–352 III,31b–33a 352–353 III,83b–84a 353–354 III,105–113 354–355 Esarhaddon Tablet 2, col. II 363–364 Sennacherib’s Capture of Lachish BM 124906 360–361 Sennacherib Prism H2 col. III, ll. 8–17 861–862 Sennacherib Stele Inscription on the Royal Road ll. 23–26 362–363 Shalmaneser III, Bronze Gates of Balawat BM 124658 355–356 BM 124656 356–357 Tiglath-pileser III, Relief from Nimrud BM 118904 357–358 Tiglath-pileser III, Kalhu Annals 8, ll. 4b–8a 358 ˘ 20, ll. 8´b–12´ 358–359 Tiglath-pileser III Summary Inscription I 39, ll. 8–11a 359–360

2.12 2.15–16 3.12 4.15–31 7.1–8 7.9–13.9 8.25–26 10.1–4 10.11–19 11.14–22 11.20 13.10–14 13.10 13.12–13 14.1–5 14.4–5.19–21 14.22–25 14.24 15.16–18 16.2

344 340 344 343 339–340 339 340 341 341–342 342 344 342–343 339 344 343–344 344 344 339 344, 344–345 339

B.M. 10053 3.3–5

338–339

B.M. 10221 5.5–8 5.19 6.9–20

337–338, 339 337 336–337

B.M. 10403 2.2–5

345

Akhenaten Stele at Buhen 1591, lines 6–12 332–333 Abydos Decree of Seti I at Nauri ll. 74–80 333–334 ll. 104–109 334–335 Merenptah Nubian War Stele 335–336 Papyrus Mayer A13, B1

329, 339

Abbot Papyrus 1.1–7.9 339

Rosetta Stone §16 §§R1, N23

345–346 346

B.M. 10052 2.8

Mari ARM 13.108

328–329

Egypt

337 339

814

Ancient Sources

Behistûn Inscription of Darius ll. 57–61 377–378 ll. 61–64 379–380 ll. 71–72, 75–78 380–381 ll. 84–89 382–383

Ugarit Ras Shamra (RS) 86.2221 347

IV. Second Temple Jewish Literature, Qumran, Josephus Assumptio Mosis 5 664 6 664–665 7 664 6:7–9 646, 663, 664 8 662, 664–665 8:1–5 663–665 8:3 121 9 665 10 665

2 Maccabees 2:4–8 6:19 6:28 6:30 14 14–15 14:3–14 14:26 15:28–35

190 452 452 452 509 122 509 509 321

1 Esdras 6 6:31 6:33

Sirach 19:13–17

87

Susanna 44–62

83–86

695 384, 690, 695 384

2 Esdras (4 Esdras) 6:11 384 Esther, Additions (Add Esth) E17–18 (B) 689–691, 695 L 7:28 (A) 690, 695 Jubilees 3:30–31

287

1 Maccabees 1:15 1:20–64 1:60–61 7–9 7:5–11 7:12–18 7:21 7:37–38 7:47 9:1 9:54–57

121 661 662 509 509 509 497 123 321 509 509

Testament of the Twelve Patriarchs TestGad 6:3–7 87 Qumran CD (Damascus Document) I, 18–II, 1 518 IV, 12–18 35 V, 21 70 VII, 2–3 87 IX, 1 42–43 IX, 1–15 43 IX, 2–8 86–87, 90 IX, 10–23 87 IX, 16–23 41 IX, 16 – X, 2 88–89 X, 16–23 87 XII, 2–3 70 XII, 3 43 XII, 3–4 43

815

Ancient Sources XII, 3–5 XV, 1–5 XV, 11 XVI

44 48 70 42

1QS (Rule of the Community) III, 13 – IV, 26 35 V, 24–VI, 1 87 VI, 1 90 VI, 27–VII, 2 48 VII, 15–16 41 IX, 16–18 87 X, 17–18 43

Frag. 6 II, 5–10 44 Frag. 6 II, 9–10 43 Frag. 8 I, 2 70 Frag. 8 II, 8 43 4Q267 Frag. 2, 5 Frag. 4, 13

70 70

4Q270 Frag. 2 II, 13 Frag. 2 II, 14 Frag. 6 II, 8 Frag. 6 III, 16

43 70 70 42

4Q271 Frag. 5 I, 18

70

4Q275 Frag. 2

43

4Q286–290

87

4Q332 Frag. 2

518

1QM (War Scroll) XIV, 9 70

4Q408 Frag. 11, 5

70

1QIsaiah

4Q417 Frag. 1 II, 12 Frag. 1 II, 13

70 70

4Q430 4

70

1QH (Thanksgiving Hymns) VI, 35 38 X, 15–19 518 XII, 7–12 518 XII, 8 70 XII, 9 70 XII, 16 70 XIII, 27 41 XIV, 19 70 Frag. 4 70 Frag. 8 70

4Q159 Frag. 2–4 Frag. 8–9

105 43 43

4Q169 (Nahum Pesher) s. 4QpNah 4Q177 Frags. 1–4, 14 70 4Q184 1,17

4Q477 Frag. 2 II, 3–8 89 4Q491 Frags. 8–10 I, 7 70

70 4Q504-506 (4QDibHam) Frags. 1–2 V, 12 70

4Q200 Frag. 6 Frag. 8

70 70

4Q266 Frag. 6 II, 8

42

4Q509 Frags. 12 I – 13, I 70 4Q524

34, 502

816

Ancient Sources

4QpNah 3–4 i 1–9 3–4 i 6–8

505, 507, 516 516–522 478

11QTemple XLVIII – LXVI 34 LI, 11–18 34 LI, 13–15 39 LI, 16–18 39 LI, 19 – LII, 3 34, 39 LIV–LV 70 LIV, 8–16 37 LIV, 8–18 34 LIV, 8 – LV, 10 31–37, 70 LIV, 8 – LVI, 04 34 LIV, 15 70 LIV, 19 – LV, 1 34 LV, 2–14 34 LV, 5 36 LV, 15 – LVI, 04 34 LVI, 2 38 LVI, 4 38 LVI, 5–7 38 LVI, 8–11 37–38 LXI, 7–12 34, 37, 38–40 LXI, 8 70 LXIV, 6–13 40–42, 51, 370, 478, 479, 502–505, 520, 522 LXIV, 6–12 127 LXVI, 8 70, 88 LXVI, 8–9 88 11Q5 XVIII, 6

70

Josephus Antiquitates Judaicae 1.5 196 1.25 91 2.72– 73 332, 693 2.73 504 2.77 332, 504, 693 2.117 154 2.327 496 4.196 91, 488 4.197 91 4.198 91, 102–103 4.199–204 489 4.199–201 102 4.202 62, 102–103, 489–491

4.204 4.207 4.219 4.248 4.260–263 4.263 4.264–265 4.265 5.48 5.61 6.374 8.232 11.12–18 11.17 11.99–103 11.103 11.208 11.246 11.260–261 11.261 11.266–267 11.266 11.267 11.280 11.289 11.304–305 12.145–146 12.241 12.248–251 12.255–256 12.256 12.385 12.399–400 12.406 12.407 12.408–412 13 13.90 13.236–253 13.288–298 13.288 13.289–290 13.291 13.292 13.293–296 13.294 13.298 13.372ff. 13.372–373 13.372 13.375–376

371 103 90–92 497 488 488 487–489, 490, 491 489, 491 694 694 693–694, 513, 642 133 384 384, 695 384 385, 694–695 504, 695 504, 695 695 504, 695 504 695 513, 642, 695 504, 695 695 704 18 121 662 661–662, 664, 672 513, 642 509 510 122–123 123 123 128 496 128 512, 514 515 128 129 129 127–130 23 515 511 511 512 512

817

Ancient Sources 13.376–379 13.376 13.379 13.380–381 13.380 13.383 13.400–406 13.401 13.402 13.410 13.412 13.413 14.66 14.143 14.158 14.163 14.165 14.165–166 14.167 14.168 14.169–184 14.170 14.171–176 14.177 14.456 14.487 14.8 15.318 15.336 15.406 15.417 16.394 17.41 17.42 17.89 17.250–298 17.286–298 17.295 17.314 18.1–2 18.2 18.1–3 18.1–10 18.4–10 18.9 18.11–25 18.15 18.23–25 18.26 18.32 18.33

512 512, 514 512, 514 510–516, 518, 519, 642 513, 514, 642 510–516 514 514 515 511, 515, 516, 525, 642 525 525 20 52 52 52 52 52 52 52 52 52 52 51–53 496 20 51 170 166 160 17 62 515 515 646 646 646 645–646, 663 21 5, 199 21 4 21 4 647 4 515 5, 647 3–6 24 7, 24, 160

18.34 18.34–35 18.35 18.35–89 18.36–38 18.52 18.53–54 18.55 18.55–59 18.55–64 18.56 18.57 18.58 18.59 18.60 18.60–62 18.63 18.63–64 18.64 18.65–84 18.65–80 18.79 18.85–89 18.86 18.88 18.89 18.90–95 18.95 18.120–122 18.143–160 18.170 18.224–239 18.257–309 18.261–262 18.289–309 19.94–95 19.94 19.270 19.363 20.2 20.97 20.100 20.102 20.107 20.118 20.119 20.127 20.129 20.130–131 20.130 20.132

6–7 159 10–11, 158 158 158 158 158 184–185 173, 177, 183–185 161 184–185 176, 185 185 175, 185 181 173, 180, 185–186 131–132 132, 187–188, 530 530, 642 158 530 530 24, 161, 189–192 190 191 158 12, 191 10, 11–14 191 20 159 20 704 169 20 706 513, 642, 709 287 160 160 160 647 646–647, 507 160 648 648 648 647–649 648 648, 649 160

818 20.134–136 20.142 20.160–161 20.162 20.176 20.180 20.197 20.198 20.199–203 20.200 20.215 20.235 20.237 20.252–258 20.257 20.268 20.413

Ancient Sources 648 160 641 160 496 496 7, 160 7–8 21–23 8, 188 263–264 509 509 650 160 91 509

Bellum Judaicum 1.3 196 1.88–89 512 1.88 512 1.90–91 512 1.92–95 512 1.92 514 1.96–97 511, 518 1.96 513, 514 1.97 514 1.98 516 1.107–108 514 1.113 176, 511, 514, 516, 525 1.123 51 1.210–215 52 1.211 52 1.402 170 1.412 166 1.61 128 1.96–97 50–51, 511 1.97 642 1.113 642 1.550 496 1.667 23 2.1–116 176 2.39–79 646 2.66–79 646 2.75 645–646, 663 2.91 21 2.93 23 2.111 23–24 2.117 21, 23–24, 27, 160, 176, 199

2.119–161 2.144 2.162–166 2.167 2.168 2.169 2.169–174 2.169–177 2.171 2.172 2.175 2.175–177 2.176 2.176–177 2.178–220 2.185–187 2.220 2.223 2.224–227 2.230 2.232 2.235–236 2.235 2.238 2.241 2.242 2.245–246 2.245 2.247 2.252 2.253 2.254 2.271 2.274 2.274–276 2.277–279 2.289–292 2.293 2.301–304 2.305 2.306–308 2.308 2.439–440 2.457–458 2.492 2.534 2.599 2.624 3.32 3.317–319 3.320–321

176 43 176 176 176 160, 184 173, 175–180, 184 161, 170, 176 176 176 186 173, 176, 180–183, 186 183 173 176 169 160 160, 647 126 176 648 641 640, 648 640, 641, 648 640, 647–648 648 648 150 160 160, 641 641–642 641 160 7 264 649 649 649 650 650 649–650, 672 534 26 27 496 496 497 497 191 668 645, 667–668, 672, 673

819

Ancient Sources 3.321 3.322–339 3.361–382 3.377 3.525 3.541 4.200 4.300–313 4.310 4.315–316 4.317 4.318–325 4.324 5.111 5.176–181 5.179 5.194 5.195 5.275–277 5.287–288 5.289 5.361–420 5.446 5.447–448 5.449–451 5.450 5.451 5.506 5.549–551 6.67 6.96–118 6.121 6.126 6.288–315 6.300–309 6.302 6.303 6.303–305 6.306–309 6.307 7.154 7.196 7.200–203 7.200 7.200 7.202–203 7.204–205 7.206–208 7.209 20.105–111

513, 642, 651, 652 668 491 489, 491 496 670 496 490 490 490 370, 490–491 490 490 496 170 170 17 17 651 651 652, 659–651, 673 652 652 652 533, 651–652, 705 651, 653 314–315 8–9 673 496 652 25 18, 25 125 31, 40, 123–127 141–142 160 149–151 150 150 150 653 672, 673 653 653 645, 651, 652–653, 697 653 653 653 126

Contra Apionem 1.148 452 2.84 662 2.194 129 2.237 103 Vita 1–7 12 414–430 420–421 420

650 491 650 513, 638, 642, 660, 680– 681, 706 645

Philo De aeterniate mundi 20 500–501 De decalogo 52–81 61–63 61–69 In Flaccum 29 36–40 41–44 43 52 53 72 83–84

108 108–109 109 273 271–274 273 50 50 50 665–666, 667, 673, 691, 708 666–667, 672, 673, 678, 691, 708

Hypothetica 7.11

50

De Iosepho 96–98 156

332, 504, 691 332, 692

Legatio ad Gaium 119–137 666 170 50 188 169 207–208 169 276–329 169 276–339 20 278–289 169 290–298 169 299 160

820 299–305 300 306–308 307 309–318 319–320 321–322 323–329

Ancient Sources 167–174, 177 50 19–20, 169 20 169 169 169 169

Legum allegoriae 299–305 161 De mutatione nominum 62 317 De posteritate Caini 25–27 699–700 61 684, 700 De praemiis et poenis 106 50 De providentia 2.24–25 395, 700 2.24 683–684 2.25 684 Questiones et solutiones in Exodum 2.5 102 De somniis 2.125 2.129–131 2.129–132 2.131 2.213

107 109 106–107 107 332, 504, 684, 692, 700

De specialibus legibus 1.1 45 1.1–2 273 1.53 45

1.54–55 1.56–57 1.299–311 1.312–314 1.315–316 1.315–318 2.1–38 2.2–3 2.4–5 2.27–28 2.148 2.242–243 2.243b–248 2.249–251 2.252 2.252–254 2.255a 2.255b–256 3.151–152 3.153 3.161 4.53–54 4.122

44–46 45 46 46 46–47 47 48 48 48 47–48, 50 50 45, 48–49 49 49 48 49–50 49 49 370, 505–507 507 317 91 369

De vita Mosis 2.8–65 2.38 2.66–186 2.187–291 2.188 2.192–208 2.193 2.196 2.197 2.198 2.201 2.202 2.203–204 2.203–208 2.205

101 103 101 101 101 102 50, 101 101 101 101 101 62, 102 102 100–102 102–103

V. Rabbinic Literature, Midrashim, Targumim Mishnah ‡Abot 1

140

1:4 1:8–9 1:8

508 523 60

821

Ancient Sources Baba Qamma 1:3 Bes.ah 4:5 Ketubbot 2:5–6 4:3 Kerithot 1:1–2 Makkot 1:6 1:10 Middot 2:3 5:4 Nega†im 12:3 Ohalot 3:5 Parah 3.5 Pesah.im 8:6 8:8 Roš Haššanah 1:8 Sanhedrin 1:5 3:3 3:6 4:1 4:5 5:1–5 6 6:1 6:1–2 6:3 6:4–5 6:4–6 6:4 6:5–6 6:5 6:6 6:7 7:1 7:2 7:3 7:4 7:5

68 91 97 53–56, 73, 77, 95–96, 98 56–58, 98, 112 92–96 61, 104 75, 137 58–60 115, 287 115 60–63, 491–493, 522 79, 103–104, 490, 496

7:6–7 7:9 7:10 7:11 8:5–7 9:1 9:6 10:4–6 10:11 11:1 11:2 11:3 11:5 11:6 Šabbat 6:10 11:15 Šebu†ot 4:1 4:13 Šeqalim 4:2 Sot.ah 7:6 9:11 Sukkah 4:9 Ta†anit 2:8 Temurah 4:4 Yebamot 16:3 Yoma 1–8 5:1–4 7:4 8:1 16:6 62

103 371, 490, 522–523, 527 490, 493 490 498, 499 497 496, 497 63–64, 65, 68, 71, 492, 527 65, 99, 104–106, 149

Tosefta GitStSin 7:1 Ketubbot 1:6 Menah.ot 13:18–20 13:21 ‡Ohalot 4:11

92 527 512 499 149 92 16 17 28 527 504, 658–659, 672, 677 11 267–268 268 92

64–66 527 67–70, 72–74, 77 70–71 75 68, 495 18 68 74 71–72, 495 28 72 71–72, 75 57 504, 660, 676 73 92 48 181 105 16 511, 515 26 527 504, 659–660, 672, 681 20 19 19 527 77 105

504, 659, 672 92 9 9–10 658

822 Sanhedrin 6:3 6:6 8:1 8:3 9:5 9:6 9:7 9:8–9 9:10 9:11 10:4 10:10 10:11 11:1 11:7 Sukkah 4:6 Yebamot 1:10

Ancient Sources

96, 97–98 523 16 523 60 62, 115, 493, 523 493, 504, 640 490 498 496, 497 65 60 72–74, 78 87 75–76, 80 59 12

Babylonian Talmud †Abodah Zarah 8b 29–30 Baba Mes.i†a 83b 526–528, 640 Berakot 29a 515 48a 515, 524 Git.t.in 47a 524 70b 659 Kerithot 7b 120–121 Ketubbot 45b 60 Niddah 71b 658 Pesah.im 57a 9 Qiddušin 66a 129, 512, 515, 523, 524 Roš Haššanah 31b 29 Sanhedrin 8b 87 19a–b 524 29a 97 33b 54 34a 54 34b–35a 504

38b 40a 40b–41a 41a 42a–b 42b 43a 44b 45a 46a 46b 49b–50b 49b 52b–53a 52b 64b 67a 67a–b 80b 89a 89a–b 99b 107b Šabbat 67a 104b Šebu†ot 35 Sot.a 47a Sukkah 48b–49a Yebamot 15b 47a 90b Yoma 25a 69b

112–113 94 87 28–29, 95 497 60 76, 131, 136–140, 531 60 62 78–80, 488, 492, 526 370, 371, 493, 494–495, 640, 642, 672 498 498 496 495, 496, 497 65 72, 74, 504 70 87 38, 75, 80–81 72 121 140–141, 531 660 73 48 515, 524 511 12 500 526 28 79

Palestinian Talmud Berakot 7:2 524 Git.t.in 48c (7:1) 659 H.agigah 77a (2:2) 497, 524 77b (2:1) 79 77d–78a (2:2) 524 78a (2:2) 526

823

Ancient Sources 78a Ma†aśerot 52a Nazir 5:3 Sanhedrin 6:4 6:6 6:7 7:1 7:2 7:3 7:4 18a,42–43 21c,5 23b,46 23c–d (6:9) 23c (6:9) 23c,6–26 23c,55–69 24b,48–50 25b,12–13 25c,74–25d 25d,2–3 25d, 5–10 25d,12–21 25d,55–61 40b–41a Šabbat 8c (6:9) 13d,27 Sukkah 5a,51 54d (4:6) Ta†anit 65b,61–70 Yebamot 16:3 6a,3 15d,61–68 15d,64 Semah.ot 2.11 [44b]

79, 523 11 524 523 524 491 495, 499 497 496 495 27–28 73, 77 60 524 523, 526 62 115 27 120 76–78 74 78 71 71 87 660, 676 73 59 511 109–112 660, 681 11 77 74 679–680

Mishpatim 16 Shirata 7 10

48 642–643 643–644

Mekilta de-Rabbi shimon bar Yohai 36.2 644 Pesikta de-Rab Kahana 9.2 644 suppl. ii 2 644 Sifre Bamidbar (Numbers) §14 48 §112 117–122 Sifre Devarim (Deuteronomium) §55–303 117 §190 92 §221 79, 113–117, 139, 370, 491– 493, 493–494, 519, 523, 525, 642, 672 Midrash Rabba Bereschit (Genesis) Rabba 22:6 120 65:22 79, 317, 507–510 Ruth Rabba 2:24 499 Qohelet (Ecclesiastes) Rabba 7:37 (21c) 644–645 Midrash Tannaim 132 ll. 7–8 494, 642, 672 Midrash Tehillim on Ps 11:7 508, 661, 669 Megillat Ta canit 6 27 6 [13–15] 25–27 9 [20] 179

Midrashim

Targumim

Mekilta de-Rabbi Ishmael Bachodesh 6 668–669

Fragment Targum Deut 21:22–23 484–487 Num 25:4 480

824 Jonathan Mic 7:2

Ancient Sources Deut 21:22–23 484–487 Num 25:4 480

43

Pseudo-Jonathan Gen 40:19 696–697 Deut 21:22–23 484–487 Num 25:4 480 Neofiti Gen 40:19

Onqelos Gen 40:19 696–697 Deut 21:22–23 484–487 Targum on Ruth 1:17 499–500, 504, 510

696–697

VI. Greek and Roman Authors Aeschylos Eumenides 186–190

462

Prometheus vinctus 1–11 686 52–81 686 Ammianus Marcellinus Rerum Gestarum 14.11.33 593 18.5.3 399 Anthologia Graeca 1.54, 60 703 1.111 703 7.519 701 8.24 703 8.29 703 8.146 703 9.377–379 703 9.378 702–703 9.655 703 11.189–192 700 11.192 677, 700–701 11.230 751–752 12.175 701 15.28 703 16.3 701 Anthologia Palatina 11.183.5 289

Appian Bella civila 1.8.71 1.14.116–117 1.14.118 1.14.119–120 1.14.119 1.14.120 1.14.121 1.553 1.557–559 2.12.85–85 2.13.90 3.1.2 3.1.3 3.3.26 3.9 4.4.20 4.4.29 4.5.35 4.6.36 4.9.73 4.10.80 4.10.81 4.125–126 4.148 4.431–343 5.8.70 5.139 5.295

321, 560 593 593 596, 628 321, 560, 592–593, 595 321, 560, 593, 594–595, 596, 673 595 592 594 627 321, 560, 627–628 560 321, 427, 436, 559–560, 578, 626, 627, 672 321 559 321, 560 321, 577–578, 579, 580, 595 321, 560, 578–579 579 580 580 321, 560, 579–580 577 579 579 436, 560, 579, 580–581 297 581

825

Ancient Sources Mithridatica 2.8 4.22–23 5.29 12.82 12.84 12.84 15.97 16.109 16.111

473–474, 560 424 560, 626 427 560 426–427 422–423, 560, 630 593 424

Punica (Libyca) 18.119 436, 581 Sicelica 2.3 2.7–8

581 435–436

Syriaca 9.52 9.56

473 560

Apuleius Metamorphoses 1.14.2 625, 703 1.15.4 697, 702 1.15.6 625 2.26 446 2.32 624 3.8 624 3.9.1–3 623–624 3.9.1 702 3.17.4–5 625 4.10.3–4 625 4.10.4 703 6.31.1–3 625 6.31.2 703 6.32.1 625, 703 10.12.3 703 10.12.4 625 Aristophanes Plutus 476

452

Thesmophoriazusai 930ff 453 Aristoteles Eth. nic. 1096b

369

Politica 1311b 1311b,35–39 1321a

704 401–402 369

Rhetorica 1383a.5

452

Arrianus, Flavius Anabasis Pref. 1 2.24.4 3.5.7 4.10.1–12.7 4.12.7–14.2 4.14 4.14.1–2 4.14.3–4 6.17.2 6.30.2 7.14.4

467 465 171 467 467 467 467 466–467 467 467 467

Indica 5.1

467

Historia successorum Alexandri FGH 156 2b Frag. 1.2 473 Frag. 1.3–7 473 Frag. 1.11 467 Frag. 1.18 467 Periplus ponti Euxini 11.5 467 Artemidoros (Ephesus) Onirocriticon 1.1 291 1.76 622 2.53 316, 674, 675, 711–712 2.56 291–292, 622 2.68 622 4.praef. 291 Athenaeus Deipnosophistai 6.104 593, 596

826

Ancient Sources

Augustus Res Gestae (Monumentum Ancyranum) 34 171 Caesar (Gaius Iulius Caesar) Bellum Africum 65 450 66 450–451 Bellum Alexandrinum 4 627 Bellum civile 104 112

627 627

(Pseudo-)Caesar De Bello Hispaniensi 20.5 628 Cassius Dio Historiae Romanae 42.3.3–4 627 47.34.6 580 48.19 581 48.30.4–8 581 48.36.1–6 581 53.12.1 236 53.15.5 236 54.3.4–5 297 54.3.6 297 54.3.7 297–298 54.20.4–5 412–413 54.20.4 413 54.20.6 413 54.23.1–4 322 56.22 416 56.72.1 226 57.9.2 223 57.16.4 271 57.19.1 228 57.22.5 228 58.32 276 59.29.3–4 706 60.22.3–5 706 60.28.3–5 706 60.31.5 706 62.7.1–3 419–420 62.7.2 420 62.9.1–11.5 420

62.11.4–5 62.16 62.18 67.3.1 74.1.1 74.10.2–3 75.8.3 78.12.1

420 194 584 296 587 587 321 223

Catullus Carmina 108

586

Celsus, Aulus Cornelius De medicina 5.23 424 7.25 121 Cicero Epistulae ad Atticum 5.16.2 221 7.11.2 698 Pro Balbo 22

156, 198, 199–201

Pro Cluentio 43–61 88–142 88–160 89–96 97 117 160–194

216 217 216 217 215–217 216 216

Epistulae ad familiares 3.11.1–3 219–221 3.11.2–3 215 De finibus 5.30.92 5.84

683 698

De inventione rhetorica 1.9 213 2.12–13 214 2.14–51 214 2.17.52–55 211–215 2.52–56 214 2.53 241

Ancient Sources 2.57–61 2.62–115

214 214

Orator ad M. Brutum 107–108 216 Orationes philippicae 3.8.20 585 9.7.17 585 13.10.22 585 13.21 626 In Pisonem 18.42 50

697 214, 217–219

Epistulae ad Quintum fratrem 1.29 698 Pro Rabirio Perduellionis Reo 1.2–3 553 2.6 558 3.8 619 3.10 552–553, 554 3.12 538, 554 4.10–11 557 4.10 553–554 4.13 538, 554–556 5.16–17 556–558, 563 5.17 558 10.27 558 10.28–30 559 10.28 558–559 13.38 558 De senectute 42

294

Pro Sulla 14.41–42

244

In Verrem 1.18.55 1.38–40 2.1–5 2.1.6–7 2.1.7 2.1.9–12 2.1.9 2.1.12–13 2.1.13–14

244–246 216 246 543–544 548 546 544–545, 548 545–546 546

2.2.13 2.2.52 2.2.114 2.2.154 2.3.1 2.3.4–19 2.3.6 2.3.48–57 2.3.58–58 2.3.60–63 2.3.70 2.3.112–119 2.3.112 2.3.114 2.4.20–23 2.4.24 2.4.26 2.4.27–28 2.4.151 2.5.1–4 2.5.5–6 2.5.5 2.5.7–14 2.5.7–8 2.5.7 2.5.9–24 2.5.9 2.5.10–14 2.5.10–11 2.5.10 2.5.11 2.5.12 2.5.14 2.5.71–74 2.5.77 2.5.156–157 2.5.158ff 2.5.160 2.5.161 2.5.162 2.5.163–171 2.5.163 2.5.164 2.5.165–166 2.5.165 2.5.166 2.6.168–169 2.5.168 2.5.169 2.5.170–171 2.5.170

827 550 550 550 550 547 550 546–547, 548 548 547–548 548 548 549 548, 549 549 550 549–550, 673 550–552, 673 550 550 597 597 597 628 597 596–598 599 597 599 598–599 599 599 599–600 600–602, 673 536 536 536 536 536 536 536 544, 548 537–539, 556, 673 536, 537 534–537, 545 697 537 697 539 536, 540–541, 562, 672, 678 541–543, 673, 677 542

828 2.5.174–176 3.6.1 18.55

Ancient Sources 536 562 243

Chariton Chaereas and Callirhoe 1.1–3.1 288 3.2–5.10 288 3.4.12 701 3.4.18 302, 701–702 4.2.5 288 4.2.6–7 287–289, 302, 703 4.2.8–4.3.12 289 4.3.3–10 302 4.3.3 703 4.3.5–6 703 4.3.8–10 703 5.10.6 703 6–7 288 6.2.10 703 8.7.8 302, 703 8.8.2–4 302 8.8.2 703 8.8.4 703 Codex Justinianus 5.17.8.6 237 9.1.20 237 Codex Theodosianus 9.6.2 237 Collatio Legum Mosaicarum et Romanorum 1.2.1–2 613, 614 1.3.1–2 615 8.4.1–2 613, 614 8.5.1 614 14.2.1–2 618, 619 Ctesias, FGH 3c 688 Persica Frag. 1b 2.1.9–10 367–368, 393 8d.11–19 392 8d.32 392 8d.39–40 392 9a.6–12 393–394 9.1 392 9.6 368, 391–392 9.40–43 406

13.33 14.34 14.36 14.38 14.39 14.45 16.66 16.67 18.1–2 26 26.17.1–7 26.17.7

402 402 404 404 368, 403–406, 411 406–407 357, 368, 375, 408, 409–411 410 430–431 410 405 405, 408–409

Curtius Rufus, s. Rufus Demosthenes Orationes 8.61 9.61 13.56 21.11–21 21.102–104 21.105 19.137

452 452 452 464 464 463–464 452

Digesta (Corpus Iuris Civils) 1.15.2 206 1.17.1 199 1.18.4 199 1.21.1.1 27 11.1.11.4 243 42.1.53 243 47.9.9 195 48.1.5 243 48.4 235 48.4.1.pr 223 48.4.1.1 217, 235 48.4.1.1–11 230–237 48.4.2 236 48.4.3 235–236 48.4.4.pr 214 48.4.4 232, 236 48.4.6 207 48.4.7 237 48.4.8 237 48.8.3.5 614 48.9.9 195 48.15.7 619 48.19.28.15 623–624 48.19.38 237, 613 48.19.38.pr–1 611

829

Ancient Sources 48.19.38.1 48.19.38.2 48.19.38.5 49.16.3.9 49.16.3.10 50.4.18.4 50.4.18.21 50.5.10.2 50.5.10.11

630, 633 611, 613 615 633 633, 673 277 277 277 277

Dio Chrysostom Orationes 1.3 369 17.15 395, 684–685 62.5 369 Diodorus Siculus Bibliotheca historica 1.1–5 128 1.83.8 25 2.1.4–28.7 431 2.1.4 367 2.1.7–9 367 2.1.7 367 2.1.9–10 367–368, 393 2.2.1–4 367 2.2.2 367 2.3.1–4 367 2.7.1–2 430 2.7.2 430 2.13.4 431 2.14.3–4 430 2.16.1–19.10 430 2.16.5–17.2 431 2.16.14 431 2.17.4–8 431 2.18.1–2 430–431 2.19.10 430 2.20.2 430 2.23.1–2 369 2.23.1 369 2.27.2 369 2.28.1 369 2.28.8 369 2.43.1 429 2.43.7 429 2.44.1–2 390, 429–430 2.44.2 431 2.44.2–46.6 429 5.32.6 412, 416

10.19 11.69.2–5 11.71.3–6 11.71.3–4 11.74.1–75.6 11.74.1 11.77.1–5 14.80.6–8 16.24.3 16.93.1–95.1 18.16.1-2 18.16.2–3 18.16.3 20.54.7 25.5.1–2 25.8 25.9 25.10.1 25.10.2 25.10.3 25.10.4 26.21.21–22 26.23.1 31.18.1 33.14.1 33.14.3–5 33.15.1 34–35.1.1–5 34–35.12.1

399 402 404 404 404 404 404 409 513 704 474 474–475 475 302 309, 438–439 439 439 439 439–440 440 439 440 440–441 662 421 421 421–422 662 128, 422

Dionysios Halicarnassus Antiquitates Romanae 5.50.1 589 5.51.3 589–590, 629, 673 7.68.1 286 7.68.1–2 286 7.68.3 286 7.69.1–2 285–287, 563, 590 12.6.6 590–592, 629, 672 42.40.1 627 Egeria Itineratio 37.1

293

Epictetus Diatribes (Dissertationes) 2.2.20 698 3.22.30 369 3.26.21–22 312–313, 675

830

Ancient Sources

Euripides Iphigeneia taurica 1245–52 66 1422–1430 425–426 Eutropius Breviarium ab urbe condita 6.7 592 FIRA I2 68 II 169–170 II 355 II 376 II 407 II 408 II 409 II 410 II 414 II 544 II 564 II 517 II 732

205 604 604 617 610, 611, 612 614 615 617 619 614 614 619 619

Firmicus Maternus Mathesis 6.31.58–59 625 6.31.73 625 8.6.11 625 8.17.2 625 8.22.3 625, 673 8.25.6 625 Florus Epitome 1 intr. 8 1.18 2.2.25 2.7 2.8.1–14 2.8.1–2 2.8.13–14 2.8.13 2.8.14 2.30.21–22 2.30.24 2.30.29–39 3.19.8 3.20.1–14 4.12.24

413 634–635 634 629 592 593 595 597 596 413 413–414 413, 415 629 592 413

Frontinus Strategemata 1.5.20–22 1.7.6 2.4.7 2.5.34 4.7.24

593 593 593 593 626

Herodian Historia (Τηñς μετα` Μα'ρκον βασιλειñας ι‘στορι'ας) 2.1.5–10 587 2.4.1–5.1 587 2.4.8 588 3.7.7 321 3.8.1 321 6.1.3 590 6.1.7 590 Herodotus Historiae 1.120 1.127 1.128 1.128.1–2 1.128.2 1.130.3 1.171.1 1.172.1–2 1.176.2 1.214.4 2.150.3 3.12.4 3.40–43 3.70 3.120 3.120.1 3.120.3–4 3.121.1–2 3.122.1 3.122.2–3 3.122.3–4 3.123.1 3.124.1–3 3.124.1 3.125.2–4 3.125.2 3.125.3 3.125.4 3.126.1 3.126.2

390 390 455 390–391 396 393 407 407 407 429, 430 369 404 396, 682 171 396 396 396 396 396 396 396 396 396 396, 682 394–395, 682 396 682, 685 682 396 276, 396

831

Ancient Sources 3.128.5 3.129–130 3.132 3.132.1–2 3.132.2 3.153–160 3.154–160 3.159 3.159.1 3.160.2 4.1–4 4.43 4.43.2–3 4.43.2 4.43.6 4.103.2 4.141 4.161–167 4.164 4.165–166 4.166 4.201.1 4.202 4.202.1–2 4.202.1 4.205 5.16 5.35–36 5.106–107 6.4–5 6.26–28 6.28–29 6.30 6.30.1–2 6.30.1 7.7 7.18. 7.33 7.33.1 7.238 7.238.1 7.97 7.236–237 8.39.3–4 8.41.1 8.98.2 9.24 9.64 9.78–79 9.78 9.78.3

396 397 455 396–397 396 399 407 455 391, 396, 397 407 428 455 398–399 396 396, 398–399 321, 401 401 399 399 399 171 391 455. 456 399–400 396 400 401 401 401 401 401 401 455 400–401 320 404 459 454, 457, 458 302 456 321, 401 404 404 407 407 276 473 455 396, 454–456 456 321, 396, 401

9.97 9.120 9.120.4 9.122.1

391, 456 454, 457 302, 458 302

Hesiod Opera et dies 266 289 Theogonia 521–569 521–524 521–522 534–555

686 686 686 686

Historia Augusta 1.13.8 621 1.17.8 621 1.17.10 621 1.20.13–14 621 3.12.8 621 4.14.2 621 4.26.1 621 5.7.8 621 6.4.1–6 630 6.4.6 563 8.4.4–11 587 8.9.10 587 8.10.8 587 8.14.7 321 10.17.2 621 11.12.6 621 7.34.5 621 15.12.2 563, 630 17.35.1–7 588 18.17.1 621 18.18.2–5 621 18.18.3 621 18.23.4–6 588 18.23.7–8 588, 620, 673 18.28.2–5 620 18.28.2 620 18.28.4–5 602, 620–621 18.34.3 588 18.38.4–6 621 18.45.4–5 588 18.50.1 621 18.55.1–57.3 621 18.58.1 621 18.59.1–5 621

832

Ancient Sources

18.59.6 18.60.3 18.66.3–4 18.66.3 18.67.1 19.1.1–3 19.8.6–7 20.1.1–5 20.27.5 22.1.1 22.4.3 24.29.3–4 24.30.13 25.9.4 25.10.3 27.12.1 28.12.5 28.14.6 28.15.2

621 621 588 621 588 587 630 587 621 621 621 708 621 621 621 621 621 621 621

Homer Ilias 11.19–28

705

Odyssea 4.245ff

399

Hymni Homerici 3.300–374 66 Honoratus (Maurus Servius Honoratus) Commentarius in Vergilii Aeneidos 4.205 743 Horatius (Horace) Epodes 5.97–100 5.99–100

586 585

Saturae 1.8.14–16 1.8.32

585 583

Institutiones 4.18 4.18.3

237–241 235

Justin Epitome Historiarum Philippicarum 1.2.1–10 430

1.8.13 1.18 2.2.25 2.5.1–7 2.7 2.8.1–14 2.8.1–2 2.8.13–14 2.8.13 2.8.14 3.1.2–4 3.19.8 3.20.1–14 9.6.1–7.2 13.6.1–3 18.3.18–19 18.6.11–12 18.7.1 18.7.2 18.7.18 18.9.9–15 43.5.11–12

429 634–635 634 427–428 629 592 593 595 597 596 402 629 592 704 475 465–466 432 432 433 433 431–432 428

Juvenal Saturae 6.219–224 8.20 8.183–188 8.188–199 8.199–210 8.211–230 14.77–80

586–587 707 705, 707–708, 709 707 707 707 586

Leges XII Tabularum 8.5 602, 603–604 8.9 603 Lex Libitinaria (Puteoli) 2.8–14 606–608, 673, 676, 678 Livius (Livy) Ab Urbe Condita 2.11.7–10 286 4.44.13–45.2 591 4.45.2 591 5.13.5–8 258 8.30.1–9 257 8.30.1–37.2 257 8.33.3–8 257 8.34.4 257 8.35.4–7 256–258

833

Ancient Sources 8.35.5 8.35.6 21.1.4–21.2.3 21.2.3 21.54–55 22.13.5 22.13.6 22.13.7–9 22.32.1 22.33.1–2 22.46 23.1 24.5.10–14 24.48–49 28.30.4 28.36.3 28.37.1–2 28.37.10 29.9.10 29.18.14 30.43.1–9 30.43.10–13 30.43.11 30.43.13 33.36.1–3 38.44–46 38.47–49 38.48.13 38.50.1–3 39.42–43 42.29–30 45.29 95.2–97 97.1 102

262 262, 269 439 446 442 441 441 441 629 629 442 442 270–271 440 442 442 442–443 442 583 583 631 630–631 631 631, 632 629–630, 672 443 443 443–444 443 294 474 250 592 595, 596 424

Lucanus (M. Annaeus Lucanus) Bellum civile 6.543–549 7.303–304 Pharsalia 2.552–554 Lucian Cataplus 6

660, 676 626 593

Juppiter confutatus 8 305, 369, 688, 710 16 368–369 Juppiter tragoedus 19 306, 453 De morte peregrini 11 306, 754 13 306, 754 34 306 45 306 Philopseudes 17 29

660, 676 306

Piscator 2

306

Prometheus 1–2 1 2 4 7 9 10 15 17

304–306, 675, 676, 687, 688, 694 310, 312 369, 678 688 369, 688 688 688 688 688

De sacrificiis 6

305, 688, 710

(Pseudo-)Lucian Iudicium vocalium 12 310–311, 312, 674 Macrobii 13 476 Macrobius Saturnalia 3.20.3

555

Martial 7.82

121

306, 453

Contemplantes (Charon) 14 685

Liber de spectaculis 7.1–12 705, 707, 708–711

834

Ancient Sources

Nonius Marcellus De compendiosa doctrina 221 285 Ovid Metamorphoses 4.57–58 430 11.298–518 705 Paulus (Iulius Paulus) Sententiae 2.24.9 616 3.5.1–12 578 3.5.8 578, 616 4.7.1 618 4.7.2–6 618 5.3.6 616 5.3.8 616 5.4.14 616 5.12.12 616 5.17.2 609–610, 616 5.19a.1 616 5.20.1 560 5.21.3 206, 610 5.21.4 610, 612 5.21a.1–2 611 5.22.1–6 612 5.22.1 611, 612, 613 5.22.2 612 5.23.1 612, 613–614 5.23.14–17 615–616 5.23.14 615, 616 5.23.15 616 5.23.17 615, 616 5.24 612 5.25.1 612, 616–618 5.25.2 614, 618 5.25.5 618 5.25.7 618 5.25.8 618 5.25.9 618 5.25.10 618 5.25.11 618 5.25.12–13 618 5.30b.1 612, 618–620 5.30b.2 620 Petronius Satyricon 58.2

752

111 112 126.9 130.7 Photius Bibliotheca 46.10b 72

679 678–679 752 724

92 107.88a 114.90b 162.106b 177.123a 179.124b 232.290b 232.291a

393 391–393, 403–405, 406– 407, 409–411 475 393 393 393 393 393 393 393

Lexicon 1662

460

Plato Apologia 24b– 28b

368

Gorgias 473 473b–d

459 461–463

Leges 660E Respublica 361–362 361e–362a 361e

461 459–461 462

Plautus Amphitryon 285 539 1034A–B

567 567, 715 714–715

Asinaria 477–478 484–485 545–557 677 940–941

567 567 571, 574–575, 713, 749 567 715–716

705

835

Ancient Sources Aulularia 56–59 517–522 522 628–633 631 634–644

570 716 570 716–717 570 717

Bacchides 358–365 579 583–586 875 899–904

570–571, 672 718 717–718 719 718–719

Captivi 469–470 469 562 617 668

713–714 572, 575, 714 567 745 295

Carbonaria Frag. 2

284–285, 566

Casina 89–96 111–113 111–112 113 139 389 392 415–416 424 438 445 599 609 611–613 611 612 641–645 670–675 973–978 681 685–688 703–704 910 971

719 317, 566, 721 720 720 567 721 566 720 566, 721 567 567 721 721 720–721 575 572 721–722 722 722–723 722 722 722 724 745

Cistellaria 248 250

567 566

Curculio 610–612 693–695

723–724 724–725

Epidicus 451–452

743

Menaechmi 63–66 66 326–330 328 840–841 848–850 849 853–871 910–916 913 914–930 950 951 1017–1020

725 572 725–726 572 727 726–727 575 727 727–728 728 728 728 566 728

Mercator 197–198

745

Miles Gloriosus 182–184 572–573 211–212 283 305–312 573–574 358–360 283–284, 566, 743 359–360 572 368–374 571–572, 572, 713 545 567 547–548 572 547 572 1024 745 Mostellaria 11–83 55–57 56 69–71 69 348–361

564 284, 565–567, 673, 713, 729 564 567–568, 577, 613, 715, 729, 738 564 563–565, 567, 672, 675, 676, 713, 729

836

Ancient Sources

359–360 677 741–744 742–743 743–744 745 849–851 852 1065 1067 1128–1134 1070 1114 1128–1134 1133 1167 1172 1174

729, 743 745 568, 673 568, 673 729 568 729 729 569 569 569, 713 569 569 673 729 569 567 569

Persa 37 127–165 289 292–295 349–354 352 405–426 437 506–507 507 685–686 794–798 794–795 809–818 814 815 853–857 854–855 855

732 731 730 730 730–731 572, 575 732 732 730 730 732 731–732 733 733 733 317, 566 613, 732–733 567, 721 733

Poenulus 191 264–270 264 271–273 339–340 343–347 449–466 491–497 504 510–512

734 734 734 733–723 734 734–735 738 735 736 736

519–520 520 536–537 746 748 779–795 784 789 794–795 795 796–800 799 816 1036–1309 1341–1343 1351–1354 1401 1407

736 736 736 737 738 736–738 567 567, 738 738 566 738–739 567, 738738 739 739–740 741 741 741 741

Pseudolus 170–229 193 196–201 265–269 326–335 331 360 790ff 808–809 829–830 836–847 839 846 1179–1183 1294–1295

742 567 741 741 740–741 741 567 742 742 741–742 741–742 742 742 743–744 744

Rudens 174– 180 516–518 518 938–1126 996 1065–1072 1131–1147 1160–1162 1166–1168 1170

744–745 745–746 572, 575, 746 747 567 746–747 747 747–748 747 747

Stichus 625–629 625

677, 712–713 575

837

Ancient Sources Trinummus 457 536 595–599 598

566 566 748 572, 575

Plinius maior (Pliny the Elder) Naturalis historia 6.25 430 9.39 322 17.5 194 18.3.12 602, 603–604 25.3 424 28.11.46 660, 676 33.32 154 Plinius minor (Pliny the Younger)

14.1–17.9 14.1 14.5–16.7 14.5–6 14.5 14.7–10 16.1 16.3–6 16.4–5 16.5 17.1–5 17.5 17.6 18.2 18.4–5 18.4 19.1–6 19.3–4

408, 410 408 410 410 409 410 409 410 409 409 409, 410 368, 405, 408–409, 411 409 409 409 409 409 409

Epistulae 1.5 1.20.4 10 10.31–32 10.32

584 216 279 264–266 263

Brutus 32.2

580

Cato Minor 8.1–2 23

593 244

Panegyricus 11.1 33.3–4

226 296

Comparatio Niciae et Crassi 3.2 593

Plutarch Alexander 10.5 55.7–8 55.9 72.2 72.3

704 468 468 472, 473 472–473

Antonius 32.1–5

581

Artaxerxes 1.1, 2 2.2–3 6.1–11.6 6.4–5, 5–6 7.1 9.4 11.6 13.3–4

409 409 409 409 409 409 409 409

Crassus 8.12–11.7 10.3–4 10.3 11.6–7 11.7

592 597 597 595 596

Eumenes 3.2 3.6 5.1

474 475 474

Galba 28.3

585

Moralia 164C–171 414E 554B

176 66 602

Parallela minora 22 705

838 Pericles 28.3 Pompeius 21.1–2 21.2 77.4 80.5

Ancient Sources Quintilian 453 Declamationes 274 622 592 595 627 627

De sera numinis vindicta 9 (554A–B) 289–291 Solon 968E

453

Sulla 11.4–5

626

Pollianus Epigrammata 2.168 66 Polybius Historiae 1.7 1.10 1.11.4–5 1.11.5 1.18–19 1.19 1.23–24 1.24.5–6 1.31 1.66ff 1.67.7 1.69.4 1.79.1 1.79.3–4 1.86 1.86.4–7 1.86.3–7 1.86.7 2.1.5–8 2.1.7–8 5.40.4ff 5.54.3 7.2.1 8.10.3 14.1–9 36.15.5

Institutio Oratoria 9.2.69 296 9.2.81.6–7 271 Rhetorica ad Herennium 2.12.17 214 4.25.35 214 Rufus (Q. Curtius Rufus) Historia Alexandri Magni 4.4.17 465 6.3.14 464 7.5.40 464 7.11.28 464 9.8.10 470 9.8.16 469–470 Sallust

434 434 433–434 435 435 440 435 434–435 440, 635 437 436 309 437 436–437 438 308–309, 672 438, 672 438 439 439 310 309–310, 672 271 369 441 369

Bellum Iugurthinum 10.1–8 450 12.5 450 14.1–25 450 14.15 449–450 Historiae 3.96 592 3.98 592, 596 Scriptores Historiae Augustae 6.4.6 583 15.12.2 583 Seneca (maior) Controversiae 8.6.12 743 9.2 294 9.6.12 743 Seneca (minor) Apocolocyntosis 9.2 244 13 706 De beneficiis 3

223

839

Ancient Sources 3.26 3.26.1

222–223 229

De clementia 1.23

195

Dialogi 1.3.9–10 5.3.6 6.1.23 6.20.3

302 698 608 313–314, 316, 670

Epistulae morales 98.12 635 101.10–14 698 101.11 307 101.14 307, 677, 678, 698 De ira 3.40.2–4 3.3.5 3.3.6

322 699 697, 698

De providentia 3.9 635

5.512 6.192 6.529–551 9.106 11.157 13.104 14.311 14.381 14.390 14.417 14.543 15.389 15.412 15.655 16.669

448 448 635 448 448 448 448 448 448 448 448 448 448 448 448

Strabo Geographica 3.4.17 3.4.18 14.1.47 14.2.2–3 16.1.2 17.3.25

636 635–636 751–752 407 430 236

Suetonius Silius Italicus Punica 1.144–154 1.153 1.155–164 1.165–184 1.165 1.170 1.173 1.175 1.176 1.179–181 1.181 1.182 2.244 2.267 2.340–344 2.343 2.435–436 2.471 3.189 3.638 4.23 5.243 5.484

445–447 448 447 447–449, 634 448 449 449 449 449 449 447 449 448 448 449, 635 448 449, 635 448 448 448 448 448 448

Divus Augustus 3.1 596 Claudius 13 25.3 25.4 34

585 585 194 195

Domitianus 4.1 8.20 10.1 10.5 17.1

296 295 295–296 295 446

Divus Iulius 74.1

672, 707

Gaius Caligula 12.2 707 19 294 22–26 294 22–49 294

840

Ancient Sources

22.1 22.3 27–35 32–33 32.1–2 36 36.1 37 38–42 43–49 55.1 57 57.3–4

294 706 294 294 293–295 294 706 294 294 294 706 709 677, 705–707

Domitianus 10.1 11.1

563, 707 707

Galba 9

561–562, 677

Nero 15 38

246 194

Tiberius 8.1 41 58 59

297 159 228–230 230

Tacitus Annales 1.3.6 1.10.4 1.43.1 1.55.2–3 1.58.2 1.60.3–62.1 1.61 1.61.2–4 1.65 1.72–73 1.80 2.11 2.30 2.32.2 2.42.5 2.50 2.57

415 415 415 415 415 415 582 415–416 446 224–227 159 446 246 585 196 227–228 582

2.85 3.73 4.72 4.72.1–3 4.72.3 4.73.1–74.1 6.1 6.39 11.4 11.36 12.52 13.54 14.29ff 14.33 14.33.2 14.33.6 14.36 15.38–41 15.40 15.42–43 15.43 15.44 15.44.4 15.46 15.60.1 15.67

158 593 582 416–417 416 417 585 228 706 706 585 417 418 419, 582 417–418 416 420 194 586 194 194 161 , 1 92– 19 6, 315 –3 16 , 636, 708 160 593 585 194

Germania 12.1–2

414

Historiae 1.47 1.89 2.3 2.72 2.75 2.95 3.55 3.57 3.61 3.76–77 4.3 4.11 4.39 5.5.1 5.8–13 5.8.2 5.9 5.9.2 5.10.1

585 585 705 582, 583, 584–586 585 584 582 582 582 582 416, 581–583 583–584 585 195 533 662 169 196 160

841

Ancient Sources Terence Andria 255 616–625 621 786–787 886

577 575–576 749 577 577

Eunucus 382–385 798 862 989

748–749 577 577 577

Phormio 367–371 368 542–544 544

750 749 751 749

Thucydides Historiae 1.104 1.104.1–2 1.109.1–110.4 1.110.2–3 1.110.3 2.75.1 3.12.4 4.9.1 4.69.2 4.90.2 5.10.6 6.64.3 6.66.2 6.74.2 6.75.1 6.97.2 6.99.2 6.100.1–3 6.100.1 6.101.2 6.101.3 7.7

403 404 404 402–403, 404 405 403 404 403 403 403 403 403 403 403 403 403 403 403 403 403 403 404

7.25.5–7 7.25.7 7.53.1 7.80.6 7.97 7.236–237 8.39.3–4 8.41.1

403 403 403 403 404 404 407 407

Tzetzes Chiliades 1.1.85–89 1.1.97–103

394 393–394

Valerius Maximus Facta et dicta memorabilia 1.7.4 277 2.7 praef. 632 2.7 ext. 1 444–445 2.7.11 632 2.7.12 583, 631–633 2.7.13 632 6.2 ext. 3 636 6.9 ext. 5 685–686 9.2 ext. 2 424 9.2 ext. 3 423–424, 697 Varro De lingua latina 5.25 585 Velleius Paterculus Historia romana 2.30.5–6 592 Xenophon Anabasis 1.1 3.1.17–18 3.1.17

409 407–408 357, 375, 411

Cyropaedia 8.6.17

276

Xenophon (Ephesius) Ephesiaca

842

Ancient Sources

VII. Inscriptions and Papyri Inscriptions AE (L’Année Épigraphique) 1971, 88 606–608, 673, 676, 678 1971 477 165–167 1976 653 279 1991 1502 183 CIIP I/1 2 I/1 50 I/1 62 I/1 484 I/1 534 I/1 674 II 1277

16–18 655 292–293 13 13 14 165

CIJ II 329

17

CIL III 14191 VI 7919 XIV 3613

276 296 4

918 6080

4 172

IMC 169

17

NewDocs (Horsley/Llewelyn) VIII,1 604–605, 672 OGIS II 519

276

Palatino Graffito 674, 675, 753–754 SEG IX 8 XX 477 XXVI 1215 XXVI 1392 XXXIV 1626 XL 971 LVII 990

201–208 17 250 277–280 17 183 250

Papyri I. Ephesos II 459

184

I. Caria (Robert) I, 259–263 604–605, 672 IGR III 435 IV 598

171 276

IK LIX 148

183

ILS 113 114 152 153 155 156 159

172 172 172 172 172 172 172

CPJ II 153 II 158a III 519

281 274–276 274

P. Berol. (Berliner Papyrus) 13406 274 10496 329 21652 254 P. Brem. 82

244

P. Cairo Zenon P. Col. VI 123

250

P. Coll. Youtie I 30 249

843

Ancient Sources P. Flor. I 61

257, 258–262, 269

P. Helsinki I1

142–147

P. Lips. I 40

251–252

P. London III 1171

280–281

VI 1912

281

P. Louvre 68

274–276

P. Mayer s. Egypt P. Oxy. 1019 I 37

287 247–249

II 237 IV 724 VII 1019 XIV 1668 XV 1798 XXII 2339 LI 3619 Frag. 1 LI 3619 Frag. 2

147–149, 253 244 288 262 452 667 251 250–251

P. Schub. 37

274

P. Yale II 162 II 175

156, 199, 208–210 249

PSI V 446

281–282

SB XII 11043 XII 10920 XIV 12144

254 208–210 249

VIII. Early Christian Literature Acta Apollonius 40 461

4.11.78 5.14.108

Acta Pilati (Acts of Pilate) 1–11 164 12–16 164

Eusebius Demonstratio evangelica 8.2.122–123 170 8.2.123 180

Adversus Iudaeos Altercatio Simonis et Theophili 2.4 530 Augustine De civitate dei 3.26 593 Barnabas 9:8

316, 676

1 Clement 6:1

195

Clement of Alexandria Stromata

461 461

Historia ecclesiastica 1.9 158 2.5.7 170 2.25.2 637 2.6.4 175 3.1.2 314 3.32.6 637 4.1.2 276 4.29.9 195 5.1.41 637 6.36.2 136 6.4 170 8.8.2 314, 316, 670 8.8.10 637 8.9.4 316, 676

844 Praeparatio evangelica 8.14.24–25 395, 683–684 12.10.4 461 13.13.35 461 Ignatius To the Magnesians 11:1 158 To the Smyrnaeans 1:2 158 To the Trallians 9:1 158 Irenaeus Adversus Haereses 2.24.4 676 John Chrysostom Expositio in Psalmum 8.3 531 Jerome Comm. in Epistolam ad Galatas 2 (on 3:12–14) 482 Justinus Martyr Apologia i 55.1–8 316, 676 60.1–5 676 Dialogus cum Tryphone 32 531 38 531 40.3 676 69.6–7 132–134 69.7 131 85.2 531 89 531 90 531 91.1–2 316, 676 108.2 531 110.4 637

Ancient Sources Minucius Felix Octacius 9.3 754 28.7 754 29.7–8 316, 676 Origen Commentarium in epistulam ad Romanos 6.7.11 81–82 Contra Celsum 1.6 135–136 1.71 136 1.38 135–136 1.68 135–136 2.9 136 2.14 136 2.44 531 3.1 136 5.51 136 6.42 136 Orosius, Paulus Historiae adversum paganos 5.9.4 629 5.24.1–8 593, 594 5.24.7 596 5.24.8 596 Tertullian De anima 1.6 56.8

638 638

Apologeticus 5.3 12.3 16.5–6 16.6–7 16.12 21.25 50.12

195 638 449 316, 676 754 195 638

Martyrium Cononi 4.6–7 531

Adversus Judaeos 10.7 316, 676 13.21 316, 676

Martyrium Pionii 13.3–9 531

Adversus Marcionem 1.1.3 426

845

Ancient Sources 3.18.3–4 3.22

316, 676 676

Ad nationes 1.3.8 1.6.6 1.12.3–4 1.14.1–4

638 638 316, 676 754

1.18.1 1.18.3

637–638 639

Theodoret Graecarum affectionum curatio 8.9 461 8.50 461

Modern Authors Abegg, M. G. 34, 44 Abel, K. 57, 223 Achard, G. 213 Adam, J. 33, 57, 323, 459 Adams, J. N. 250, 251, 252, 253, 254, 255, 292 Adler, M. 20, 101, 178 Adlington, W. 624 Ahlberg, A. W. 450 Albeck, H. 508 Albeck, J. T. 508 Albrecht, M. von 283 Alföldy, G. 4, 165, 166, 171, 206 Allegro, J. M. 517, 520 Allison, D. C. 255, 268, 287 Almqvist, H. 291 Amit, D. 181 Anagnostou-Canas, B. 156 Anderson, J. G. C. 207 Ando, C. 214, 223 Andrews, C. 346 Anthony, S. W. 3, 5, 193, 294, 297, 302, 318, 331 Arangio-Ruiz, V. 235 Arav, R. 320 Arnaldez, R. 500 Arnaud, D. 347, 348 Auberger, J. 368, 405, 406, 431 Aubert, J.-J. 241, 242 Aune, D. E. 125, 285 Aus, R. D. 81, 234, 255, 261 Austin, M. M. 305, 473 Avemarie, F. 323, 510 Avishai, G. 433 Bagnall, R. S. 148, 156, 210, 249 Balamoshev, C. 453 Baldwin, M. C. 314

Bammel, C. P. H. 81 Bammel, E. 81,132, 188, 197, 208, 268, 300, 478 Barber, K. A. 201 Barbet, P. 677 Barclay, J. M. G. 130, 276 Bardet, S. 188 Barnett, R. 355, 357 Barrett, A. A. 193, 294 Barrett, C. K. 159 Bartels, J. 246 Bartoletti, V. 282 Basore, J. W. 223, 313, 608, 699 Bastianini, G. 261 Bauckham, R. J. 68, 130 Baudy, G. 65 Bauernfeind, O. 3, 124, 125, 175, 179, 181 Bauman, R. A. 206, 207, 214, 215, 228, 235, 236, 237, 269, 296 Baumgarten, J. M. 42, 43, 44, 86, 87, 88, 89, 478, 499, 500, 503, 504, 510, 520, 521 Becker, H.-J. 82, 524 Beek, D. van 17, 18 Beer, G. 33, 267 Behrends, O. 234, 241 Belkin, S. 39 Bell, H. I. 281 Bendemann, R. von 287 Benefiel, R. 292 Benko, S. 195 Berg, D. 283 Berger, K. 274 Bernett, M. 159, 160, 162, 165, 166, 167, 171, 174, 177, 178, 198 Bernstein, M. J. 41, 43, 87, 502, 504 Berrin, S. L. 517, 518 Bertman, K. 327

848

Modern Authors

Berve, H. 271 Betz, H. D. 66, 241, 290, 503 Beyer, K. 26, 179 Bickerman, E. J. 18, 105 Bietenhard, H. 114, 115, 116 Bigwood, J. M. 404, 405, 406 Bilde, P. 5, 127, 151, 187 Billerbeck, P. 121, 140 Birdsall, J. N. 187 Birks, P. 235, 240, 241, 603 Birley, A. R. 297 Biville, F. 254 Black, J. 1, 329, 425 Black, M. 1 Blake, W. E. 288 Blaschke, A. 121 Bleicken, J. 208 Blinzler, J. 1, 15, 16, 30, 52, 55, 60, 62, 64, 66, 72, 79, 80, 82, 92, 99, 105, 111, 113, 116, 117, 121, 122, 127, 133, 134, 141, 149, 150, 157, 165, 173, 197, 241, 255, 258, 263, 267, 268, 274, 275, 287 Boardman, J. 319 Bock, D. L. 14, 29, 31, 37, 55, 96, 99, 103, 104, 105, 106, 107, 109, 113, 116, 117, 121, 122, 123, 127, 130, 134, 160, 274 Bockmuehl, M. 117, 122, 137, 140, 494, 526, 644 Bodel, J. 606, 607, 608 Boffo, L. 165 Bohec, Y. 177 Boissevain, U. P. 297 Bolen, T. 356 Bond, H. K. 11, 12, 13, 14, 157, 159, 162, 163, 170, 172, 174, 177, 178, 179, 182, 183, 184, 185, 186, 198, 262 Bongenaar, K. 797 Boochs, W. 329 Borgen, P. 19, 101 Boring, M. E. 274 Borret, M. 136 Borzsák, S. 315, 414, 415, 417, 418 Boyancé, P. 216 Böhm, M. 191 Börner-Klein, D. 118, 120, 121 Bratke, E. 530

Braude, W. G. 508 Brecht, C. H. 236, 283 Briscoe, J. 424, 443, 444, 630, 632 Brown, R. E. 1, 10, 12, 15, 16, 25, 30, 55, 75, 76, 86, 99, 113, 133, 137, 149, 188, 195, 197, 241, 255, 266, 268, 274, 285, 287 Brownson, C. L. 408 Brunet de Presle, W. 275 Bruns, C. G. 496, 560, 603, 604 Brunt, P. A. 466, 469, 470, 471, 472 Budé, G. de 222, 223, 264, 286, 288, 608, 684 Budge, E. A. W. 345, 346, 350, 351, 352, 353, 354, 355 Bultmann, R. 283 Burke, D. G. 300 Burkill, T. A. 16 Burkitt, F. C. 187 Burnet, J. 459, 462 Burr, W. 166 Burrell, B. 161 Butcher, K. 153, 463 Butler, S. H. 246, 372 Campbell, J. B. 276, 377 Carrié, J.-M. 253 Carter, W. 157 Cary, E. 286, 297, 413, 419, 420, 590, 591 Catchpole, D. R. 15, 18, 23, 27, 28, 99, 111, 113, 127, 150 Chadwick, H. 136 Chancey, M. A. 390 Chapman D. W. 1, 2, 41, 300, 301, 303, 315, 320, 324, 330, 331, 332, 355, 356, 357, 360, 370, 373, 384, 477, 480, 481, 483, 484, 485, 486, 493, 500, 501, 503, 504, 510, 515, 517, 519, 527, 530, 531, 638, 640, 642, 644, 658, 660, 662, 665, 669, 675, 676, 680, 681, 682, 689, 690, 694, 697 Charles, R. H. 17, 136, 256, 267, 315, 367, 384, 403, 444, 549, 582, 664 Charlesworth, J. H. 12, 32, 33, 37, 40, 41, 42, 90, 141, 517, 656, 664 Chaumartin, F.-R. 223 Chavel, C. B. 267 Chilton, B. 14, 29, 31, 37, 55, 96, 130, 188, 274

Modern Authors Chorus, J. 797 Christensen, D. L. 37, 371, 655 Clark, A. C. 535, 536 Clarysse, W. 253 Classen, C. J. 216 Clemens, D. M. 348 Clementz, H. 3, 124 Clermont-Ganneau, Charles, 17 Clines, D. J. A. 690 Cohen, S. J. D. 5, 6, 17, 79, 100, 263, 264, 679 Cohn, L. 19, 20, 101, 500, 506, 665, 667, 691, 692 Coleman, K. 292 Coles, R. A. 243, 244, 249, 251 Collins, A. Yarbro. 99,102, 103, 107, 109, 130 Collins, J. J. 664 Collins, M. F. 190 Colpe, C. 274 Colson, F. H. 19, 47, 48, 49, 101, 169, 171, 272, 500, 684 Conrad, J. 36 Conway, R. S. 256, 442 Cook, J. G. 210, 241, 242, 266, 301, 302, 303, 315, 316, 317, 324, 329, 335, 405, 451, 453, 460, 461, 463, 464, 486, 519, 532, 604, 605, 607, 608, 613, 625, 626, 674, 675, 677 Cotton, H. M. 10, 154, 155, 159, 253, 279 Cousin, J. 200 Cowley, A. E. 378, 381 Cranfield, C. E. B. 55 Crawford, M. H. 603, 604 Crawley, R. 403 Curtis, J. E. 355, 357, 535 D’Ooge, B. L. 445 Dalman, G. H. 59 Danby, H. 56, 58, 61, 67, 68, 103, 490, 491, 492, 493, 495, 498, 522, 526, 527 David, J.-M. 560 Davies, W. D. 140, 255, 268, 287 Day, J. 65 Day, L. 690 De la Ville de Mirmont, H. 245 Decker, W. 66

849

Degrassi, A. 166 Deissmann, A. 262 Delarue, C. 136 Delitzsch, F. 331 Delz, J. 446, 448 Demandt, A. 4, 163, 165, 166, 170, 171, 172, 177, 182, 187, 191, 197, 241 Derenbourg, J. 74 Dexinger, F. 191 Di Stefano Manzella, I. 4, 166 Diez Merino, L. 485, 696 Diggle, J. 425 Dignas, B. 183 Dillmann, A. 331 Dingel, J. 764 Dinkler, E. 655, 676 Dirkse, P. A. 290 Díez Macho, A. 485, 696 Dodds, R. R. 462 Doerr, F. 133, 246 Dogniez, G. 506 Dorey, T. A. 441 Dornseiff, F. 187 Dosker, H. E. 300 Dossin, G. 328 Doudna, G. L. 517 Dowling, M. B. 297 Doyle, A. D. 171 Driver, G. R. 324, 325, 326, 327, 328, 331, 349, 350, 371 Dubouloz, J. 245 Duff, J. d. 446, 448 Dumont, J.-C. 606, 607, 608 Dunn, J. D. G. 133, 195 Ebeling, H. J. 16, 20, 23 Eck, W. 5, 7, 21, 24, 153, 154, 155, 157, 159, 160, 161, 165, 166, 167, 170, 171, 172, 174, 179, 183, 192, 199, 225, 227, 250, 253, 254, 263, 292, 293, 294, 295, 297 Eckstein, A. M. 271 Eden, P. T. 244, 508 Eder, W. 286 Edwards, C. 229 Edwards, S. A. 188 Edwards, W. D. 677 Efron, J. 129 Egger, P. 124, 125, 127, 133, 150, 191, 241

850

Modern Authors

Ehling, K. 177 Ehrenberg, V. 4, 205, 279 Eich, A. 154 Einarson, B. 289, 290 Eisler, R. 158 Eißler, F. 12 Elliott, J. K. 12, 164 Elon, M. 91 Elvers, K.-L. 157, 200, 216, 217, 257 Engelmann, H. 166 Epstein, I. 28, 495, 526 Eshel, H. 89 Evans, C. A. 11, 12, 13, 14, 17, 55, 58, 86, 92, 113, 130, 159, 166, 188, 255, 262, 266, 267, 274, 275, 283, 477, 677 Fabry, H.-J. 36 Fain, G. L. 701 Farmer, W. R. 26 Feenstra, R. 797 Feldman, L. H. 3, 22, 45, 63, 90, 91, 92, 101, 102, 103, 109, 131, 186, 187, 188, 190, 263, 273, 274, 488, 489 Fensham, F. C. 384 Ferrary, J.-L. 206 Festugière, A. J. 291 Field, F. 9, 482 Finegan, J. 676 Finkelstein, L. 115, 117, 140, 494 Fischer, C. T. 367, 412, 421, 422, 429, 430, 438, 439, 440, 474 Fisher, C. D. 193, 315, 415, 417, 582, 583 Fishwick, D. 134 Fitzmyer, J. A. 300, 478, 503 Flaig, E. 193 Flusser, D. 8, 13, 275 Fontanille, J. P. 162 Ford, J. M. 478, 503 Fornaro, S. 286 Forster, E. S. 413, 635 Foster, B. O. 256, 302, 403, 441, 444, 591, 629 Foster, H. B. 297, 413 Foster, P. 132 France, R. T. 200, 213, 216, 218, 245, 268, 367, 457 Franke, P. R. 253

Frazel, T. D. 246 Fredricks, C. J. 331 Freedman, A. M. 28, 140, 508 French, D. 136, 164, 300, 325, 328, 367, 514 Frese, B. 261 Friedmann, M. 12, 115 Fromentin, V. 286 Frova, A. 165 Frösén, J. 144 Fuglseth, K. 20, 101 Fuhrmann, M. 200, 215, 216, 218, 245, 246 Fuhs, H. F. 36 Fuks, A. 275, 276 Fuks, G. 170, 172 Fulda, H. 299 Furneaux, H. 193 Fündling, J. 157 Gabba, E. 423, 426, 436, 473, 578, 626, 627 Gaines, R. N. 213 Galsterer, H. 199 Gambetti, S. 169 García Martínez, F. 32, 33, 34, 37, 39, 40, 42, 43, 86, 87, 88, 317, 518, 521, XX Gardner, R. 200, 201, 441 Garland, R. 320 Garnsey, P. 534 Gaselee, S. 624 Geer, R. M. 367, 412, 421, 438, 441, 444, 591, 629 Geiger, J. 292 George, A. 329 Gertz, M. C. 222 Geva, H. 13, 29, 181 Ghiretti, M. 159 Gibson, J. B. 130 Gibson, S. 135, 657 Ginsburger, M. 485, 696 Ginzberg, L. 74 Gizewski, C. g. 150, 214, 221, 223, 229, 237 Glare, P. G. W. 313 Gnilka, J. 134, 241, 255 Godley, A. D. 391, 395, 400, 454, 457, 458 Goldberg, A. 660 Goldenberg, D. M. 62 Goldin, H. E. 495 Goldstein, J. A. 662, 665

Modern Authors Goldstein, M. 74 Goodenough, E. R. 676 Goodman, M. 1, 6, 8, 16, 196 Goodspeed, E. J. 132, 637 Goodyear, F. R. D. 193 Goold, G. P. 288 Gosline, S. L. 162 Görgemanns, H. 290 Götz, G. 283 Gradenwitz, O. 496 Gramaglia, P. A. 132, 188 Grant, M. 193, 235, 418 Graves, R. 707 Gray, R. 125, 126 Grayson, A. K. 350, 351, 352, 353, 354 Green, J. B. 122, 131, 240 Greene, J. A. 433, 460 Greenhaigh, J. 164 Greenhut, Z. 13 Greenough, J. B. 445 Greenwood, L. H. G. 245, 543, 549, 551, 598, 599, 601 Grenfell, B. P. 148 Gressmann, H. 357, 360 Griffin, M. T. 194 Griffith, F. L. 333, 334, 345 Grimal, P. 218 Gross, A. D. 32, 33, 34, 37, 40 Grube, G. M. A. 461 Gruen, E. S. 86 Grüll, T. 166 Guggenheimer, H. W. 27, 65, 77 Guillet, P.-E. 301, 302, 513 Gummere, R. M. 307 Gundry, R. H. 58, 96, 105, 255, 267 Gussmann, O. 11 Günther, L. M. 271 Haag, H. 39 Haas, N. 654, 656, 657 Hachlili, R. 320 Haenel, G. 612 Hagner, D. A. 55, 477 Hall, R. G. 29, 31, 121, 213 Hallote, R. S. 320 Halm, K. 193, 424, 444 Halperin, D. J. 478, 503 Hamilton, E. 461 Hamilton, V. P. 331

851

Hammer, R. 114, 115, 116 Hammond, M. 81, 283, 284 Hanhart, R. 690 Hanslik, R. 265 Hanson, J. S. 126 Harl, M. 506 Harmon, A. M. 305, 311, 368, 369, 453, 476, 685, 688 Harnack, A. von 187, 530 Hase, C. B. 444 Hauken, T. 276 Haverkamp, S. 4 Härtel, G. 234 Heinemann, J. 19, 20, 49, 101, 213, 245, 309, 500, 635 Heller, E. 193 Hendin, E. 162 Hengel, M. 4, 6, 8, 10, 11, 14, 15, 18, 24, 51, 52, 55, 115, 122, 129, 130, 134, 173, 197, 276, 284, 285, 299, 300, 303, 306, 319, 395, 396, 451, 452, 453, 458, 459, 460, 463, 478, 503, 514, 524, 525, 532, 533, 562, 572, 582, 583, 585, 586, 605, 622, 625, 662, 666, 670, 686 Hennig, D. 197, 198 Hense, O. 307 Henten, J. W. van 510 Herford, R. T. 73, 74, 110 Herrmann, P. 276 Herzer, J. 5, 159, 170, 171, 188, 196, 197, 198 Heseltine, M. 679 Heubner, H. 193 Heusler, E. 1, 242, 269 Hewitt, J. W. 676 Hillen, H. J. 256 Hinard, F. 606, 607 Hirsch, E. G. 478 Hirschfeld, O. 181, 262 Hodge, H. G. 181, 215, 216, 552, 553, 554, 558 Hoffmann, C. 253 Hoffmann, D. 494 Hoftijzer, J. 274 Holum, K. G. 161, 165, 166 Holzmeister, U. 127 Honoré, T. 234, 235 Hooker, M. D. 106 Hope, V. M. 319, 320, 563, 564

852

Modern Authors

Horbury, W. 13, 532 Horgan, M. P. 517 Horn, F.-W. 188 Hornung, E. 336, 338 Horovitz, H. S. 48, 120, 642, 643, 669 Horsley, G. H. R. 17, 18, 144, 145, 146, 147, 209, 253, 276, 279, 280, 282, 605 Horsley, R. A. 5, 126 Horst, P. W. van der 5, 272, 273, 274, 666 Hosius, K. 193, 200, 222, 223 Hosmer, F. E. 677 Howard, A. A. 445 Howard, D. M. 372 Höcker, C. 176 Hönle, A. 296 Hude, C. 390, 395, 396, 397, 398, 399, 400, 401, 403, 408, 454, 455, 457, 458 Hunt, A. S. 148 Hunter, R. 288 Huntington, C. 461 Hurley, D. W. 229 Hurtado, L. W. 676 Huss, W. 271 Hutton, M. 414 Hyamson, M. 614, 619 Ihm, M. 229 Ilan, T. 4, 10 Illiffe, J. H. 17 Illman, K.-J. 36, 41 Innes, A. T. 241 Isaac, B. 28, 30 İşkan-Işık, H. 166 Jackson, J. 87, 193, 224, 225, 315, 415, 417, 418, 582, 583, 584 Jacobitz, K. 304, 305 Jacoby, K. 286, 367, 369, 392, 394, 404, 406, 408, 590, 591 Jasnow, R. 329 Jastrow, M. 59, 61, 67, 69, 71, 72, 73, 79, 104, 112, 114, 118, 119, 121, 138, 139, 140, 267, 508 Jeep, J. W. L. 428, 432, 466 Jensen, M. H. 156, 162, 172 Jeremias, J. 27, 28, 66, 72, 75, 76, 267

Jobes, K. H. 386, 483 Jones, A. H. M. 4, 205, 279, Jones, B. W. 295, 296, 367, 392, 394 Jones, H. L. 635 Jones, H. S. 403 Jongeling, K. 274 Jossa, G. 188, 241 Josua, M. 12 Jörden, A. 209 Judge, E. A. 11, 196, 208, 279, 280 Juel, D. 55, 105 Junk, T. 66 Juster, J. 1, 15 Kajanto, I. 158 Kaltsas, D. 145, 146 Karrer, M. 85 Kaser, M. 246 Kasten, H. 221, 265 Katzoff, R. G. 148, 155, 156, 209, 210, 261 Keener, C. S. 255, 268, 287, 293 Kehne, P. 153 Kelly, B. 156 Kempf, K. F. B. 424, 444 Kennedy, D. 216 Kennedy, G. A. 154 Kenneth, W. 193, 315 Kenyon, F. G. 280 Ker, W. C. A. 120, 121, 149, 341 Kerkeslager, A. 274 Kienast, D. 207 King, L. W. 377 Kinzig, W. 133 Kippenberg, H. G. 190 Kirby, J. 216 Kirner, G. O. 2, 21, 24, 155, 160, 161, 192, 197, 242 Kitchen, K. A. 335, 336, 337 Kittredge, G. L. 445 Klaerr, R. 290 Klausner, J. 74, 105, 117, 188 Klein, G. 655 Klein, M. L. 485 Knütel, R. 758 Koch, K. 36 Koestermann, E. 194, 195, 226, 315, 414, 415, 417, 418 Koetschau, P. 136 Kokkinos, N. 171

Modern Authors Kolb, A. 276, 279, 280 Kooij, A. van der 681 Königsberger, B. 74 Köstenberger, A. 149 Krauss, F. S. 291 Krauss, S. 6, 22, 23, 34, 52, 57, 108, 169, 241, 246, 255, 270, 320, 333, 337, 346, 350, 351, 352, 353, 354, 358, 363, 370, 377, 378, 379, 380, 381, 382, 383, 385, 387, 388, 400, 401, 424, 512, 515, 524, 619 Kreinecker, C. M. 145, 251, 252 Krimphove, K.-S. 2, 134 Kroll, W. 625 Krüger, P. 240, 470, 611, 613, 615, 619, 623, 633 Kuhn, H.-W. 118–121, 299, 300, 306, 317, 504, 562, 622, 641, 655 Kunkel, W. 208, 242, 246, 269 Kupisch, B. 758 Kurtz, D. C. 319 Kübler, B. 214, 223, 229 Kümmel, W. G. 110, 111 Labbé, G. 166 Lacy, P. H. de 289, 290 Lambert, A. 229 Lampe, G. W. H. 195, 501 Lampe, P. 194 Latte, K. 194 Lauterbach, J. Z. 110, 642, 643, 669 LeBec, A. 677 Lee, B. P. 102, 162, 181 Lefèvre, E. 283 Legrand, P.-E. 457, 458 Lehmann, C. M. 165, 166 Lehnardt, A. 110, 111 Leichty, E. 363 Lembi, G. 6, 188 Lenfant, D. 367, 368, 369, 392, 394, 404, 405, 406, 407, 408, 410, 431 Lenger, M.-T. 156 Lengle, J. 30 Lentz, A. 513 Leo, F. 39, 234, 283, 364, 366, 564, 568, 574, 575 Leonhardt, J. 213 Leveau, P. 181 Levick, B. 24, 160, 223, 226, 227, 228

853

Levine, É. 170, 181, 182, 499, 500 Levy, E. 69, 74, 609 Lewis, N. 209, 210, 249, 276, 280, 545 Lewis, C. T. 571, 601 Légasse, S. 255 Lémonon, J.-P. 157, 165, 166, 170, 174, 181, 182, 191, 197 Lietzmann, H. 1, 15, 38, 81, 99 Lightfoot, R. H. 15 Ligt, L. de 797 Lindsay, W. M. 283, 285 Lindskog, C. 468, 472 Lintott, A. W. 154, 196, 199 Lipiński, E. 41 Liposvky, J. 257 Lipsius, J. 299 Llewelyn, S. R. 17, 18, 144, 145, 146, 147, 209, 253, 276, 279, 280, 282, 605 Llewellyn-Jones, L. 367, 392, 394, 404, 407, 410, 431 Loewy, J. 74 Lohfink, N. 36 Lohse, E. 31, 42, 55, 60, 99 Lorton, D. 329, 334, 336, 337 Lönnqvist, K. A. 158, 159, 181 Löwe, g. 283 Luckenbill, D. D. 320, 351, 352, 353, 354, 356, 362, 363, 364, 365, 366 Lundbom, J. R. 371 Luz, U. 113, 255, 262, 283 Mach, M. 35 Mack, A. M. 283, 284 Macleod, M. D. 304, 305, 311, 368 Magdelain, A. 322 Magie, D. 587, 621 Magness, J. 14 Mahieu, B. 159, 197 Maier, J. 32, 34, 37, 40, 42, 51, 110, 111, 137, 138 Maier, P. L. 157, 170, 197, 292 Mandelbaum, B. 644 Manning, J. G. 155 Mantel, H. D. 26 Marchant, E. C. 408 Marcovich, M. 132, 135, 136 Marcus, D. 331 Marcus, J. 55, 86, 109, 113, 241, 255, 274, 287

854

Modern Authors

Marcus, R. 3, 19, 91, 127, 131, 186, 500, 684 Mark, G. 137 Martin, R. H. 193 Martínez Borobio, E. 485, 696 Martínez Sáiz, T. 485, 696 Masciadri, M. M. 248 Maslen, M. W. 677 Maslowsi, T. 200 Mason, S. 3, 5, 6, 21, 24, 151, 158–160, 175–178, 181, 182, 184, 187, 283 Matthews, V. H. 326, 331 Maurenbrecher, B. 592, 595 Mayr, R. von 133 Mazar, A. 181 McGing, B. C. 197 McLaren, J. S. 16 McLeod, KG. 235, 240, 241, 603 Meek, T. J. 327, 349 Meier, J. P. 15, 132, 188, 195, 282, 530 Meier, M. 282 Meister, K. 270, 271 Melo, W. de 283 Mendelson, A. 109 Mendelssohn, L. 559 Merkel, J. 255, 263 Merrill, E. T. 264, 371 Merritt, R. L. 255, 258 Merz, A. 127, 132, 133, 137, 150, 188 Meshorer, Y. 161, 162 Metzner, R. 4, 7, 11, 12, 13, 15, 157 Meyer, E. 105, 159, 280 Meyers, E. M. 390 Migne, J.-P. 136, 482 Miles, J. J. 324, 325, 326, 327, 328 Milgrom, J. 37, 40, 41 Millar, F. 1, 24, 279, 662 Millard, A. R. 253 Miller, J. B. F. 287 Miller, N. P. 193, 416 Miller, P. D. 371 Milne, H. J. M. 244 Misgav, H. 10, 13, 655 Mitchell, P. D. 677 Mitchell, S. 164, 276, 279 Mitteis, L. 248, 252, 255, 261, 262, 280 Modrzejewski, J. 148 Moehring, H. R. 5, 6 Molinié, G. 288

Mommsen, T. 27, 82, 201, 214, 234, 240, 246, 266, 611, 613, 615, 619, 623, 633 Montevecchi, O. 248 Moore, C. H. 193, 315, 415, 417, 418, 582, 583, 584 Moore, F. G. 441, 444, 591, 629 Mor, M. 6, 12, 66, 176, 602 Moskalew, W. 283, 284 Mosshammer, A. A. 513 Møller-Christensen, V. 655, 656 Mørkholm, O. 662 Musurillo, H. 275, 276, 461, 531 Müller, C. 157, 256, 286 Müller, C. F. W. 200, 213, 216, 218, 245 Müller, C. W. 255 Müller, G. A. 197 Müller, Karl 258 Müller, Karlheinz 16, 18, 22, 23, 25, 126, 133, 150, 151, 208 Müller, M. 257 Müller-Luckner, E. 160 Mynors, R. A. B. 265 Naber, S. A. 3 Naveh, J. 655, 660 Neale, D. A. 133, 134 Nelson, W. D. 55, 187, 371, 372, 644 Netzer, E. 28, 170 Neusner, J. 9, 27, 30, 53, 54, 56, 61, 64, 67, 68, 69, 70, 72, 74, 75, 94, 95, 103, 104, 110, 112, 115, 117, 118, 119, 120, 121, 129, 140, 509, 510, 523, 524, 669 Newman, H. 531 Nickelsburg, G. W. E. 664, 665 Nicklas, T. 122, 676 Nicolet, C. 200, 201, 253 Niemand, C. 255 Niese, B. 3, 127, 186, 314, 315, 488, 489, 490, 511, 641, 646, 647, 649, 650, 651, 653, 661, 668, 681, 693, 694, 695 Nisbet, R. G. M. 218 Nitzan, B. 87 Nixon, P. 283, 564, 566, 568, 574, 575 Noack, B. 126 Nodet, É. 3, 12, 103, 159, 187 Noort, E. 65 Norsa, M. 282 Nowack, W. 660 Nüsslein, T. 212, 213

Modern Authors O’Collins, G. G. 300 Oehler, F. 637 Ogilvie, R. M. 590, 591 Oldfather, C. H. 312, 367, 412, 421, 438 Oliver, J. H. 209, 210 Oliverio, G. 205 Olson, K. A. 187 Omerzu, H. 15, 16, 25 Otto, C. E. 234, 240 Otzen, B. 35 Pack, R. A. 291 Paesler, K. 122 Paget, J. C. 188, 276 Palumbo, A. E. 517 Parker, D. 283 Parkin, T. G. 248 Parkinson, R. 345 Parry, D. W. 43, 89 Parvis, S. 132 Pastor, J. 6, 12 Paton, W. R. 290, 309, 310, 434, 435, 437 Patrich, J. 161, 177, 181 Peet, T. E. 329, 335, 336, 337, 338, 339, 340, 341, 342, 343, 344, 345 Perrin, B. 408 Pesch, R. 1, 92, 96, 122, 255, 262, 267 Peterson, W. 245, 414, 535, 536, 599, 600 Pfann, S. 89 Phillips, A. 331 Phillips, E. J. 258 Phillips, T. E. 116 Piepkorn, A. C. 365 Pietersma, A. 85, 99, 123 Pines, S. 530 Pittia, S. 765 Plault, M. 173 Plepelits, K. 288 Pohlenz, M. 290 Pomeroy, A. J. 248 Pontet, R. du 628 Porath, Y. 177 Porten, B. 381 Postgate, N. 329 Pouilloux, J. 500 Pounds, B. 302, 303 Powell, J. E. 403

855

Premerstein, A. von 275, 276 Préchac, F. 222, 608 Priest, J. 664 Pucci Ben Zeev, M. 207 Puech, É., 13, 33, 34, 40, 41, 503 Pummer, R. 190, 191 Purser, L. C. 220, 221 Qimron, E. 33, 40, 42, 88 Raban, A. 161 Rabbinowitz, J. 679 Rabin, Ch. 514 Rabin, I. A. 48, 642, 643, 669 Rackham, H. 683 Rad, G. von 331 Radermacher, L. 205 Radice, B. 265 Rahmani, L. Y. 655 Rajak, T. 6 Ramsay, G. G. 586 Rand, M. C. 32, 33, 34, 37, 40 Rau, P. 283 Rawlinson, G. 391, 395, 457 Rawlinson, H. C. 365 Rea, J. 166, 250, 251, 254 Reardon, B. P. 288 Reich, R. 2, 13, 124, 279 Reinbold, W. 55, 122, 133 Reinhartz, A. 11, 14 Reinhold, M. 280 Reiter, S. 19, 500, 506, 665, 667, 691, 692 Renger, J. 286 Rennie, W. 463 Reynolds, L. D. 307, 313 Riccobono, S. 235, 609 Richards, E. R. 244 Richardson, M. E. J. 325, 326, 327, 328 Richardson, P. 52 Riddle, A. D. 356 Riessler, P. 26 Rigato, M.-L. 293 Riley, H. T. 565, 566 Ringgren, H. 36 Rist, J. 7 Ritmeyer, L. 9 Rivkin, E. 187 Robert, J. 605 Robert, L. 605

856

Modern Authors

Robinson, O. F. 214, 234, 236, 322, 603, 619 Robson, E. I. 367, 392, 394, 404, 406, 409, 410, 431, 472, 687 Rochette, B. 253 Rokeah, D. 74 Rolfe, J. C. 229, 449, 465, 470, 561 Roll, I. 763 Roos, A. G. 423, 426, 436, 466, 469, 470, 471, 473, 475, 578, 626, 627, 687 Rosenbach, M. 222 Rosenblatt, S. 300, 478 Rosén, H. B. 390, 395, 397, 398, 399, 400, 401, 454, 455, 457, 458 Rostowzew, M. 276 Roth, M. T. 325, 326, 327, 349 Rouse, W. H. D. 679 Rowlandson, J. 248 Rowley, H. H. 518 Royse, J. R. 500 Ruiz Montero, C. 288 Runia, D. T. 500, 501 Sabatier, P. 484 Sacco, G. 753 Sage, E. T. 77, 275, 441, 443, 444, 591, 629 Sallmann, K. 229, 234 Salomonsen, B. 9, 65, 72, 73, 74, 75, 76, 79, 98 Salvesen, A. 482 Samuelsson, G. 300–303, 306, 314, 315, 368, 393, 405, 451, 459, 460, 463, 513, 519, 583, 585, 607, 608, 662 Sandars, T. C. 793 Sanders, E. P. 15, 129 Sargeaunt, J. 576, 577 Sarna, N. M. 331, Sartre, M. 183 Sasson, J. M. 329 Sattler, P. 236 Sautel, J.-H. 286 Schaaf, L. 283 Schachter, J. 28, 137, 140 Schanz, M. 193, 223 Scharbert, J. 38 Schäfer, P. 74, 111, 137, 138, 139, 524 Schärtli, M. 164

Schenkl, H. 312 Schiemann, G. 214, 237, 242, 246, 292, 323, 562 Schiffman, L. H. 32, 33, 34, 35, 37, 39, 40, 41, 42, 48, 83, 87, 88, 89, 90, 102, 254, 505, 515 Schiller, A. A. 210, 249 Schilling, B. 234, 240 Schimanowski, G. 172, 273 Schlesinger, A. C. 441, 444, 591, 629 Schmeling 283 Schnabel, E. J. 1, 2, 16 Schneider, G. 133 Schneider, J. 306 Schoeps, H. J. 74 Schonfield, H. J. 12 Schöll, F. 283 Schöttgen, C. 267 Schulz, R. 245 Schuol, M. 2, 6, 206, 241, 242, 243, 269 Schuster, M. 265 Schürer, E. 1, 5, 7, 22, 29, 132, 179, 181, 182, 197, 263, 275, 509, 511, 512, 513, 662, 669 Schwartz, D. R. 6, 7, 17, 42, 44, 86, 88, 89, 129, 158, 161, 170, 177, 182, 183, 184, 186, 263, 273, 503, 504 Schwartz, J. 253 Schwartz, J. J. 68, 74 Schwemer, A. M. 4, 6, 10, 14, 15, 24, 51, 52, 55, 122, 130, 134, 197, 274 Schwendner, G. W. 145 Schwier, H. 18 Scott, S. P. 234, 614, 617 Scott-Kilvert, I. 297 Seager, R. 214, 215, 217, 221 Seeligmann, I. L. 39 Seevers, B. 349, 361 Segal, A. F. 113 Segal, E. 283, 284 Segal, P. 17 Segni, L. Di 763 Seidl, E. 156, 209, 210 Seiler, H. H. 758 Sekeles, E. 656 Seland, T. 18, 45, 46, 47, 48, 50 Sélincourt, A. de 442 Shackleton Bailey, D. R. 220, 221, 425, 445, 632, 686

Modern Authors Shaked, S. 660 Shemesh 42 Sherk, A. 205, 207, 279 Sherman, C. L. 282, 367, 412, 421, 438 Sherwin-White, A. N. 205, 264, 265, 266 Shorey, P. 461 Short, C. 545, 571, 601 Siebert, A. V. 163, 194 Sieveking, W. 290 Sievers, J. 6, 128, 188 Silva, M. 483 Simpson, R. S. 345 Sintenis, C. F. F. 234, 236, 240, 241 Skarsten, R. 20, 101 Skutsch, F. 625 Smallwood, E. M. 7, 19, 20, 163, 168, 169, 170, 171, 172, 173, 177, 197, 263 Smith, C. F. 403 Smith, E. W. 290 Smith, G. 365 Smith, H. S. 332, 333 Smith, M. 135 Smith, P. 433 Smith, P. L. 283 Sontheimer, W. 193, 224, 225 Speiser, E. A. 331 Sperber, A. 485, 696 Spiegelberg, W. 345, 346 Spruit, J. 234 Stager, L. E. 432, 433 Stanton, G. N. 131, 134, 141 Stauffer, E. 79, 110, 111, 134, 163, 197, 267, 300, 478, 509, 511, 518 Steck, U. 246 Stemberger, G. 16, 110, 117, 122, 137, 140, 494, 526, 644 Stern, M. 197, 503 Stern, P. 6, 12 Stern, S. 18 Steudel, A. 32, 33, 40 Stoll, O. 178 Strack, H. L. 110, 117, 121, 122, 137, 140, 267, 494, 526, 644 Strassler, R. B. 391, 395, 403, 457 Streck, M. 320, 364, 366 Strelan, R. E. 287 Strobel, A. 1, 10, 15, 18, 20, 23, 27, 28, 30, 31, 37, 38, 52, 55, 56, 60, 62, 64,

857

68, 69, 70, 74, 75, 76, 79, 80, 81, 82, 96, 98, 105, 127, 133, 150, 173, 174, 197, 241, 246, 255, 262, 267 Stronk, J. P. 367, 369, 392, 394, 404, 406, 408, 409, 410, 431 Strothmann, M. 208 Stroux, J. 205, 206, 207 Ströbel, E. 213 Stuhlmacher, P. 134 Suerbaum, W. 283 Swain, S. 250, 254 Syme, R. 194, 297 Tadmor, H. 358, 359, 360 Tallis, N. 3, 55, 357 Tantlevskij, I. R. 518 Taubenschlag, R. 148, 262 Taylor, A. S. 331 Taylor, J. E. 162, 163 Taylor, J. 241, 285 Tcherikover, V. A. 275, 276 Thackeray, H. St. John 3, 90, 91, 102, 124, 131, 175, 177, 186, 188, 650 Theiler, W. 20, 101 Theißen, G. 127, 132, 133, 137, 150, 188 Thompson, R. C. 377, 378, 379, 380, 381, 383 Thompson, R. P. 116 Tigay, J. H. 371 Tigchelaar, E. J. C. 32, 33, 34, 37, 40, 42, 86, 521 Tischendorf, C. von 164 Torallas Tovar, S. 253 Tov, E. 34 Toynbee, J. M. C. 319 Trapp, M. 291 Tromp, J. 663, 664 Trzaskoma, S. M. 288 Tsevat, M. 36 Tzaferis, V. 653, 654 Ussishkin, D. 360, 361 Van Voorst, R. E. 188 VanderKam, J. C. 4, 7, 8, 9, 10, 22, 51, 52, 53, XX Varner, W. 530 Vaux, R. de 495 Veh, O. 297

858

Modern Authors

Vermes, G. 1, 16, 132, 518 Vernière, Y. 290 Vernus, P. 337 VerSteeg, R. 326 Vicent Cernuda, A. 12 Victor, U. 4, 187, 275, 331 Viel, H.-D. 325, 326, 327, 328 Viereck, P. 423, 426, 436, 473, 578, 626, 627 Vince, J. H. 464 Vine, W. E. 674 Visscher, F. de 205, 206 Vitelli, G. 261, 262, 282 Vogel, F. 367, 412, 421, 422, 429, 430, 438, 439, 440, 474 Vogel, M. 170 Voigtlander, E. N. 377, 379, 381, 383 Voisin, J.-L. 294, 320 Wacholder, B. Z. 42, 43, 44 Wagner, S. 36, 255 Walde, C. 275 Waldstein, W. 255, 257, 258, 262, 263, 266 Walker, H. J. 445 Wallace, S. L. 282, 283 Walsh, P. G. 442, 631 Walters, C. F. 256, 442 Waltke, B. 331 Walton, F. R. 367, 412, 421, 438 Walton, J. H. 331, 371, 372, 386 Wandrey, I. 263 Wankerl, V. 208 Wardle, D. 294, 295 Watson, A. 214, 234, 236 Watt, W. S. 221 Watts, N. H. 218 Way, A. G. 320, 450, 564, 595 Wazana, N. 323, 372 Webb, R. L. 99, 160, 162, 163, 174, 178, 180, 197, 241, 293 Weber, W. 276 Webster, G. 178 Weissenborn, W. 256, 441, 442, 443 Welch, J. W. 141, 241 Wellesley, K. 193, 315, 414, 415, 417, 418 Wendland, P. 19, 500, 506, 665, 667, 691, 692

Wenger, L. 205, 206, 207 Werner, R. 286 Werrett, I. C. 44 Wesley, J. G. 677 Westermann, C. 331 Wevers J. W. 82, 99, 481 Wewers, G. A. 27, 68, 71, 77 Whealey, A. 132, 188 Whiston, W. 4, 90, 124, 175, 177, 186, 189 Whitaker, G. H. 19, 500, 684 White, H. 423, 426, 427, 436, 559, 578, 626, 627, 686 White, J. 549, White, R. J. 291, Wieacker, F. 2, 210, 232, 234 Wiedemann, T. E. J. 296 Wieder, N. 519 Wilcken, U. 248, 252, 261, 275, 280 Wilckens, U. 149 Wilker, J. 159, 170, 171, 172, 182 Will, W. 221 Williams, G. W. 220, 221 Williamson, H. G. M. 384 Winckler, H. 324, 325, 326 Winter, J. 669 Winter, P. 16, 132, 197, 255, 274, 478 Wirth, G. 466, 469, 470, 471, 475, 687 Wise, M. O. 41, 51 Wittmann, R. 269 Wolff, H. J. 145, 146, 148, 155, 156, 210, 262 Wolff, J. G. 2 Wolter, M. 283, 287, 291 Woodman, A. J. 193 Woude, A. S. van der 33 Wright, B. G. 85, 99, 123, 134, 371 Wright, N. T. 66 Wroe, A. 158 Wünsche, A. 669 Yadin, Y. 33, 37, 40, 478, 479, 502, 503, 520, 655 Yamada, S. 358, 359, 360 Yardeni, A. 381 Yardley, J. C. 193, 195, 224, 225, 428, 432, 433 Yonge, C. D. 48, 100, 101, 168, 171, 272, 549, 551, 601, 684 Younger, K. L. 327, 336, 349, 372, 373

Modern Authors Zangenberg, J. 190 Zeitlin, S. 52, 149, 180, 187, 478, 517, 519 Zias, J. 13, 656 Ziegler, J. 84, 85

Ziegler, K. 408, 468, 472 Zlotnick, D. 680 Zuckermandel, M. S. 9, 659 Zugibe, F. T. 677

859

Subjects Abaye, R. 137 Abba Saul, son of Bitnit 9 Abba Yose, son of Yohanan 9 Abbahu, R. 109–111 Abuse of Princetonsoners – in Jewish practice 141–142 – in Roman practice 269–276, 672–673 – see also Beating, Scourging, Torture Actualization 332, 479, 480, 481, 639, 681, 682, 690, 695, 698 – defined 306, 681–682 – of suspension with crucifixion terms 304–306, 332, 479–493, 681–697 Adultery 16, 60, 74, 81, 82, 85, 227–228, 237–239, 296, 326, 492, 547, 616, 680, 714, 722 Akeldama tombs 9 Akhenaten 332–333 Albinus, procurator of Judea 7, 22, 23, 124–125, 149, 150, 160, 263–264, 321 Alexander Jannaeus 50–51, 115, 505, 507, 510–516, 518–522, 524–525, 529, 639–640 Amnesty in Roman law 255–269 – authority granted to Roman rulers 256– 266 – at Passover in Judea 267–268 – in response to acclamatio populi 256– 258 Ananias, see Annas Ananus, son of Ananus (high priest) 7, 8, 10, 21–23 Ananus, son of Seth, see Annas Annas (Ananus, son of Seth) 3–10, 11, 14, 164 Annius Rufus, prefect of Judea 7 Antipas, see Herod Antipas

Apotympanismos (α’ ποτυμπανισμο΄ ς) 451– 453, 686 Aqiba, R. 70–71, 72, 75–76, 80, 112–113, 119–121 Archelaos/Archelaus (ethnarch of Judea) 3, 5, 21, 23–24, 27, 28, 153, 176, 496 Ashurbanipal 320, 361, 364–366 Ashurnasirpal II 350–355 Assyrian practice of suspension – in Assyrian sources 348–366 – in Roman-era sources 366–369 Babylonian practice of suspension 323, 324– 328, 372 Barabbas 139, 255, 262, 273, 477, 640 Barbarian practice of suspension (in Greek and Roman sources) 300, 309, 317, 322, 368, 411–451, 455, 456, 621, 630, 684 Beating 9, 125, 150, 180, 183, 251, 252, 321, 452–554, 640, 666, 726, 741 – in Egypt 337, 339 – of slaves 223, 229, 563, 569, 571, 717 – prior to suspension/crucifixion 441, 443, 446, 536, 538, 667, 672–673 – see also Abuse, Scourging and Flogging, Torture Ben Stada 72–74, 78 Beth Din, see Sanhedrin Blasphemy at Ugarit 347–348 Blasphemy (in Judaism) 45, 98–130, 664 – and attacking divinely appointed leadership 127–130 – and claiming divine perogatives 106–117 – and despising the Torah and profaning holy things 117–122 – and pronouncing divine name 99–106 – and threatening Temple 122–127

862

Subjects

– death penalty for 60–64, 100–106, 113–117, 120–121, 127, 129 – suspension of blasphemer 60–63, 102– 103, 103–104, 113–116, 370, 482, 483–484, 487, 488–490, 491–493, 522, 527, 528 – see also Jesus, charge of blasphemy Brigands and crucifixion 493, 526–528, 529, 531, 532, 533, 578, 621–625, 634, 640, 645, 667, 678–679, 705, 748 Caiaphas, Joseph 3, 8, 10–15, 31, 55, 96, 98, 99, 106, 158, 159, 164 – ossuary 13–14 Capital cases in Jewish law 31–82, 86– 89, 92, 95, 96, 97–98, 127, 146–147, 150 – OT precedent 370, 372 – trials during day 53–56 – trials not before Sabbath or festival 53– 56 – see also Sanhedrin, jurisdiction of; Witnesses Capital cases in Roman law 154–155, 161, 199, 201–208, 214–215, 228–229, 232, 237–243, 263–264, 266, 269, 293–295, 414–415, 602–621, 633, 636, 637, 672 – see also Prefect, jurisdiction of Capital punishment, Jewish forms of 105–106, 502–505, 522–523 – during festival 75–76, 80–81 – four-fold list 495–501, 508, 510, 528 – stoning 58–66, 71, 82, 101–104, 116, 138, 139, 485, 486, 489–490, 491, 492, 493, 495–496, 498, 499, 501, 510, 527, 586; cf. 347–348 – see also Blasphemy, death penalty for; Suspension, Jewish Chamber of Hewn Stone 28–29, 31 Christians crucified 636–638 Citizens, Roman – status generally delivers from crucifixion 195, 242, 300, 533–563, 598–600, 614, 630–631, 634, 650, 697, 707–708, 717 – see also Honestiores Collatio Legum Mosaicarum et Romanorum 609, 613–614, 615, 618–619

Coponius, prefect of Judea 5, 7, 21, 23, 24, 27, 154, 159, 160, 176 crimen maiestatis 141, 207, 210–243, 269, 271, 279–280, 294, 297 – lex Cornelia de maiestate 207, 214–215, 217–219, 221 – lex Iulia de maiestate 207, 215, 230–237, 237–241 – see Jesus, charge of crimen maiestatis Crimes resulting in crucifixion 602–625 Cross – carrying of crossbeam/patibulum to crucifixion 282–292, 565–566, 606–608, 673 – tau-shaped (w/ crossbeam) 282–292, 301, 310–312, 313, 316, 674–676 – variation in form 301, 313–316, 669–670, 675 Crossbeam , see patibulum Crucifixion – definition of 301–303, 316–319 – early removal 678–681 – perceptions of 303 – prolonged suspension 678–681 Crucifixion and Suspension Terminology 304–310 – Greek 304–306 α’ νακρεμα΄ ννυμι 458, 605 α’ νασταυρο΄ ω 306, 309, 310, 315, 318, 321, 367, 368, 391, 393–395, 400–407, 412, 413, 429, 430, 434, 435, 437–440, 454, 456, 460–463, 472, 474–476, 491, 510, 513, 642, 645–650, 667, 681, 682, 688, 693–695 α’ νασκολοπι΄ζω 306, 311, 318, 368, 369, 390, 391, 393, 395, 397–399, 420, 455, 456, 460, 476, 505, 506, 666, 667, 691, 692, 701 κρεμα΄ ννυμι/κρεμα΄ ω 401, 419, 427, 465, 470, 471, 473–475, 559, 560, 578–580, 592, 594, 595, 626, 627; see esp. 427 (on Appian) σταυρο΄ ω 303, 304, 306, 308, 311, 314, 393, 394, 401, 404, 405, 408, 430, 431, 436, 438, 439, 480, 560, 581, 590, 592, 635, 649, 650, 651, 652, 653, 665, 666, 667, 674, 677, 695, 689, 690, 693, 700, 701, 703, 704, 705, 711 σταυρο΄ ς 276, 282, 287, 289, 291, 292, 301, 305, 309, 315, 318, 393, 401, 403, 409, 462, 674, 675, 690, 693–695, 711

Subjects other terms 463, 649, 650, 677 – Hebrew/Aramaic ‫ צלב‬480, 486, 504, 508, 643,658, 659, 679, 681, 689, 696, 697 ‫ צליבא‬484, 486, 696 ‫ תלה‬40, 56, 61, 63, 103, 113,114, 116, 370, 486, 494, 504, 681, 688–690, 696 – Latin 307 crucifigo 303, 318, 663 crux 192, 195, 284, 295, 301, 306, 307, 313–315, 318, 413, 414, 417, 418, 423, 425, 427, 428, 432, 433, 441– 444, 447– 451, 453, 465, 469, 470, 509, 515, 532–534, 536–559, 561–578, 586–589, 596, 598–603, 606–625, 628–624, 637, 638, 663, 665, 676, 678, 679, 681, 683, 685, 686, 698, 699, 702, 707, 709, 710, 712–753 see also furca, patibulum Curses, see Vulgar Taunts Drama and crucifixion 562–577, 704– 708, 712–751 Dreams and crucifixion 291–292, 711– 712 Egyptian practice of suspension 329–347 – in oaths during trials 336–345 Eleazar, son of Ananus (high priest) 7, 8, 10 Eleazar ben Azariah, R. 112–113, 118– 121 Eleazar b. Simeon, R. 526–528 Eliezer b. Hyrcanus, R. 61–63, 103–104, 113–117, 491–492, 522–525 Eliezer b. Jacob, R. 78–79, 526 Eliezer b. Zadok, R. 497 Esarhaddon 363, 364 Essenes 4, 27, 43, 116, 176, 300, 478, 505 Execution, see Capital punishment False Prophet, death penalty for 71–72 Festus, Porcius (governor of Judea) 7, 22, 23, 160 Flogging, see Scourging and Flogging Florus, Gessius 263–264 Fourth Philosophy 4, 21, 647 furca 509, 567, 577, 611, 612, 613, 623, 630, 633, 732, 733, 738

863

furcifer 567, 575, 576, 577, 736, 737, 738 Gaius Caligula 20, 169, 194, 196, 229, 293, 294, 666, 667, 704, 705, 706 Giv‘at ha-Mivtar 653–657 Hadrian (emperor) 147, 148, 157, 229, 244, 275–276, 282, 586, 669, 751 Hanging from the neck/noose – as means of suicide 317, 499, 500–501, 504, 507–510, 566, 577, 718–719, 720, 721, 726–727, 733, 737–738, 740 – not commonly practiced as execution 317, 318, 385, 499–500, 504–505, 519, 541, 550, 604 Herod I (the Great) 3, 5, 18, 20, 21, 23, 26, 28, 51–53, 153, 161, 163, 169, 176, 181, 273, 646, 663, 664 Herod Antipas (tetrarch) 156, 164, 171, 176, 198, 269, 270 Herod Philip (tetrarch) 164 Herod’s Palace 167–170 Heroes, see Innocents, Heroes, and Martyrs honestiores, Roman – not to suffer crucifixion 532, 533–534, 583, 610, 612–619, 636 Hyrcanus I, John 33, 127–130, 512, 514 Hyrcanus II 51–53 Impalement 313, 317, 412, 420, 427, 446, 499, 504, 513, 519, 541, 679, 684 – in Ancient Near East 323–342, 346–361, 366, 368, 372, 376–385, 390, 391, 394, 397–400, 405, 409, 411, 639 – in Greece 455, 456, 459, 460, 461, 463, 686, 687 imperium 21, 27, 153, 154, 155, 199, 206, 210, 223, 231–232, 249, 266 Innocents, Heroes, and Martyrs, crucifixion of 634–638, 660–669 Interrogation of Witnesses, see Witnesses Isaac b. Abudimi, R. 28, 30 Ishmael, son of Phabi (high priest) 6–7 Israelite practice of suspension 369–375 ius gladii 16, 21, 24, 27, 155, 156 Jak.im/Jak.um 507–510, 518, 529 James, brother of Jesus, execution of 8, 21– 23, 74

864

Subjects

Jehoshua (b. H.ananyah), R. 70–71 Jests, see Vulgar Taunts Jesus ben Ananias 123–127, 142, 149– 151 Jesus, crucifixion of v–vi, 299–300, 393, 638 – accused of brigandage 531 – amidst brigands 622, 640 – and rejection/mockery of Christian message 689, 753–754 – carrying of cross/patibulum 276, 280, 282, 285, 566, 673 – early removal from the cross 666–667, 678 – Jewish demand for (and Jewish law) 477–479, 528–532 – means of death 677 – methods involved in crucifixion 669– 678 – shape/form of Jesus’ cross 302–303, 674–676 – titulus (sign attached to cross) 292– 293, 674 – use of nails 676–677 Jesus, trial of v–vi, 1–2 – abused during and after trial 140, 127, 269–270, 274, 275, 672–673 – accused by Jewish leaders during Roman trial 246, 249, 269 – amnesty, Pilate’s offer of 255, 258, 262, 266, 267–269, 666–667 – charge of blasphemy 42, 64, 98–99, 105–106, 107, 109, 110, 111–112, 113, 117, 122, 130, 134, 138–139, 140 – charge of being a false prophet 66, 71– 72 – charge of being a seducer (mesit) 38, 66, 70, 130–134, 138, 139 – charge of being a sorcerer 64, 74, 133, 134–141, 531 – charge of crimen maiestatis 210–211, 215, 236, 241–243, 268–269 – charge of threatening Temple 122, 130, 133, 138 – hearing before Annas 2–3, 8, 10 – language of Roman trial 249–250 – trial before Pontius Pilate 15–16, 27, 157, 163–165, 187–188, 196, 197, 198,

199, 210–211, 236, 241–243, 246, 249, 255, 262, 267–269 – trial before Sanhedrin (and Caiaphas) 1–3, 12, 14–16, 27, 30–31, 39–40, 42, 53, 55– 56, 76, 79–80, 80–81, 85–86, 89, 92, 96 – transfer of court case 2, 146–147, 149, 151, 156 – witnesses at Jesus’ Jewish hearing/trial 39– 40, 58, 85–86, 89, 92, 96, 122, 138–139 Jewish Suspension 477–532 – ante mortem 40–42, 501–529 – post mortem 60–63, 73–74, 102–104, 113– 117, 136–140, 481–490, 491–495 – rejection of crucifixion as Jewish penalty 493–495 – see also Jesus, crucifixion of Joazar (high priest) 3–5 John the Baptist 2–3, 164 Jonathan, son of Ananus (high priest) 11 Jose b. Joezer 507–510, 518, 529, 639, 661 Josephus – modern approaches to 5–6 – Testimonium Flavianum 131–132, 187– 188, 530, 642 – see also Ancient Sources index Joshua b. Levi, R. 137 Joshua b. Qorha, R. 104–105 Judah ha-Nasi, R. 118–121 Judah b. Gedidiah 512 Judah [Yehudah] (b. Ilai), R. 59, 72–73, 75– 76, 80, 94, 95, 97, 115, 492, 496, 497, 523, 658 Judah b. Tabbai, R. 524 Judas (disciple) 55 Judas Maccabaeus 122–123, 321 Judas the Galilean (of Gamala) 4, 5, 21, 507, 647 Jurisdiction, see Prefect, Sanhedrin Languages used in court, see Trial Proceedings Laureolus (play, with crucified character) 705–711 lex Appuleia 214 lex Cornelia de maiestate, see crimen maiestatis lex Cornelia de veneficiis et sicariis 216– 217, 237–240, 613–616 lex Cornelia testamentaria 240, 616–618

Subjects lex Fabia de plagiariis 238, 240, 618– 620 lex Gellia et Cornelia de civitate 200 lex Iulia de adulteriis coercendis 228, 237, 239 lex I u lia d e ma iesta te, see crime n maiesta-tis lex Iulia de pecuniis repetundis 219 Lex Libitinaria from Puteoli 606–608, 673, 678 Lex Lucerina 606 lex Pompeia de parricidiis 237, 239, 602–603 lex Porcia 537–538, 554–555 Lex Romana Visigothorum 609, 612, 619 – other Roman leges not indexed above 200, 201, 206, 216, 217, 237–240, 537–538 maddiakh (‫ )מדיח‬2, 34, 37, 64, 68, 69, 74, 75, 77–78, 130, 133, 138 maiestas, see crimen maiestatis Marcellus, prefect of Judea 12, 190, 191 Mari, evidence of suspension at 328–329 Martyrs, see Innocents, Heroes and Martyrs Meir, R. 109–111, 660 Merenptah 335–336, 337 mesit (‫ )מסית‬2, 34, 37, 38, 56, 64, 68–70, 72–74, 75, 77–78, 80, 130, 134, 138, 140; see also Seducer Nahman b. Isaac, R. 30 Nails in crucifixion 660, 676–677 – magical properties of 660 Nathan, R. 668–669 ossuary 268, 676 – and Caiaphas 10–11, 13–14 – from Giv‘at ha-Mivtar 653–657 patibulum 416–418, 581–583 – as crossbeam of cross 282–292, 313, 316, 530 – carrying to place of execution 282–292, 565–566, 572, 606–608, 673 Paul (apostle) 12 – trial 2, 18, 25, 146 – see also Ancient Sources index

865

Persian practice of suspension – in Greek and Roman sources 390–411 – in OT 383–389 – in Persian sources 376–383 Peter (apostle) 3, 74 – crucifixion of 314, 674 Pharisees 4, 21, 23, 26, 55, 79, 92, 105, 116, 127–129, 131, 134, 140, 176, 300, 477, 478, 491, 492, 512, 514–516, 518–522, 524–525, 528, 530, 647 Philistine practice of suspension 375–376 Polycrates 394–396, 682–686 Pontius Pilatus 10, 28, 157–198 – and Testimonium Flavianum 187–188 – and trial of Jesus 2, 15, 30–31, 130–131, 139, 149, 163–165, 187–188, 192–198, 199, 210–211, 236, 241–243, 249, 254– 255, 258, 262, 266, 267–270, 292–293, 477, 530, 531, 678 – aqueduct/sacred-treasury incident 180– 183, 185–186 – coins minted by 161–163 – inscription from Caesarea 24, 165–167 – length of rule 154, 158–160 – relationship with Caiaphas 14 – removal from office 11–13, 189–192 – Samaritan revolt 189–192 – shields incident 167–174 – standards incident 175–180, 183–185 Prefect 153–156, 158–160, 254 – as proper title for Roman ruler of Judea 24, 153, 159–160, 166–167, 171, 263 – jurisdiction of 15, 16, 21, 24, 27, 28, 125, 154–156, 161, 198–210, 261–262, 263– 264, 269 – see also ius gladii, and prefects of Judea by name Prometheus crucified 304–306, 310, 312, 369, 676, 682, 686–688, 698, 708–711 Ptolemy V Epiphanes 345–347 Public Spectacle Entertainment, crucifixion in 708–711 Quirinius 3–5, 21, 647 Rack, see Torture Rebels and crucifixion 589–602, 628–630, 645–653 Requisitioning of Provincials 276–282

866

Subjects

Sabinus 646 Sadducees 4, 8, 9, 15, 22, 23, 31, 34, 55, 60, 79, 92, 105, 115–116, 119, 121, 126, 127–129, 176, 181, 249, 300, 478, 497, 505, 511, 512, 514, 515 Samaritans 11, 24, 189–192, 197, 638, 640, 641, 647–649 Samuel b. Nahman, R. 109–111 Sanhedrin 51–53 – as consultative body 16 – jurisdiction in capital cases 1–2, 15–31, 37, 81–82, 125, 146–147, 151, 477, 498 Scourging and Flogging 39, 47, 48, 78– 79, 124, 128, 129, 149–150, 258–262, 290, 384, 448, 452, 526, 542, 543, 548, 554, 556, 567, 603, 604, 667, 699, 713 – of slaves 48, 571, 752 – prior to suspension/crucifixion 287, 307, 321, 536, 557, 558, 591–592, 599, 601, 606, 607, 630, 649–650, 651, 653, 661, 662, 665, 666, 672, 675, 677 – see also Abuse, Beating, Torture Seducer in Jewish Law – death penalty for 31–37, 38, 46–47, 56, 63–64, 67–70, 72–78, 80, 130–134, 138 – see also Jesus, charge of being a seducer; mesit Sennacherib 348, 356, 359, 360–363, 368, 372, 384, 639 Seti I 333–335 Shalmaneser III 314, 355–357, 359, 375, 408, 410 Sidon, suspension practiced at 347–348 Simeon b. Shetach 60–63, 79, 113–116, 492, 497, 499–500, 507, 512, 522–525, 529, 640 Simeon (b. Yohai), R. 498 Simon of Cyrene (carries Jesus’ cross) 276, 280, 282, 285, 673 Simon, son of Camit (high priest) 10 Slave Revolts and crucifixion 589–602, 628–630 Slaves and crucifixion 48, 239–240, 283–284, 285–288, 295–298, 300, 309, 427–428, 466, 532, 533, 534, 536, 540–541, 556–557, 559–561, 562–602, 603, 604–608, 610, 612, 617, 622, 626,

628, 629–630, 631–633, 675, 692, 710, 712–751 (passim) Sorcery 47, 524, 660 – death penalty for 63–64, 70–71, 73–74, 492 Spartacus, slave revolt under 592–596, 597, 673 Stephen, stoning of 2, 8, 496 Suspension – ancient Near Eastern 322–411 – ante mortem see esp. 308–309, 316–317, 501–529; also 300, 301, 303, 319, 358, 393, 453, 454, 467, 478, 479, 487, 497, 499–500, 541, 605, 639–640, 642, 657– 660, 669–670, 671–672, 678, 686, 687 – Greek 451–476 – post mortem see esp. 309–310, 316–317, 493–495; also 62, 301, 303, 319, 324, 328, 347–348, 358, 368, 369, 370, 375, 385, 389, 393, 395, 401, 453, 477, 479, 486, 489, 498, 557–558, 639, 642, 669–670, 671–672, 682, 691, 694, 696, 697 – see also Jewish Suspension Temple (Jerusalem) – Gentiles forbidden past Court of Gentiles 16–18 – threatening of 122–127 – violation 16–20 Tiberius (emperor) 2, 7, 12, 157, 158, 159, 161–170, 172–177, 180, 190, 191–192, 193–196, 222–230, 278–281, 297, 413, 417, 424, 445, 632 Tiberius Iulius Alexander 507, 646–647 Tiglath-pileser III 356, 357–360, 361, 372 titulus 292–298, 674 Titus (general and emperor) 9, 25, 160, 296, 533, 650–652, 680–681, 705, 709–710 Torture 124, 126, 237, 270–271, 284, 294, 306, 313–314, 316, 321, 409, 410, 437, 451, 452, 453, 459, 462, 548, 549, 555, 566, 567, 575, 599, 627, 633, 634, 635, 636, 637, 662, 664, 683, 698, 699, 713, 733, 746, 749 – in Egypt 338, 342, 343, 344 – of slaves 577, 578, 714–715, 721 – prior to suspension/crucifixion 307, 319, 439, 447–448, 466, 467, 536, 538, 540, 541, 542, 544, 545, 589–590, 600–601,

Subjects 607, 651–652, 661, 665–666, 667, 668, 672–673, 677, 701–702 – see also Abuse, Beating, Scourging and Flogging Trajan (emperor) 26, 157, 244, 264–266, 275, 279, 296, 586, 675 Transfer of Court Cases (between local and Roman courts) 126–127, 142–151 Trial Proceedings (Roman) 236, 535–536 – languages in provinces 249–255; cf. 146 – written reports 148, 243–249, 258–262 Ugarit, evidence of suspension at 347– 348 Ulla b. Ishmael, R. 137–138 Valerius Gratus 6–7, 10–11, 154, 158, 159, 160 Varus (governor of Syria) 645–646, 663, 664 Vespasian 160, 191, 582, 583, 668, Vestments, priestly 11–13, 181 Vitellius, Lucius (governor of Syria) 11– 13, 159, 161, 189, 190, 191, 582, 583, 584, 585 Vulgar Taunts, invoking crucifixion 562– 577, 712–754

867

Witnesses (in Jewish law) 36, 45, 46, 47, 59, 67–70, 72–73, 75, 76–78, 81, 86–87, 659 – carry out death penalty 50, 60–61, 62, 497, 510 – false witnesses 38–40, 48, 49, 75, 80, 83– 86, 89, 114, 116, 492 – interrogation of 37, 53, 56–58, 66, 82–98, 104–105 – number required (two or three) 40–42, 68, 82–83, 87, 88–89, 90–92 Witnesses (in Roman law) 215, 217, 222, 229, 237, 245, 246, 252, 535, 537, 538– 539, 546, 586, 598, 724 – false witnesses 560, 614 Yehudah, see Judah Yishmael b. Rabbi Yose, R. 30 Yohanan ben Zakkai, R. 94–95, 112–113 Yehoshua (b. Perachiah), R. 140 Yose (b. H.alafta), R. 61, 93, 112–113, 660 Zealots 26, 490, 647

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