Geoff Wade - On The Possible Cham Origin Of The Philippine Scripts
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Department of History, National University of Singapore
On the Possible Cham Origin of the Philippine Scripts Author(s): Geoff Wade Source: Journal of Southeast Asian Studies, Vol. 24, No. 1 (Mar., 1993), pp. 44-87 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of Department of History, National University of Singapore
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Journal
Asian of Southeast ? 1993 by National
Studies
24,
University
1 (March 1993): 44-87 of Singapore
On the Possible Cham Origin of the Philippine Scripts*
GEOFF WADE University I. The Philippine
of Hong
Kong
Scripts
a most In 1593, there was printed in Manila remarkable xylographie (wood-block) Juan de Plascenia's Doctrina Christiana in Spanish, romanized comprising some and as While there is still to whether debate Tagalog Tagalog script (see Fig. I).1 to be published this was the first book in the Philippines,2 there appears book,
little doubt
that it constitutes
extant printed
the earliest
example
of any Philippine
script. than 10 years later, in 1604, a work by the Jesuit father Pedro Slightly more from 1590 to 1602,3 was published Chirino, who had spent 12 years in the Philippines in Rome under the title Relaci?n de las Islas Filipinas. In Chapter 10 of this work, Chirino noted: "All these islanders are much given to reading and writing and there is hardly a man, and much less a woman, who does not read and write in the letters used in the island of Manila ? which are entirely different from those of China, Japon to detail and illustrate the script he referred to, as and India."4 He then proceeded comprising three vowel graphs (used to represent five vowels) and 12 consonant graphs. The consonants, he noted, were normally pronounced with an inherent vowel-sound the addition of a vocalic indicator either above or below, could also be a following "i" or "e" (vocalic indicator above consonant) or "o" or with pronounced "u" (vocalic indicator below consonant) (see Fig. 2). Chirino's description appears to "a", but with
ideas put forward in a paper read at the twelfth Conference of the of Asia held in Hong Kong in June 1991. The author would like to express his thanks to Dr. Norman G. Owen of the Department of History, University of Hong Kong and to an anonymous and comments. reader for assistance
This
article
International
is an expanded version of Association of Historians
Source Materials *W.H. Scott, Prehispanic History for Philippine (Quezon City, 1984), p. 53. A photo was work inWashington edition of the known of the sole D.C. in 1947. Scott copy lithographic published in Prehispanic Historical Source Materials, p. 164 notes another facsimile edition published by the National in 1973. Manila Commission, ? as Doctrina The First Christiana 2In his introductory essay to the 1947 facsimile edition, published in the Lessing J. Rosenwald Collec in the Philippines, Manila 1593: A Facsimile Printed of the Copy 2nd indicated his belief that the work was tion, Library of Congress D.C, 1947), Edwin Wolf (Washington in the Philippines. P. Van der Loon, in his "The the earliest verifiable book to have been published However, XII (1966): 1-43, suggests and Early Hokkien that the Hsin-k'o Incunabula Manila Studies", Asia Major Book
chuan Wu-chi t'ien-chu chen-chuan edition Hsien shi-lu, a wood-block cheng-chiao seng-shih Kao-mu work written in Chinese of a theological and cosmographical Friar Juan Cobo, was by the Dominican in Manila in March 1593 and thus may pre-date the Doctrina Christiana. published The Philippine Islands 1493-1803 edition 3In E.H. Blair and J.A. Robertson's (Original published are incorrectly noted 1903-1909, 1973), vol. XII, p. 10, his dates in the Philippines reprinted Rizal, as 1595 to 1602. Edwin Wolf to the facsimile Doctrina adds (p. 9) that Christiana 2nd, in his introduction in 1635. there until his death Chirino returned to the islands in 1606 and remained
Cleveland
4Blair and Robertson,
The Philippine
Islands,
vol. XII,
pp. 242-43.
44
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ran
cflp^pacasflTnci e/asvs v?{
czy pito-
Iq loan, ?ngxauvYmo
ncfcap^
"tan.
? *5^ncf c?ilitogi?n
gci Utan.
.*?3ng"
Mricycqiamo?m
ca
?tpag
ci t
caen
sapqg?hum.IHngrcipa nvau?
nagbilfvin/l?ncjcatq
f\T> ^
s'^ ? *
t/p ?C \\
il?-
^
f
1.1 &-V? ^r^^ m
Fig. 1. A page from Doctrina
^ il
r^
(?% ./i) .
i
Vit?te
?TlIl^iQ^^^ll^iC?/^&H <3
ua
g* cal?lo
tQ ^-i
rn on
Christiana published inManila
This content downloaded from 195.34.79.174 on Thu, 12 Jun 2014 18:30:18 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
in 1593.
46
Wade
Geoff
on
ei
&> XXr Ba
ca
*
*
da
c? v> T ha
ga
>
xr ma
ia
?
bi qui ?i gui lu
be que de gue he
m vaca na
If
9 *
U
mi
ni
le
me
ne
t/'Va ta
fa
pa
$
fi
pe
fe
*
*
*
*
?
?
?
#
J
f
bo bu
co cu
do du
go gu
ho hu
lo lu
mo mu
no nu
po pu
(o fu
Fig. 2.
9
9
pi
y*
p
ti yi
te
yc
>
*
to tu
The "Manila" syllabary from Chirino's Relaci?n de las Islas Filipinas
yo ytt' (1604).
the earliest description of the "Manila" (Tagalog) alphabet, or more precisely of its use. (as pointed out by Juan R. Francisco5) "syllabary", and the mechanisms de Morga's Sucesos de las Islas Filipinas, in Antonio 1609, synthesized published much of what was then known by the Spanish about the Philippine islands and in cluded details of the languages and script, recording: constitute
The they
language of all the Pintados
characters common
bark_The
No.
one
understand of
their own
manner
another which
of writing
when
and Bi?ayas talking,
is one and the same, by which
or when
with
writing
These resemble they possess. the natives is on leaves among
those of
the
of
trees
letters
the Arabs. and
and The
on bamboo
language of Luzon and those islands in its vicinity differs widely
5J.R. Francisco, Palaeography, Philippine 3 (Quezon City, 1973), p. xii.
Philippine
Journal
of Linguistics
Special
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Monograph
Issue
Cham
of the Philippine
Origin
47
Scripts
can write the islands excel natives that of the Bi?ayas_The throughout are or These the Greek characters almost like with certain Arabic. characters, lently are used as are our five. The are vowels, consonants in all. Three which fifteen with certain dots or commas, number and each and all of them combine twelve, from
so signify
and our
Spanish
whatever alphabet.
all
who
do
the natives,
not
to write,
wishes
of writing
as fluently and on bamboo,
easily
was
but
as
is done
is now
the lines at the right and running to the left in the Arabic
commencing Almost
one
The method
write
both
men
and women, and
it excellently
in this
write
fashion. are
There
language.
with
on paper,
few
correctly.6
unsigned document ascribed to Diego de Bobadilla S.J. and dated to c. 1640, contains a further discussion and illustration of the script used in Luzon.7 An in does not include the like Chirino's, teresting point of note is that this illustration, graphs for "nga" and "wa" (see Fig. 3). in Francisco Colin's The last seventeenth century reference of note is contained Labor evang?lica, dating to the second half of that century, where in reference to the he noted that "The vowel letters are only three in number, "letters of the Filipinos", but they serve for five in their use; for the second and third are indifferently e, i, y, An
o, or u, according as is required by the meaning or sense of the word which is spoken are thirteen in number and serve (except at the beginning or written. The consonants of the phrase or initial letter) as consonant and vowel; for the letter alone without a dot above or below, is pronounced with 'A'. If the dot is placed above, the consonant is pronounced with 'e' or T. If the dot is placed below, it is pronounced with 'o' or 'bi' or 'be', and with the dot below *u\ Thus the *B'with the dot above is pronounced as opposed to 'bo' or 'bu'."8 The importance of this reference is that 13 consonants, the earlier 12, were recognized. Rather than continue to relate the historical references to Philippine scripts, itmay be sufficient for our purposes here simply to note that over the ensuing centuries, it became obvious to outside observers that the syllabary comprised three vowels and 14
\>cu
?*
cd
?^ I
i
h+.??. Fig. 3.
J?4U
Sd
to,
y&u
rw rvu.
Illustration of "Tag?l" script from unsigned document ascribed to Diego de Bobadilla S.J.
(c.
1640).
The Philippine 6Blair and Robertson, pp. 288-90. 7Ibid., vol. XXIX, 8Ibid.,
rut,
ch rh
?u. ce. cu>.m.n?
c&. c?. to.
rnxz^
Ia
fux,
vol. XL,
Islands,
vol. XVI,
pp.
115-17.
p. 49.
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48
Geoff
Wade
consonants. Pardo de Tavera provided a useful table of the graph variants recorded by various writers on the scripts and this was reproduced by Francisco (see Fig. 4).9 It is perhaps pertinent to note here that the "Boxer Codex", ascribed by Boxer to c. 1590,10 includes a reference to Philippine scripts, which states inter alia, "They have neither books nor histories, and they do not write at length except missive and notes to each other. For this purpose they have letters which total only seventeen."11 That the "Boxer Codex" and Doctrina Christiana, both ascribed to the 1590s, should record 17 "letters" in the Tagalog script, while many subsequent seventeenth century works recorded only 15 or 16 such "letters", suggests either chronological or, discrepancies more likely, that the Spanish came to their understanding of the Philippine scripts separate and diverse channels. recent discoveries of early examples of the scripts include over 100 specimens of Filipino signatures dating from 1603-1645, held in the University of Santo Tomas and the Philippine National Archives.12 The veracity of the only known example of a inscribed earthenware pot, the famous Calatagan Pot, is still possibly prehispanic through More
being debated.13 In addition, the continuing use, up to the present, of varieties of the scripts by the of Oriental Mindoro, has provided resear Tagbanuwa of Palawan and the Mangyan chers with much information on various modes of script use as well as legends pertain ing to the origins of the scripts.14 An example of contemporary use of Mangyan script is illustrated
in Plate
1.
That the scripts used for writing the Tagalog, Bisayan, Tagbanuwa and Mangyan languages share a single, original source is powerfully suggested by their common the elements,15 and it is the quest for this single source which has long occupied attention of scholars. II. Theories
on the Origin
of Philippine
Scripts
The early Spanish observers were not averse to musing on the origins of the scripts in the Philippines. Chirino's observation that the letters used by the they observed were from of different those China, "entirely Filipinos Japon and India" suggests that he did not recognize any connection between the scripts used in the Philippines and in other areas of Asia. He did note however that: the modes of writing employed ... had no letters until, a few years ago, they borrowed theirs from the "The Bisayas "16 In the second half of the seventeenth century, Francisco Colin was more Tagalos. with "From the his opinion. forthcoming shape, number and use of the characters
Francisco, Philippine 10C.R. Boxer, "A Late Britain
p. 93. Palaeography, Sixteenth Century Manila
(1950): 38-49. nF. Landa Jocano, The Philippines and Culture Society (Manila, 1975), p. Source Materials, 12Scott, Prehispanic
MS",
Journal
of
the Royal
Asiatic
Society
of Great
of Early
Filipino
and Ireland
13Francisco,
Philippine
Palaeography, 97-100. 44-50,
14Ibid., pp. 22-31, 15For diverse examples Palaeography. 16Blair and Robertson,
at
the Spanish
Contact:
Accounts
p. 53. p. 83.
the various
Philippine
scripts,
The Philippine
Islands,-
vol. XII,
of
Some Major
196.
see Figs.
8, 9 and
10 in Francisco,
p. 241.
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Philippine
a
Equivalent Tagalog
Ilocano
No.
ka
ga
ta
nga
na
da
3
De Mas
V >C
3
ii 31 >>
4
De
5
De Mas
V ^C 3 *I JK 3
2
San
3
Agust?n
Mas
7
Esguerra
8
Mentrida
9
De
Mas
Pampango
10
De
Mas
(?)
11
Riedel
(?)
12
Riedel
Fig. 4.
J:
51^
js^
3i
^
S
^
>> ^ >->
j-^
L-0 t-*>
'f =?
it; 3l ?X> *? rr
-^
^ \^
y
y
i
i* r
*
1/ s i
V
?
?
S
v -H- ?L D? dv
Philippine
pa
* QS
V ^
Chirino
Jacquet
Pangasinan
o, u
**/* X ^ !c 31 ?>5 ^ fcr ?
1
6
Visaya
e, i
syllabaries [after
y z?
& fr
iF
de Tavera] (from Francisco, Philippine
This content downloaded from 195.34.79.174 on Thu, 12 Jun 2014 18:30:18 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
P
Plate 1. A Contemporary Example of Mangyan Script (From A. Postma, The Unchanging Mangyan" in Filipino Heritage: The Making of A Nation, vol. 2, pp. 555-60).
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Cham
of the Philippine
Origin
51
Scripts
letters of this nation, it is quite evident that they are all taken from the Moro "17 from the Arabs. Malays and originated in his Descriptive Dictionary John Crawfurd, Two centuries later, the Englishman first and the Indian Islands Adjacent Countries, published in 1856, stated his view of was a He noted that "the form of the characters is, local invention. that the script and
moreover, wholly different from that of any Malayan alphabet, and the Philippine writing must, therefore, be deemed indigenous".18 The last 150 years have seen the emergence of a diverse literature relating to Philippine scripts and many of these works have con tained suggestions and opinions as to the origin of the Philippine scripts. A survey of are included in Francisco's these opinions, together with an exhaustive bibliography, Philippine Palaeography, culled from this work.19 1. In his similarities
and the following
brief overview
of
the major
theories
is
1883 compilation The Alphabet, Isaac Taylor proposed, on the basis of Indian scripts, that the Tagalog script was introduced directly from
with
Bengal prior to the eighth century A.D., and that the Sulawesi and Makassar alphabets were in turn derived from the Tagalog script. in his Philippine in 1943, suggested Indie Studies, published 2. Fletcher Gardner, on were the of Brahmi and basis Karoshti scripts, that the Philippine invented, scripts by Indian priests or scribes who had travelled to Southeast Asia. This was an extension of ideas put forward in his earlier work Indie Writings of theMindoro-Palawan Axis, written in collaboration with Ildefonso Maliwanag. 3. In 1948, David Diringer, the compiler of The Alphabet, A Key to the History ofMankind, put forward the idea that the scripts derived from Javanese alphabets and arrived in the Philippines through the intermediary of the Buginese script. This theory into the syllabaries of Sulawesi and subsequently evolv of Javanese graphs developing and Robert into the Philippine ing scripts was also endorsed by Harold Conklin scripts do not record final consonants of the scripts from Java, and supports the idea that the Buginese script, which likewise does not record final consonants, was an intermediate form. William Henry Scott also believes that the model of the Philip pine scripts "was probably a script employed by a Sulawesi people like the Bugis whose
Fox. Fox suggested that the fact that Philippine against the idea of direct introduction
militates
language makes little use of final consonants".20 (The Buginese syllabary is illustrated in Fig. 5.) 4. In an article "Some Data on South Indian Cultural Influences in South East in Tamil Studies in 1964, V.A. Makarenko Asia", published proposed a Tamil origin for Philippine from South India into Southeast Asia scripts, suggesting a migration in 200 B.c. and claiming that archaeological evidence from the Philippines supported the theory. These,
the main
17Ibid., vol. XL,
theories which
had been proposed
for the origins
p. 49.
A Descriptive Islands and Adjacent Dictionary of the Indian in Asia Historical Oxford 1856; Singapore, published 1971), p. 348. Reprints, pp. 4-20. Palaeography, 19Francisco, Philippine 18J. Crawfurd,
20Scott, Prehispanic
of Philippine
Source Materials,
p. 61.
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Countries
(originally
Geoff Wade
52
"
*? *
ma
sa
da
/7N
<^
na
la ?a
*?
^*?
^>
^ ra
qa
O?
^^ ha
<^ Aira
^ ya
/^ ja
^
A7ipa
5^
ca
nga
X>
rcg/ca
ta
ga
N^
**
?
^V
ba
X
*?
ka
pa
*}
S?\
^
w? /?ca
o^
*$
*2^
li lu le lo id Fig. 5.
The Buginese syllabary [from G.C. Campbell, Compendium (London, 1991), p. 1503].
scripts prior into two:
to the publication
of Philippine
Palaeography,
1. Direct Indian introduction of scripts. 2. Development of the Philippine scripts from the Buginese the Javanese alphabets.
of the World's Languages
can be basically
divided
script and ultimately
from
and direct Indian introduction of scripts Francisco rejected the idea of migration on both chronological and linguistic/palaeographic while he rejected the grounds, reason see cannot for the that "we any "Buginese theory" palaeographic (epigraphic) own opinion as to the affinities between the two systems of writing".21 Francisco's study and origin of Philippine scripts was based on his wide-ranging palaeographic in and he of other of Southeast Asia, parts comparisons early Indian-inspired scripts same as to the Sumatran the concluded that the Philippine family scripts "belong systems". He also quoted Mervyn Jaspan, the investigator of the Sumatran scripts, between who had previously concluded that "there is a high degree of correspondence Indie scripts".22 In a later publication, Sumatran and Philippine his view more specifically:
Francisco
set down
The ancient syllabic writings of the [Philippine] islands are believed to have their ancestry in the South Indian Pallava Grantha script. But their development into what they were (and still are as they are being used by the Tagbanuawa of Palawan and Mangyan of Southern Oriental Mindoro) can only be understood in terms of their
intermediate
forms
in Sumatra.23
p. 87. Palaeography, 2Francisco, Philippine 22Ibid., p. 84. in the Philippines: Fourth Sri Lanka Indian Culture Views and Reviews, 23J.R. Francisco, on Friday 1985 (Kuala Lumpur, 18 Oct. of Malaya Fund Lecture delivered at the University
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Endowment 1985), p. 49.
Cham
Origin
of the Philippine
53
Scripts
The wide-ranging debate on the direction/orientation used in the writing of the not will treated be here, as, given that there have been reports of Philippine scripts and bottom-to-top vertical, horizontal, left-to-right, right-to-left, top-to-bottom writing of the scripts, I do not believe that this has a great bearing on the quest for the origins of the scripts. III. A Possible
Cham
Origin?
The historical role of the Cham people who have, over the last several millennia, re resided in regions which today form parts of southern Vietnam and Cambodia, mains one of the least researched aspects of Southeast Asian history. However, it is obvious from those sources currently available that their maritime activities were very extensive
that the role they played in regional trading networks was far from standard reference work on Champa remains Georges Maspero's Le more recent de but research, Royaume Champa24 mainly by French scholars, is also available. A valuable collection pf articles on Cham history, culture and literature, en titled Kerajaan Campa, and edited by ?cole Fran?aise d'Extr?me-Orient was published negligible.
and
The
in Jakarta under
the auspices of Balai Pustaka in 1981.25This work contains a biblio of works relating to Champa and Cham studies graphy, compiled by P.-Y. Manguin, and this constitutes the most complete bibliography of such works to date.26 In his La Statuaire du Champa, J. Boisselier provides a wide-ranging study of Cham icono graphy, including some references to relevant inscriptions.27 The epigraphic history of the Cham kingdoms has been detailed in the Bulletin and other publications of the over the last century. English translations of many ?cole Fran?aise d'Extr?me-Orient of the inscriptions were provided by R.C. Majumdar in his work on Champa published in the 1920s.28 Majumdar an important article on also subsequently contributed the palaeography of the Cham inscriptions.29 However, despite the not insignificant amount of research, little attention has been paid to the relationship between the Cham scripts used in the inscriptions, and the vernacular, cursive "modern" Cham scripts, or to the evolution of the latter. It was this "modern" script upon which and Cabaton based their Dictionnaire Cam-Fran?aise,30 published in 1906. that by examining this more recent form of the Cham graphs in tandem with the epigraphic forms seen in the inscriptions we will be able to identify some of the precursors of the graphs seen in the Philippine scripts. In the introduction to their dictionary, Aymonier and Cabaton provided examples
Aymonier I believe
24G. Maspero, 25?cole
Le Royaume
de Champa
d'Extr?me-Orient Fran?aise pp. 297-318.
26Ibid., 27J. Boisselier,
La Statuaire
28R.C. Majumdar, ad 2nd-16th Century
Champa:
du Champa: History
(Paris,
1928).
(ed.), Kerajaan Recherches and Culture
1985). (Reprinted Delhi, 29R. C. Majumdar, "La Pal?ographie des XXXII D'Extr?me-Orient (1932): 127-39. and A. Cabaton, Dictionnaire 30E. Aymonier
Campa sur of
Inscriptions
(Jakarta, les Cultes
an Indian
et L'Iconographie Colonial Kingdom
du Champa",
Cam-Francaise
1981).
(Paris,
Bulletin
1906).
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de
(Paris, 1963). in the Far East
l'?cole
Fran?aise
54
Geoff
Wade
of the standard Cham scripts used in Vietnam (A) and Cambodia (C) (for which see as 6 the and described variants and follows:31 Figs. 7) 1. Akhar Srah (Regular Script) ? This was the standard cursive Cham script used in to the Aksar Chrieng of the Khmers. It corresponded Vietnam and Cambodia. 2. Akhar Tapuk (Literary Script) ? This was a form mainly used in Cambodia. ? A variant in 3. Akhar Garmi? script also used by the Chams ("Spider Legs") Cambodia. ? for invocations etc. It is unusual 4. Akhar Yok (Mystic Script) Used in Vietnam the in that, unlike the standard syllabary, the consonant graphs are read without following "a". 5. Akhar Atyo'l ? A script variety used in Vietnam. With more flourishes, it is a termed script. "monogram" 6. Akhar Rik ? Used in Vietnam. A special form of the syllabary, where the graphs strokes. The similarity of these upper horizontal "hang" from upper horizontal to matra horizontal strokes which characterize the Indian deva-nagari strokes the is notable. graphs particularly (For illustrations of some of these scripts, see Fig. 8.) these varieties and providing illustrations of their diversity The point inmentioning is to suggest that there were many variants of scripts in use among the Cham, which for the in turn means that any of several variants might have provided the model graphs. The diversity of graphs in individual Indie scripts is stressed by Philippine De Casparis who has noted that "it is impossible to determine the precise shape of an but not completely is a kind of ideal which can be approximated aksara, which attained. In fact, every aksara occurs in a number of variants: the range within which the
aksara
'moves'".32
Below, I would like to compare in the Cham script, in an attempt pine syllabaries, I have used, first, Palaeography,11 which Philippine
graphs with those seen examples of the Philippine to demonstrate various similarities. For the Philip some of the examples provided by Francisco in his are derived as follows:
Bisaya script from Esguerra (1747). (1604). Tagalog script from Chirino Christiana (1593). Tagalog script from Doctrina script from Fox (1950). Tagbanuwa 5. Mangyan (1953). script from Conklin (Hanunoo)
1. 2. 3. 4.
other Philippine examples are taken from Scott34 and comprise the "standard" example from the Francisco Lopez typefont of 1621 and various examples from seven teenth century documents. The epigraphic Cham graphs are taken from Majumdar35 and comprise graphs from (A) the Vo Canh inscription (second to third centuries A.D.); (fourth to fifth centuries A.D.); (C) the Diidng (B) the M?-sdn stele of Bhadravarman
The
31 Ibid., pp. x-xxii. 32J.G. de Casparis, to c. a.D. 1500
(Leiden,
Indonesian 1975), p.
Palaeography: 10.
A History
of Writing
p. 91, Fig. 1. Palaeography, Philippine Source Materials, pp. 57, 60. 34Scott, Prehispanic du Champa", "La Pal?ographie des Inscriptions 35Majumdar,
in Indonesia
the Beginnings
from
33Francisco,
pp.
128-29
and Plate
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IX.
ALPHABET
CAM DK L'ANNAM(,). VOYELLES.
p
t
t
?
^
^
e
o
ai
J
ft
or,
on n
p
p
?
am
au
-^
^
n
ah
CONSONNES.
ha
hha
ga
gha
iw
ca
cha
ja
jha
?o>
r
Vs ?a
tha
<^
v
6.
va
Cham
as
hha
no>
w
{or) (na)
iw)
mo>
na
(?a)
(ma)
y da
w ha
^ la
alphabet
Cam-Francaise,
dha
ir
r"
or
ya
w
ha
plia
nr
y
da
q^
pa
Fig.
y
(/m)
used
va
in Vietnam
(from
Aymonier
and
Cabaton,
p. xviii).
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Dictionnaire
ALPHABET CAM Du CAMBODGE. VOYELLES.
tue
ai
CONSONNES.
kha
(ca
y
g lia
ga
XT
y
JIT
no>
G^ no>
(?a)
(<%*)
?f
na
?a
cha
ja
jhu
ta
iha
da
dha
no>
(na)
da
pa
plia
ba
bha
mo>
(ma)
ha
y^
JT ya
g*
va
?f
la
va
ha
sa Fig. 7.
(?a)
Cham alphabet as used in Cambodia Cam-Francaise,
pp.
(from Aymonier
and Cabaton, Dictionnaire
xviii-xix).
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AKHAR SRAH
m
uni
hadhar
panuo'c
uni
hau
dih
adauh
nl
hlam
kubav.
pamr?>
hau
h?h
lapci
rupft
holt
cci
AKHAR YOK.
n -
r -
? ?
i - m ?{) t - i -
?J
a -
/// -
h
t
//
AKHAR
ni
li
pa
-
i
n
//
/,- ?/- ?a - v
-
pa
?j
no* -
ha
RIK.
h- u? ha
ti -h-u?h
?
- u- h
? -ffa-ra
y
v
ri-o-m-?
u?
la
AKHAR ATUO'L.
? 3/* o%&?f> eT2/^ m
Fig.
8.
Variant
?-va-?-
forms
?? /r
of
Cham
ham
scripts
adit
(from
Aymonier
som
and
a?ar hut
Cabaton,
Dictionnaire
Francais?).
This content downloaded from 195.34.79.174 on Thu, 12 Jun 2014 18:30:18 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
Cam
58
Geoff
Wade
(c. A.D. 675); (D) the "Yang Tikuh" stele Mong plinth inscription of Prak??adharma at -D?-tr?ng (A.D. 799); (E) the Po Nagar inscription of Jaya Indravarman. The entire comparative chart of graphs from these inscriptions is provided in Fig. 9. The "modern" and Aymonier, with Vietnamese Cham examples are from Cabaton script variants variants indicated marked and Cambodian by (C). (A) To assist in the analysis, several charts of Indie scripts used in Southeast Asia are appended and will be referred to in the discussion. These are taken from Diringer's The Alphabet16 Palaeography31 (Fig. 12), (Figs. 10 and 11), Francisco's Philippine "Les ?critures Jensen's Sign, Symbol and Script (Figs. 13 and 14), and Damais' Continental".39 d'origine indienne en Indon?sie et dans le Sud-Est Asiatique IV. Comparison
of Philippine
and Cham
Scripts
(i) The Vowels 1. "A"
The Philippine graphs for "A" show the distinctive "V" shape, so characteristic of the modern Cham script graphs, with the closed upper left-hand loop of the Cham letter being replaced, in the Philippine examples, by one or two strokes. Southern Southeast Asian examples seen in Indian examples of "A" in Fig. 11 and mainland or "V" and these might equally be con "U" show the essential 13 also element, Fig. sidered as possible archetypes.
Philippine Scripts
\f
V
tn
tyo
f
fin
Modern Cham a
a
(A)
(C)
298. A Key to the History The Alphabet: (London, 1968), vol. II, pp. 244-45, of Mankind p. 94. Palaeography, 37Francisco, Philippine to Write (London, 38H. Jensen, Sign, Symbol and Script: An Account 1970), pp. 388, 395. of Man's Effort indienne en Indon?sie et dans le Sud-Est Asiatique "Les ?critures d'origine continental", 39L.-C. Damais, Nouvelle Bulletin de la Soci?t? des ?tudes S?rie, Tome XXX Indochinoises, (1955): 365-82. 36D. Diringer,
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III (M2D VO-CAflH Ml-S?fl
ff
+
ft
C^
0) s
ca
f
kh g
m
IV (?SD (ri?4) VO-CAMHMi-son
<M?11) (n?23) j (ns47) DUOH6-M0ri6 YAMGTIKUH po riASAft
S
* %au?
n
C?
S
CJ
? y
ch
E E)
J
?3"
a,
a -u
?.
m
*
ru ru
s?
w
*$ ? 1
O
bj!5 \l I ( I
?v?
a
s%
? ?
??
o
c\
rv
05
5 ? O
? ?) ?a ?ji ^ ^)
AS ? ?OS) S)w ^J
is
IS)?i ?JD ^JfSS
k
?
n -a
on on
3C? t
A X"
5,T
S
f5i?
a m?d
o c?a
I m?d
0
kh d
3
Q L l?
dh
O Q
o
cV X
*? 3
4
m?d
S t
2J& 9,?A3^ss
Fig.
9.
Comparative Inscriptions
3 3
?U
m?d
o
o
o CG ?
?K
G
c? ?T \l 7 H
f 3
table of epigraphic du Champa", Plate
Cham
graphs
5o
GOO
ai m?d
fl
1 S? OU
g?>
0 m?d **->'
3
m ai
?
u m?d
a ?
? r
?\ (from Majumdar,
"La Pal?ographie
IX).
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"^ des
g?
ta
"S*
o
m
la jwa
|ba "F
^
T y
pa
da
SI
ml
^
?JJI
<*
w
JL1=1= -9
_^L
xn TP
H:
l\
x
^
=2=
C
X
CO
El c
n
Zl T
v]
SI
_o3 A/ a
o.
r
RE
RT
A 3
-?
c
^
7/1
G
il Et
il
SI
s_
iL >^
3
0 J
El
n_
X
X
~J_
?L P u
X
vO
?
-^
69
X
2L
3
7*
Un v -/
X ul T)
2}L
v
ir VI
;
n
0/1 W
i
T
hA 3
?
liai
v?!
T
?
u
L?.\ 1
c*
c.
?
>9
1/
?j
~v71 r
2 3 "y 6
<>7
2?L X
\?
1717 2] JJ
T71
M
18.16. The main alphabets of Further India, particularly of the Philippine Islands (based or Kavi. 7-8, Early on F. Gardner, Philippine Indie Studies, 1943). 1-6, Old Javanese Sumatra.
9, Batak
19, Pangasinan.
Fig.
character. 20, Pampangan.
10, Buginese. 21, Tagbanua.
11-14,
Tagalog. 22-26,
10. Comparative table of Indie syllabaries used The Alphabet, p. 298).
15-16,
Mangyan
lloco. varieties.
in Southeast Asia
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17-18, 27-30,
Bisaya. Buhil.
(from Diringer,
MOOCftN NOMTI
SOUTM-IHOIAN ?ROTOTYPtS 'g -
?
?
'? i J * r\ V X X ?
* 3
H
?
3
1
T
?
It t o
0
tu* Uha
t 1 A
3a
L
L
L
'4a dha na ca tKa da
dha na oka fea feha ma
?ia ra la va ?a sa Sa -?L?k.
z
? e
C C
> c
s
fi ?tf to
o
0 ?
1 I
x ; o
0
< >
Q 9 0 111 I L L a
Q
i
a
v ? r 1
? ? ? E K <
c 0 I <, E ft O D 1 ? u a
<*> ?c
S)
1/^
l
"?> ?-r o
Ci *y yyj C\ 1* ?U w _A? ?/ ?J ^u
L & * "h c c o o
*
? X A ? o r D J-X JL L
i o L i? v>
o
A Q
C
<> ?
< J
k-,
A, I
?y *
Lr
u
A*
IP
u
? ?
-\
cL J
VO oX;
?
D
*( M
H
>l 1 ti 7 ??5 ?i n XI
t? \?
A; TA/ ?i) ?^ ^ ^9 ^
Fig. 11. Comparative
to o Ci 1
cJ) ?
5 O
?
c5
P C
6
t c t
O a
eUJ t?
o
a
s? d ^?
?n ?\ q n r Pi
^>
f
z
J
?
6
V
u ? u 2j T.; U U Q cD ?o
?/
6 T\
3
Co
v J
I Z Z I J 3
o 'S
d
*^?
^
?
*>
*?
t
*/
Z.?
? 0 h U lu a
a
u5 t?
S" 3
y
T
K IM
a
V
?
1
* a
t ?
?
2
?Mi
c3 ?
TL
f * t * *
t
?-* u rel="nofollow">
cKa
tka
t
*A S
?L t
? o
a t \ r\
* 3
m
6
?
L ( ?y
?h* ca
jfia na ta
L
5R >w ^
*u e^
a
^>
%
e
? =?5
table of Indie syllabaries (part) (from Diringer, The A
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INDIA
SOUTH
go ?cq
+
ka
5d ?a
CHAMPA
So g<
|q o<
-?q 3<
?q .:<
a ^
^
4
+ At IT t
^
g.d ?d p< g< ^
?*
* &
$
?
r^
A
d) ^
k
JAVA
?o ?5?
Sri ?<
?
i3
?
f
^
<^> <3
I ta
MALAYA
IP
I
?^
da
!?
e,3?2?-??.?c?.
pa
I
?J vf
v
Sri |<
w?|
^
?
S <3?^
?
g, sp
^
?i^
^
y
BORNEO
So |<
^^?j"ljU
ba
I
r
QT ?j
l
? M
?
vf
J ?
?
la va
ri
eVi?rviJU?U^^^J^JA^c?l S?>*?>Z??p?JV?P?J)?J>^t?o South
India (After
Fig.
12.
Comparative
Philippine
table
of
Palaeography,
and Southeast
Asian
Alphabets
Sivaramamurti)
Indie
syllabaries
used
in Southeast
Asia
p. 94).
This content downloaded from 195.34.79.174 on Thu, 12 Jun 2014 18:30:18 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
(from
Francisco,
Pho netic value
Kyok 15a
painted
:n
Bur mese
Boro mat MS.
03
?
3. B
3D K\ m
*o
m
3ao
^? O tfi
oo
fl W
o
er H CS
ktjo n
y*
Ul
o^o
na ca
M
eV
M
VP
xy
o
?ifa
v
c'a
CO
JL
30
n
qT
c: CJ
/V da
etf
ai
# a u
?
Ar>
en
CD
?fra m da df?a
Q
QO
o
fia u
^o
10
bhc
Ti
00
Si
?
Si w
OJ
tft
?l ?l
(7b o?
CO O
13.
Comparative
OO
Ln
uo
table
t/
y
ID
Ci
t;
Indie
w syllabaries
zn
used
U)
"5 *
T
u
V)
U5 D o) 2.
??T^J
?> ^
~g.
7"
c$
z5"
~Z
xo
7>
U5 z
^
ai
o
<W cU
3
?A
of
2X0
K
O 6^ JL s ?
S)
(ST ?^ M
v^/
?
e<^
?=l^
^.
Jo U
<*uJ
Hf
a
XL
SX
?S
n
i_n
_?_
#
O V
?C}
"^
U
O
bd
-a
?J
CD
OJ
2/)
IP
6a
/c
VJ
U
(?
*3S
tf
<3
L9
i/
c5T
(T> h ?
? t?
>
Ktf"
K?
AT
L
1C
o
vo
VO T IS
jJL ^
?
?.
OP
(TO
9
pa
Th
~z
o w
v<\
TSf
o
QV) d
li?
Ol cA T
?
&
cu
?U
O
00
cJ
O
db
c*
OJ
N)
OD
ai
ar
U
?T
?T
?
?/r
d/)C na
*o
69
*T K
cr 0^
/a
JO
9
Pu
ir
e? CJ
Yf?
O
9i
u tr
Old Peguan
A
(s) er ?S <s) w ^
CT)
va Jo
H
?G^ * \ QJ S M> >*> A3 TT
W
o
e&
o4
la
X
Laos script
c
ga
^a
Modern Old Cam Cam bodian bodian
P?ti mokkha MS.
Old Thai
^L 6 eT
?.
?1
y
e^
W n
in Southeast
JLT
cO
U2 Asia
Symbol and Script, p. 388).
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-?o (from
M?
w H Jensen,
Sign,
Javanese Usual i
in Si Sign ligatures
sign
-S .9? ?
3-1 ^ sf
E .r J3 (a
^r-t
~*f
~*
?
is
?aS co
3
"K?1
KL.
-ri
xr1
TO
Tfl/1
m
-^?
?'
0&
&>
w^
Vn
"
?C
^-*
*) ?
Jico
Ui
E /n/v
m &
a^vuiVI' y
/W *
O 0
/^
?J
S?>
**
&* ?
? -^
A/>
51
G U
c-,
m
(S
(W
fisC ^.
Or
X
r\
w
C
(in
u
j\
^
?
^
*$
?~>
v
??
to
c3
J? ? O?
5
ui Fig.
14.
O/IA
O
finn
J
(in/iJin
W
?
^
-=^1
n/-"'
-^
^
o
^
~
t)
<*
Comparative table of Indie syllabaries used in Southeast Asia Symbol and Script, p. 395).
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^>
?)
(from Jensen, Sign,
Cham
2.
Origin
of the Philippine
65
Scripts
"I-E"
The Philippine "I-E" graphs all comprise two transverse elements, one almost straight and one rippled. It appears that this graph evolved from the Indie "I". The "I" used in the Diidng-mong Cham inscription of the seventh century A.D. and that of the P? Nagar inscription of A.D. 965 both consist of two lateral elements. The East and West Laotian examples given in Holle40 are also similar dual-element graphs, as are several of the examples in Fig. 13. The modern Cham graph, however, is a single element graph, whereby the two elements have been joined in a single cursive stroke. This suggests that the graph was taken into the Philippines prior to the dual-element Cham variant evolving into its modern single-stroke form.
4
5
Philippine Scripts
n^
t-i.
\hJ V
*s*^
LA^ *9
CO 1
Epigraphic Cham
<~?. ?
Modern Cham
(A)
3.
Laotian Exampies from Holle
i (C)
"U-O"
The various
examples of the "U-O" in the Philippine scripts are characterized by the "3"-form. This resembles the standard deva-nagari "U" seen in Fig. 11, the Khmer "U" seen in Fig. 12, and the Assam and Lao examples of that letter.41 This appears
^K.F.
Holle,
Tabel
van Oud-
en Nieuw-Indische
Alphabetten,
2 parts
(Buitenzorg,
1882), p. 47. 41Holle,
Tabel,
pp. 46-47
and Diringer,
The Alphabet,
vol.
II, p. 254.
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1877 and Batavia,
66
Geoff
Wade
to be represented in modern Cham by the "O" graph of the Vietnamese variant, but its evolution from the epigraphic forms is not clear. Any of these graphs could have been the origin of the Philippine "U-O". However, it should be noted here that the more "U-O" is to the vowel graphs of the far related Philippine obviously closely mainland
Southeast
Asian
scripts
3
than to those of island Southeast
3
Asia.
\
y
Philippine Scripts
3
??5?5
Modern Cham 0
(A)
(ii) The Consonants 4.
"Ka"
of "ka" are not obviously antecedents of the Philippine script suggest that a more likely origin is the Cham "kha" graphs. examples, three the Philippine Although examples are more angular and generally comprise Southeast Asian scripts distinct strokes, the evolution from the "kha" of the mainland is obvious if one examines the examples of "kha" given in Fig. 13.Most of the main land Southeast Asian examples comprise variations on a single-stroke graph resem The Cham
examples and I would
to top-right, and crosses bling the numeral "2". The stroke begins top-left, moves to bottom-left This before crossing laterally and ending at bottom-right. downwards a to to in been horizon have the Philippine examples simplified general shape appears stroke tal stroke from top-left to top-right, a vertical stroke and a further horizontal to bottom-right. The epigraphic and "modern" Cham graphs all from bottom-left show variations of the "2"-form, but it is the epigraphic forms which provide the most itmust be stressed that the Philippine examples resemble the likely antecedents. Again, Southeast Asian forms far more closely than they resemble the island South mainland east Asian graphs.
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Cham
Origin
of the Philippine
m
67
Scripts
X
+
b?
>=>
Philippine Scripts
Epigraphic Cham
Modern Cham
5.
o>a
kh
ca
hka
kha
(A)
(C)
"Ga"
? a basic stroke The Philippine examples of "ga" generally comprise two strokes a to further cursive stroke extending the right. This is the "3"-form, and comprising or or modern North South Indian "ga" forms, and notably unlike any of the early indeed unlike any of the island Southeast Asian forms of that graph. I suggest that the Philippine shares with Laotian "ga" is derived from the Cham "gha", which examples42 an initial downward stroke element, resembling the "3 "-form to differing and a right-hand extension or "tail". The "gha" degrees, as its left-hand component, for the graph of the Yang Tikuh inscription (a.d.799) provides a striking prototype "ga", with its "3"-form and "tail" extending to the right. It is not known Philippine how long that particular "gha" graph remained in use in Champa, but its vestige are still obvious in the "modern" Cham graph. characteristics
42Holle,
Tabel,
p. 43.
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68
Geoff Wade
c
3x
}\
?,
j
Philippine Scripts
31
Wf-*-
Epigraphic Cham
?n>
C^
gh
Modern Cham
gha 6.
"Nga"
The resemblance between the Philippine examples and the "modern" Cham "nga" is marked. The "3"-form of the Cham "nga" appears in most of the Philippine examples
as
variants
a
of
semi-circle,
although
in at
least
one
of
the
the
examples,
"3"-form has been retained. The remainder of the Cham graph appears to have been stylized, in the Philippine examples, into an extended ripple to the right. A number of mainland script "nga" share some common elements, but none resem ble the Philippine graph so strikingly as does the "modern" Cham example. The seen in Fig. 9 appear as unlikely antecedents, Cham forms and this would epigraphic that this "modern" Cham had evolved in suggest graph Champa prior to the period when the graph was adopted into the Philippine scripts. 1
3 y?
v
v<
Philippine Scripts
^~y^o\ Modern Cham
~jyj
-2t~ sysi^ss*^.
(3*3) (?a) (C)
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*yv
Cham
7.
Origin
of the Philippine
69
Scripts
"Ta"
The Philippine examples of "ta" are quite varied, but appear generally to share the characteristic of a cursive "V"-shape, with a single-line curvilinear extension to the right or from the base. I suggest that this is derived from the Cham "tha". The "tha" graph in the Diidng-mong inscription of c. A.D. 675 appears to have been an antece dent of the graph which was borrowed for "ta" in the Philippine scripts. The incipient as is the curvilinear extension. It is not known how this Cham "V"-shape is obvious, graph changed in subsequent epigraphic use, but in the "modern" Cham variants, the extension from the "V" has evolved into a loop. The Philippine "ta" thus probably developed
from an intermediate
Philippine Scripts
form of the Cham
<*r
kr
Epigraphic Cham
for "tha".
<
y?
?S
cp 6-p
th
graph
0
ip
J)
(C
v <%~
t?)
Modern Cham
tha
tha
(A)
8.
(C)
"Da"
The Philippine examples of "da" generally comprise two strokes and share similar ities with the early Indian and Assam examples provided by Holle.43 The Indian a horizontal top stroke, with a curvilinear line, almost forming a examples comprise to the Javanese graphs illustrated in Figs. 10 and below. Similarities right-facing hook, 12 should be noted. The Cham "da" seen in the Diidng-mong inscription also shows a similar graph.
43Ibid.,
In the Philippine
examples,
the horizontal
stroke and the curvilinear
pp. 42-43.
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70
Geoff
Wade
some metamorphosis stroke (or their vestiges) are both still present, although has above the horizontal stroke beginning and scrolling occurred, with the curvilinear down below it. Obviously, given the widespread use of similar "da" graphs throughout India and Southeast Asia, a solely Cham origin for this Philippine graph cannot be the Cham "da" forms which had the Diidng-mong However, graph as their precursor can equally be considered with others as possible prototypes of the The "da". "modern" Cham "da" is unlike its Philippine equivalent and is Philippine demonstrated.
unlikely
Philippine
to have been
the model
the latter was based.
upon which
Scripts
1
2
3
5
4
3
td
*
z- ?
%: ? v*/fe
v
Indian Examples from Holle (Sixth to Ten Centuries)
*c
??U..UL
:.z.
Epigraphic Cham
Q L
5
B
A
C
D
\? E
Modern Cham
da
dha (A)
da
dha (C)
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?fc
Cham
Origin
of the Philippine
71
Scripts
"Na"
9.
or curved two strokes ? a horizontal "na" generally comprises Philippine stroke below. This cor lateral stroke above and a straight or rippling perpendicular responds with the remarkably constant "na" graphs in various early Indian and South east Asian examples (see Figs. 10, 11, 12). The "na" graphs of the four later Cham top stroke of varying lengths, inscriptions below show graphs comprising a horizontal The
element below. The loops of these graphs appears to have with a looped perpendicular more into a ripple, or completely dis in the cursive evolved, examples, Philippine a the "modern" line. Cham graph is sufficiently dif Again, straight appeared, leaving ferent from its Philippine script was adopted prior
equivalent to suggest that the "na" graph in the Philippine to the evolution of the "modern" Cham "na".
T*
T
Philippine Scripts
Epigraphic Cham
V
Tf
C
D
E
(Y)
no>
(na) (A)
10.
T
? X
M
B
Modern Cham
tj\
no*
(na) (C)
"Pa"
In all of the Philippine examples of "pa", there is seen the distinctive "V"-shape so of the "modern" Cham script, with a short second stroke extending out wards from the right-hand arm of the "V". The origins of this graph can be seen in the epigraphic Cham examples B, C and D below, which also comprise an incipient indicative
"V" and an extension.
are also
likely related to the Javanese and Balinese "pa" section of Damais' comparative table in Fig. 15. graphs shown The marked similarity of the earlier "pa" and the "modern" Cham "ba" seems to suggest that the latter might be derived from the former. These
in the Siddham?trk?
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72
Geoff
TX?
l/*>
\f
V
Wade
Ve
Philippine Scripts
Epigraphic Cham
m 3
Modern Cham
11.
L&
r ?ff
ba
(A)
(C)
"Ba"
The kidney-bean scripts typifies the "ba" graph in the Philippine shape which could have evolved originally from any of many Indian or Southeast Asian scripts, as all used an indented circle or "box" to represent the syllable "ba". Figs. 9-13 show a it cannot be stated with any certainty from diverse range of these graphs. Obviously, which of these scripts the Philippine graph was derived. An absence of data as to to the Vo-canh of Cham "ba" subsequent inscription preclude examples epigraphic "ba" graph. It should further comment on the possible Cham origin of the Philippine be noted, however, that the "modern" Cham examples are assuredly not the precursors of the Philippine graph.
o
o
^>
o
Philippine Scripts
Epigraphic Cham
Modem Cham
v
vr ba
bha (A)
y*
r
bha
ba (C)
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>
A. Type
to. ?\i - N R h? V^- Ca^JU.C.30
B.
ANCICN
PAUAWA
pa.
ma.
EVOLUTION PU TVP? PALLAWA
reK. Sa. KHM&?. ??^Cok
*
8SI
?TflH^rt U.K. Cat ?;3SO & t
p?^-yC cw?-j;*'*.
II
?.400
8
Ti? K?rx-
?U
2J
1
Ce RrvAt?Vvc.l*S0 ^Y*-
*Ui*:,u\-?
600
Ko?
?j
#
?J
X
?
?J ?j
cU
a
<#
k^wSL l?o^
?j
cU
?74
Ptf/lWsUu? Liftef
8f
LaX Ca*w
pewi^i?L? G-rocW-L
TMAt
??^K'^U?0ll?5
*
li
JJ
73SL *
?I
15.
?
d'origine
OU*
.V
TU-t
H
SJ
Wixx
?f
?S
MaU
?S
B
?S
a1
?J
?S
?S
Li^
table indienne
LAO
<*
3irt.n*
of en
five
Wa_t
MocL
?<+99?
aksaras
Indon?sie
Po. w
u
ur
V
ir 2/
u
?y
Tvu
Cra
Co
r
Wir
ar
5J
\5S%
in various et dans
H-L
w
?J
f7
-TWoX; lS*+? C7
Vo^- ?oJk.
SJ
?T) 61
PV^ Nc
cU
a
u
Comparative
?S
KIV?-??n u
L.a^?f>w^
es
ir
SUMPlT?iA ?
?J
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Pm.H
it gS
Lo.KY?p'u.a. ?2-\3
Uof'V>wL*-?c.?00
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775
Fig.
4/
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Sri W?jaya. ?26 Cco^cU
U
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G?wW-JUwU. 1**0| S?
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00
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AJ
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HOM
cU
CU
Cry,-fl^,pTtc.C2S' J> Ti-I
CtMfn
?5
?J
MtWlAl^VcAfo
^^ *r5jB?
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i3r?.?ifc T?l A*v 11 67 s
?-**5?
PV?.p^tw.^?. (KMtd
3?
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K?K R.oV
?J ?u^pfi
pu.
?93
PrXi?b l^KwIt04l
*AUM<WT*M V<^.t?.
ta.
C.
Southeast
le Sud-Est
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Tf-o
Asian Asiatique
scripts
(I) (from
continental",
Da Fig.
J>. PALEOBALINAIS
et PALCOSOUNPANMS fcx 9H
*n?L fa.
pa.
u
DT
?.
S/PDHAMATRKA
?cl.
?S
to. J^Wfl K?Uia
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pa*
3AMTA (sON
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9i?+ m n
<. 9$2
To^W^o^?
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?.
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??
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Su^ISili
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u
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(M
C
1134
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(?
Mr;
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lA|l t.XV*i
KolwoJiI //
?333
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?rov^xe
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u
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i I ?3S" pKo^wx*.H?J?ou57
/r
JvT
u
S)
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Bir Tocboc/ C- VI l S //
?J>
?50
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23
tpPlNC
F^Pgj^jgp
TRANSITION
hb 17*9 25U
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S3
-
170a nSVi
Fig. 15.
g? 9
??<
(cont'd)
r>J>
ivj
Cham
12.
Origin
of the Philippine
75
Scripts
"Ma"
The Philippine examples of "ma" all share the characteristic of a "V"-shaped first stroke element, with a second transverse stroke closing the neck of the "V". These can be compared with the diverse "ma" graphs in Figs. 10-15. Such a comparison reveals "ma". that the Khmer and Cham graphs show the greatest affinity with the Philippine can as The development of the Cham graph be described follows: The Vo-canh and examples, both of the early first millennium A.D., comprise a single stroke which itself, forming a symmetrical graph with an enclosed space at its base. By the eighth or early ninth century, the Yang Tikuh inscription showed a graph obviously ? first a requiring two strokes "U"-shaped stroke and secondly a transverse stroke The "modern" Cham with the the "U". graph shows a further development, closing "U" having become a "V", but still with the transverse stroke crossing or closing the
M?-Sdn crosses
the Yang Tikuh "ma" and the Philippine examples is particularly worthy of attention. The beginnings of a loop or extension on the right-hand arm of the Philippine graphs may indicate that an intermediate form between the Yang Tikuh and the "modern" Cham "ma" was the model for the "V". The
Philippine
remarkable
between
similarity
"ma".
V
Philippine Scripts
Epigraphic Cham
O 3
m 3
~c?
*y
xr
b t?
y
>
ore CO
B L? A
Modern Cham
V mo>
B
(X) (ma)
D
V mo>
(ma)
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Geoff Wade
76
13.
"Ya"
Again the Philippine graphs show the distinctive "V"-shape so characteristic of the "modern" Cham syllabary, with the addition of a semi-closed or full loop on the right hand extension of the "V". These examples are singularly unlike any of the examples of "ya" in the Indian or island Southeast Asia scripts, but similar to the Old Thai and Laos examples seen in Fig. 13. The similarity between the Philippine and "modern" examples is particularly obvious and strongly suggests the influence of some of the "modern" or transitional Cham graphs in the formation of the archetypal
Cham
Philippine
script.
Philippine Scripts
I/o
xf
?fi%a %\
Modern Cham
b3ko
1^
&&-
ft*
y?~
%
Tr ya
ya (C)
(A) 14.
5
z/0
(& r>
v?
Epigraphic Cham
4
3
2
1
"La"
In general, the examples of "la" in the Philippine scripts comprise a scroll-like transverse stroke as the upper element and a curved or rippled perpendicular stroke "la" derives from the Indie "ra". In his ex below. It is suggested that the Philippine Fran amination of the phonetic change of Sanskrit words taken into the Philippines, that "the Sans, r tends to become Phil. l".u It would thus not be surpris "ra" the if ing graph was adopted to represent "la". Many of the Indie "ra" graphs illus in Fig. 15 show a similar form, comprising an initial lateral stroke trated by Damais
cisco notes
^J.R. Francisco, ture (Quezon City,
Indian Influences 1964), p. 258.
in the Philippines,
with
Special
Reference
to Languages
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and Litera
Cham
Origin
of the Philippine
11
Scripts
or curved stroke. In the "modern" Cham example, the and a second perpendicular lateral stroke is obvious, while at the base of the perpendicular stroke there is a loop, which may be the origin of the rippling in the perpendicular stroke of the Philippine example.
-?
y
Philippine Scripts
?3,
rfrr
Tiff?
Modern Cham
Zf
op
r ra
(C)
15.
"Wa"
The Philippine examples of "wa" yet again exhibit the hallmark "V"-shape of the modern Cham syllabary. It appears very likely that the Philippine "wa" graph is derived from the "va" of the Indie scripts. Francisco's observation that when Sanskrit words were taken into the Philippine languages, the Sanskrit v was represented most frequently it is the graphs which provide the by b or w,45 strengthens this probability. However, strongest evidence. The epigraphic Cham examples, particularly the P? Nagar example of the tenth century, display the incipient "U" or "V" and this suggests the possibility that the Philippine "wa" was adopted from the Cham graph "va". However, a number of South Indian scripts and Javanese inscriptions also show similar "va" and itmust be admitted that a Cham origin is only one of several possibilities. The projection seen on the lower-right of the "modern" Cham graph appears to be a quite modern innova tion and there is no indication in the Philippine "wa" graphs that their precursor possessed any such projection.
45Ibid.
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78
Geoff
1
Wade
5
4
3
-o Philippine Scripts
9
?;^/?t>
/
Epigraphic Cham
*X.
?
Modern Cham
^V2?<;
5 o o
r
va
va
(A) 16.
(C)
"Sa"
The hallmark "V"-shape of the "modern" Cham script is again present in the Philip pine graph. The unifying element of the various Philippine examples of "sa" appears to be a "V"-shaped first stroke and a cursive addition to the right, either as a separate second stroke or as an extension of the first stroke. This suggests some element on the right-hand side of the "V" in the archetypal model. The early Southeast Asian graphs for "sa" generally show a "U" or "V" shape with a projecting stroke to the left of the Philippine "sa". We (see Figs. 12 and 15). These I feel are not antecedents should, rather, look to the graphs for the retroflex sibilant "sa" (Holle's "Sh") in the Indian and Southeast Asian scripts as probable archetypes. These generally comprise a "U"- or "V"-shaped element with a transverse stroke closing the "U" or "V" (see Fig. 11). The early Cham variant of that form can be seen in the Vo-canh inscription. However, by the time of the P<5 Nagar inscription of 965 A.D., a more likely antece dent graph had appeared. In this inscription, the retroflex "sa" graph shows an element on the left which appears to be the origin of the "V"-shape of the Philippine graph, while the right-hand part of the P? Nagar graph, together with the "tail", seems to be the origin of the cursive right-hand element of the Philippine graph. In some cases, the Philippine examples still manifest vestiges of the "tail". Related examples of this graph on the Southeast Asian mainland include the "sa" of Old Khmer, now obsolete,46 and the Thai "sdd".47 Both of these graphs comprise a basic "U" form, with a short transverse stroke crossing the right-hand arm of the
"U".
Jenner and Saverous Pou, "A Lexicon ^P.N. (Hawaii, 1980-81), pp. viii-ix. 47M.R. Haas, Thai Vocabulary (Washington,
of Khmer
Morphology",
Mon-Khmer
1955), p. 517.
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Studies,
vols.
IX-X
Cham
Origin
of the Philippine
79
Scripts
Philippine Scripts *%>&>
Epigraphic Cham
y
S1
&?
14 Modern Cham
'
So,' *
S^3
Old Khmer
17.
Thai
"Ha"
The graph for "ha" in the Philippine scripts is almost uniformly a single curvilinear to from The Indian and Southeast Asian scrolling top-left bottom-right. of the first millennium A.D., including those of Champa, all show variations examples of a common reversed "N" form (Figs. 11 to 13), which, when "flattened", produces stroke
the form manifested in the Philippine examples. Obviously, given the almost identical in many Indie scripts, it is not possible to state with any certainty which par ticular graph or graphs gave rise to the Philippine form. The present thesis of a Cham if the graph origin is supported by the "ha" in the Yang Tikuh inscription. However, was adopted from the Cham, the borrowing would have occurred prior to the final form
evolution hand
of the "modern" Cham
side of the "modern" Cham
form, as a loop subsequently
evolved on the left
graph.
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80
Geoff Wade 1 Co
3
5
CO
IS
Philippine Scripts
Epigraphic Cham
?,
co lo
1r
co
oo
W
?
Modern Cham
C/ rel="nofollow">
0^9
(iii) 77ze Vocalic
/?rt
ha
(A)
(C)
Indicators
As noted above, the Philippine scripts have long employed vocalic indicators (called in Tagalog48) to alter the vowel with which a consonant is read. That placed
kudlit above nant
a consonant changes
the
changes vowel
the
to "i" or
vowel to
sound
"o"
or
"e", while
that
placed
below
the
conso
"u".
I believe that the origin of these two vocalic indicators may lie in the Cham vocalic indicators. The "modern" Cham script uses a cursive stroke, which almost forms an is to be read with an "i" instead oval, above a consonant to indicate that the consonant of with the usual "a". It also employs a shorter stroke below a consonant to show that the consonant is to be read with a following "u". These are by no means the only vocalic indicators in Cham, but they may be the models of those used in the Philippine scripts. The fact that the vocalic indicators in the Philippine scripts are generally or not I dots semi-circles think does represented only by preclude their derivation from the Cham
indicators. ka
r
ki
* 48Scott, Prehispanic
Source Materials,
f
ku
p. 58.
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Cham
of the Philippine
Origin
(iv) The Lack
of Consonantal
81
Scripts
Endings
A major problem which has perplexed researchers looking at the Philippine scripts of is why the graphs of the syllabary are not used to indicate the final consonants words which occur in the Philippine languages. If the archetypal Philippine script was derived from a script used by speakers of a language with final consonants, why is it are not represented in the Philippines? Postma49 has dis I think, the claim that the lack of final consonants in the Makassar these of and makes antecedents the Mangyan scripts likely scripts Bugis languages use the vir?ma in De however asks of the why, given script. widespread Casparis50 Indonesian scripts to indicate vowel-less consonants, the Mangyan extension, (and, by other users of Philippine scripts) would not have employed such a device, unless they adopted a script adapted to a language without final consonants. The Cham language, that the final consonants
missed,
correctly
like many
and these are languages, does employ final consonants a current thesis of Cham origin is valid, I can offer script. If the as to possible reasons for the absence of final consonants in
other Austronesian in Cham
represented two suggestions
only
Philippine scripts: 1. The Cham script was
introduced to the Philippines by fishermen or others, from not fully versed in the islands or the Southeast Asian mainland,
either the Philippine script.
2. The Cham script was taken to the Philippines by Chinese, Japanese or Viet namese. The speakers of these languages, in their representation of foreign terms, place It would than on final consonants. considerably greater stress on initial consonants thus have been more
difficult for them to have explained the feasibility of using the to consonants. The examples of the seventeenth century phonetic final represent script names in the Philippine of representation script, given by Scott,51 such as "A-gu-ti Lu-ma-ba" for Augustin Lumabag and "Do A-gu-ti Wi-ka" for Don Agustin Wika, are very similar to the manner
in which
the Chinese
would
have syllabically
represented
names.
such
Another perplexing aspect of the Philippine scripts is the complete absence of graphs to represent numbers. I can offer no plausible explanation for this phenomenon, but it would seem to preclude the possibility that the syllabary was introduced into as a tool of trade. the Philippines (v) Summary The
comparison
and analysis
above
suggest
(1) The three vowel graphs of the Philippine any of the Southeast Asian scripts.
that: scripts could have been adopted
from
virtually (2)
The
Philippine
consonants
could have been derived
"ka",
"da",
from any of a number
"ta",
"na",
"ba",
of Southeast
"la",
Asian
"wa"
scripts,
and
"ha"
including
Cham.
49A. Postma,
Mangyan Scripts", "Contemporary Indonesian 50De Casparis, p. 67. Palaeography, 51 Source Materials, Scott, Prehispanic p. 54.
The Philippine
Journal
of Linguistics
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(1972):
1-12.
82
Geoff
Wade
consonants (3) The Philippine "ga", "nga", "pa", "ma", "ya" and "sa" display characteristics which can be best explained by attributing a Cham origin to them. I would suggest that the archetypal Philippine script evolved from Cham graphs, or possibly Cham and other mainland some at time prior to the full emergence graphs, of the "modern" Cham script. Some Philippine graphs share greater similarity with of the Cham while others are obviously more closely epigraphic examples equivalents, related to the "modern" Cham graphs. An important point which should be stressed is that the Philippine South scripts appear to be more closely related to the mainland east Asian scripts than to the Javanese scripts. This fact, I would argue, supports the idea of a mainland origin more firmly than a thesis suggesting the derivation of the Philippine scripts from any of the scripts of island Southeast Asia. The propositions that the Philippine graphs were derived from less complex scripts, such as those of Sumatra or Sulawesi, and in their subsequent development, evolved more to into with chance such those of mainland by great similarity complex graphs Southeast Asia are, I feel, untenable. The recently-recovered Laguna copper-plate is dated Saka 822 (A.D. 900) and Antoon Postma
inscription, published only in 1992,52 is of the opinion, which is confirmed De Professor that the is Kawi of the ninth to tenth centuries. by Casparis, script Early The aksaras do indeed share remarkable similarities with those of the Balingawan (A.D. 891), Er Kuwing (c. A.D. 913) and Linggasuntan (A.D. 929) inscriptions of Java. to The language of the copper-plate be a melange of Old Javanese, inscription appears Old Tagalog and Sanskrit. If the proposed Philippine provenance of the at is accepted, it suggests obvious Javanese influence in the Philippines copper-plate that time. However, itmust be stressed that there is nothing to suggest that the Philip pine scripts, as they have been recorded since the sixteenth century, were derived from
Old Malay,
the script used in the Laguna copper-plate inscription. noted above for various of the Philippine characteristics as does the fact that the script used for the Laguna
The
distinct palaeographic graphs suggests otherwise, represents final inscription
consonants.
Further research into the evolution of is undoubtedly necessary. Only through of the Philippine graphs, will the period mined and will it be possible to state with
the Cham, Khmer and other mainland scripts such research, in tandem with further studies of use of specific graphs be more firmly deter any confidence when such graphs were adopted
in the Philippines. V. Historical
Background
If the Philippine scripts, scripts were derived from Cham, or from other mainland the question of how and when this occurred is of some importance. The researches over the last half century have suggested quite widespread maritime of archaeologists contacts between the mainland and island Southeast Asian cultures from at least the beginning of the iron age. Articles by W.G. Solheim53 and others in the journal Asian
52A. Postma, 183-203.
"The Laguna
Copper-Plate
Inscription:
Text
and Commentary",
Philippine
Studies
40
(1992): Asian
II, "Further Relationships 53See, for example, W.G. Solheim 8, 1 (1964): 196-211. Perspectives
of the Sa-huynh-Kalanay
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Pottery
Tradition",
Cham
Origin
of the Philippine
83
Scripts
over the last 30 years have shown quite strong cultural affinities between Perspectives the Sa-Huynh culture, associated with the Proto-Chams in today's Southern Vietnam, and the Kalanay culture of the Philippines. Earrings with three lugs (lingling-o) and animal-headed projections which are found in both cultures, together with the pottery between the mainland and traditions, suggest cultural contacts, and thus movement, the Philippine islands over several millennia. The Indie influences on the Philippine islands have been the subject of much in the Philippines research conducted by Francisco, and his Indian Influences provides a wide-reaching in study of the spheres in which Indie influences can be observed that linguistic and archaeo Philippine cultures. He has noted in a further publication logical data suggest that the 400 years from the tenth to the fourteenth centuries were the major period of Indian influence in the Philippines and that "Indian cultural in the fabric of Philippine elements as they are now discernible culture can only be ... who or terms in of of the the the Chams Javanese, explained intermediary Malay first received these Indian elements."54 The Cham influence in this respect should not, I feel, be understated. Provided that its Philippine provenance and authenticity are confirmed, the Laguna Copper-Plate Inscription appears to constitute the earliest textual evidence of Indie influence in the Philippines. The inscription suggests that various Sanskrit terms, were the title in use in the Philippines in A.D. 900. Chinese sources including sen?pati, of the Song dynasty also provide strong evidence for Indie influence in the Philip or Collected pines. The imperially-commissioned Song Hui-yao Ji-gao (^H^gH^I), was Institutes of the Song Dynasty in successive versions from the (Draft), compiled of the thirteenth century, on the beginning of the eleventh century to the middle basis of memorials, documents and local records. This was one of the basic palace sources used in the compilation of the dynastic history, the Song Shi (^^ ). In the a section of named "Pu-duan" country "Foreigners" Song Hui-yao Ji-gao (^^ ) is now widely accepted, that Pu-duan detailed. The identification, Butuan represented inMindanao was first made, according toWolters,55 by Grace Wong in her 1979 article "The Place of Porcelain" in Chinese Celadons and Other Related Wares in Southeast Asia. The Song Hui-yao Ji-gao noted of this entity: Pu-duan had
contact
lies
of Zhen-zong nan who had products
in the ocean.
with
and
China.
(Sept./Oct. sent been red parrots....
It is contiguous In the ninth month 1003), by
with
Champa
of
the sixth
and year
had [previously] in the Xian-ping
not reign Jia-mi
Li Yi-han and the deputy envoy came and offered tribute of local king Qi-ling, In the second month of the fourth in the Da year the envoy
their
who had again been zhong Xiang-fu reign (Mar./Apr. 1011), the envoy Li Yu-xie sent by the country's came with a memorial ruler Xi-li on Pa-da-xia-zhi, engraved a gold to offer of cloves, tribute white tortoise-shell and red tablet, camphor, parrots_56
in the Philippines, p. 51. 54Francisco, Indian Culture "A Few and Miscellaneous Pi-Chi 55O.W.Wolters, Jottings 58-59.
on Early
Indonesia",
Indonesia,
no. 36 (1983):
of the full Ji-gao 197, p. 7761. A translation (Beijing Zhonghua Shuju, 1957), juan 56Song Hui-yao in China Before 1500 (Manila, passage, as well as the Chinese text, are to be found inW.H. Scott, Filipinos 1989), pp. 27-28 and 45.
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Geoff Wade
84
Here, we read of the names of two rulers of Pu-duan, or possibly alternate names of the same ruler. The first name Qi-ling (^?g? ), which is read "G?-l?ng" in Hokkien, to refer to likely represents the word "Keling", a term used inMalay and Cambodian southern Indians or to Indians more generally. The origin of the term appears to be between the Indian place name "Kalinga", now part of Orissa.57 Possible connections the "Keling", noted as a major serpent deity (Naga King?) of the also be investigated. The second name/title mentioned, Xi-li Pa-da-xia an Indian title. Read in Hokkien, is undoubtedly the characters zhi (^^!?^CJgS), are pronounced S?t-l? B?-dai-ha-zhi, which can be reconstructed as "Sri Maharaja".59 this term and Iban58 might
use of the term "maharaja" in the Philippines is discussed by Francisco.60 The to the eleventh above passage, referring century, appears to be the first textual early use an area which is part of the modern Philippines. of the title in reference to the in this text, is also indica inscribed in gold, mentioned The submission of a memorial The
tive of Indian
and shows that some script was
influence
in use in the area during
the
eleventh
century. in this Given that there are such references to Indie influence in the Philippines it came presents itself. As noted previously, the period, the question of from whence while the Javanese influence, suggests Philippine Laguna Copper-Plate Inscription scripts suggest Indie influence from other areas. translated above is included under The Song Hui-yao Ji-gao reference to Pu-duan the "Champa" section of that work. In the section translated, we read that "Pu-duan ... is contiguous with Champa". Later, in the same text it is also noted that "Pu-duan to mean either that This can be construed is under Champa" (?S?S??AiAT). was or was to" it that "subordinate "inferior to" Champa Pu-duan Champa. Regardless of where one chooses to draw the assumed limits of the political power of that these two polities bordered each the Chinese recognized Butuan and Champa, other and thus, by inference, were in contact. A further reference of possible relevance in the Chinese work Zhu-fan Zhi, completed is contained in the account of Cambodia is listed an entity named in 1225. Under the "dependent countries" (|? EH) of Cambodia island of Basilan, Bo-si-lan (ifcMW)-61 This verv likely represents the Philippine
A Malay-English 57See R.J. Wilkinson, 1932), vol. 1, p. 542; (Romanised) (Mytilene, Greece, Dictionary Indian Influences and Im Proum, Cambodian-English 1977, p. 13; and Francisco, Glossary, A Glossary in the Philippines, of Colloquial Anglo p. 59; Henry Yule and A.C. Burnell, Hobson-Jobson:
F.E. Huffman Indian
Words
and Phrases
58A. Richards, An initial 59The b/m
1903), pp. 487-90. 1981), pp. 150-51. (Oxford, of in the Phonological "Studies in Yen Sian-lin's History of Illinois, Spoken Amoy 1965). Yen quotes from Bodman's University there exists a structural contrast of plain to state that in Amoy Chinese
(London:
Iban-English in Hokkien
Amoy Chinese" (PhD dissertation, as follows: "It is simpler Hokkien
John Murray,
Dictionary is discussed
variants of vowels after all initials, and that b and m, I and n, and g and ng are merely nasalized " a plain or nasalized follows. Yen (p. 34) also analyzes on whether vowel or dipthong each other, depending in early Hokkien observed is frequently variants of /m/. This characteristic "m" and "b" as allophonic read with an initial "b" are often used to represent terms where characters of non-Chinese representations is a case in point. the "ma" of "maharajah" the foreign initial "m". The use of "ba" to represent in the Philippines, Indian Influences p. 19. Francisco,
versus
61Zhao Ru-gua, translation
English Chinese
and Arab
Research Office edition; Taiwan, 1961), p. 35. An (Taiwan Bank Economic Chau Ju-kua: His Work on the in E Hirth and WW. Rockhill, is contained entitled Chu-fan-chih in the Twelfth and Thirteenth Centuries, 1911). (St. Petersburg,
Zhu Fan-zhi of the work Trade
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Cham
of the Philippine
Origin
85
Scripts
and Sulu. Wolters62 notes that the only reason the iden lying between Zamboanga tification of Bo-si-lan with Basilan had not previously been proposed was that Bo-si lan had been noted as a dependency of Cambodia. The links which I am proposing make it possible that during this period dependencies of Cambodia indeed lay in areas which are today part of the Philippines, and this possibility is supported by the dynastic history Song Shi which noted Wen-xian Tong-kao, compiled in its account of Champa: The
of Champa
country
that Bo-si-lan lay to the southeast of Cambodia.63 The in 1307 but on the basis of many earlier sources, noted
lies
southwest
of China.
To
its east
lies
the ocean,
to itswest there lies Yun-nan. To the south lies the country of Zhen-la to the north
and
the east seven
lies Huan
Subprefecture-Beyond a two-day [Mindoro], journey,
lies Ma-yi
days
it, across while
...
the ocean
the country
while
[Cambodia]
of Pu-duan
to lies
distant....64
these Chinese sources should note that Mindoro and Butuan could be reached from Champa is perhaps significant in terms of the trading routes known to the Chinese at that time. Two recent articles have further stressed the importance of the routes connecting maritime the medieval mainland Southeast Asian polities with the islands and The Borneo. ceramic Philippine specialists Burns and Brown have, in a in Vietnam in 1990,65 noted the marked similarity of paper presented to a conference wares found at the ancient Cham capital of Tr? Ki?u and assemblages of Guang-dong those found at Butuan, and on this basis have suggested trade links between the two areas in the tenth century. The economic historian Ptak has also used a diverse range of sources to demonstrate how these routes between mainland and insular Southeast Asia were tied into a much broader network of trade links over the fourteenth to six That
teenth centuries.66 Lastly, we should perhaps look at an account from the late 1820s, written by J. Dalton and originally carried in the Singapore Chronicle in March and April 1831. Dalton had travelled extensively throughout Southeast Asia and in particular in the seas around Borneo, Sulawesi and the Southern islands of the Philippines. In this account he noted: The opinion of many of the enlightened Bugis with whom I have conversed is that most
of
is a large belonged
these
islands
country to them.
were
lying The
stocked from Siam originally to the westward of China, which of the Cochin-Chinese language
and Camboja. the Siamese bears
The say
a greater
latter
formerly to
affinity
that of the Bugis than does the former to the language of Tonkin, and the Siamese no difficulty in understanding on extensive trade carried
have very
has
them_There between
Siam,
been
from
Cochin-China
time and
immemorial, numerous
the
tribes inhabiting the large tract of country about the mouth of the Camboja
62O.W. Wolters, (1983): 49-65. 63Tuo-tuo
"A Few
and Miscellaneous
Pi-Chi
Jottings
on Early
Indonesia",
river;
no.
Indonesia,
36
See p. 63. et al, Song
Shi (Beijing Zhonghua Shuju, 1977), juan 489, p. 14,087. Wen-xian MMa Duan-lin, juan 332, "Champa". Tong-kao, 65P. Burns and R.M. Brown, in Ancient Town of "Eleventh-Century Cham-Philippine Foreign Affairs", Hoi An, ed. The National on the Ancient Committee for the International Town of Hoi An Symposium (Hanoi, ^R. Moluccas
1991), pp. 64-67. "The Northern
Ptak,
(14th to Early
Trade Route
16th Century)",
to the Spice Islands: South 43 (1992): 27-56. Archipel
China
Sea -
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Sulu Zone
-
North
86
Wade
Geoff likewise with of
perhaps
part of Borneo
islands, including the Northern
the Sooloo The
the Celebes.
communication
it is more
continues;
yet
or
and hundreds of prows annually sail from the continent to the numerous amongst
the Sooloo
seas,
must,
per-force,
travel
emigration,
which
which
tion, former
of
system
continually
its superabundant a continuation is merely
This
westerly.
popula of the
most
stocked
doubtlessly,
originally,
islands
them
into
pouring
and
less direct
these
of
islands with human beings. Megidano is one of the first islands in the eastern seas; it contains as many square miles as the largest of the Philippines, and is peopled an
with
throughout
of men
race
industrious
from
the
of
shores
Camboja_I
have been informed by anakodahs of the Cochin-Chinese prows (one of whom was a rajah) who had frequently been on these voyages that the greater part of Megidano and others of these islands, have a population as dense as that of any part of northern
and
China;
that
from
Cochin-China,
alone,
states
native
including
about
the mouth of the Camboja river, there sail annually, 140 prows large and small, direct toMegidano. These prows carry from fifty to five hundred passengers, who to pay prows of
and who
thither
emigrate
their
passage
sailing
from
...
Cochin-China of population than The dano;
500
the same
prows
to the
island
sources.
is generally
language and
westward
the
a rajah
spoken
calculation,
coasts
of
eighty
of the Emperor a similar density there are not less islands_
Palawan of
period
amount
less than
to these
throughout the
a certain
not to
presents
of Camboja,
along
particularly
were related
of Borneo
coast
for
the yearly
that,
of Palawan
a moderate
At
services
their
told me
by part
from
annually
sailing
Cochin-Chinese further
rajah
northern
same
the
sell
arrival,
same
is governed
extreme
the
from
parts
Palawan
size.
considerable
their
upon
over_The
and Megi
the more
westerly
islands, it ismixed with the Bugis. On the northern points of Borneo, the Cambo jan
language
is as much
spoken
as
any
other-67
that Dalton was neither a linguist nor a historian. It must be stated immediately and com own history is somewhat obscure, but some details of his background can be gleaned from Tarling.68 Dalton admitted to being an in mercial aspirations suggest that his conclusions were not quisitive adventurer and many of his comments on observations. based Despite this, he did travel and enquire widely impartial always in the area and there are at least two points which make this passage worthy of quoting at such length. The first is that there appears to have been, in the early nineteenth cen
His
(formerly Champa) (Cambodia), Cochin-China tury, much contact between Camboja the and the islands of Philippines, using maritime technologies which had been available for millennia. The second is that there was a contemporary popular belief that some area had derived from Cambodia, of the Borneo/Sulu of the population suggesting emigration of some considerable antiquity. This further strengthens the possibility that there was population movement between Champa, Cambodia and the Philippine islands during
the medieval
67J.H. Moor,
period.
on
Notices
1837, reprinted Singapore on the Diaks of Borneo".
Frank
the
and Politics 68N. Tarling, Piracy Asia South-east (Melbourne,
Century
and Archipelago and Co. Ltd., London,
Indian
Cass
in the Malay 1963), pp.
World: 112-14,
A
Countries Adjacent 1968). See pp. 46-47
Study
of British
(originally published of "Mr Dalton's Essay
Imperialism
117.
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in Nineteenth
Cham
Origin
of the Philippine
Scripts
87
VI. Conclusion The palaeographic evidence strongly suggests that the archetypal Philippine script was derived from a mainland Southeast Asian script, and it is Cham which provides the most consistent affinity and most likely origin. The textual evidence also suggests contacts and possibly political relations between Champa, Cambodia and maritime over the period from the tenth to the fifteenth cen parts of the modern Philippines turies, when Indie influences were being introduced to those islands. The mainland Southeast Asian influences on Philippine cultures, as well as in which moved in the opposite direction, need to be subjected to much greater sphere, but also investigation, not only through further research in the palaeographic and more importantly through comparative archaeological, linguistic and ethnographic studies.
fluences
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On the Possible Cham Origin of the Philippine Scripts Author(s): Geoff Wade Source: Journal of Southeast Asian Studies, Vol. 24, No. 1 (Mar., 1993), pp. 44-87 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of Department of History, National University of Singapore
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http://www.jstor.org
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Journal
Asian of Southeast ? 1993 by National
Studies
24,
University
1 (March 1993): 44-87 of Singapore
On the Possible Cham Origin of the Philippine Scripts*
GEOFF WADE University I. The Philippine
of Hong
Kong
Scripts
a most In 1593, there was printed in Manila remarkable xylographie (wood-block) Juan de Plascenia's Doctrina Christiana in Spanish, romanized comprising some and as While there is still to whether debate Tagalog Tagalog script (see Fig. I).1 to be published this was the first book in the Philippines,2 there appears book,
little doubt
that it constitutes
extant printed
the earliest
example
of any Philippine
script. than 10 years later, in 1604, a work by the Jesuit father Pedro Slightly more from 1590 to 1602,3 was published Chirino, who had spent 12 years in the Philippines in Rome under the title Relaci?n de las Islas Filipinas. In Chapter 10 of this work, Chirino noted: "All these islanders are much given to reading and writing and there is hardly a man, and much less a woman, who does not read and write in the letters used in the island of Manila ? which are entirely different from those of China, Japon to detail and illustrate the script he referred to, as and India."4 He then proceeded comprising three vowel graphs (used to represent five vowels) and 12 consonant graphs. The consonants, he noted, were normally pronounced with an inherent vowel-sound the addition of a vocalic indicator either above or below, could also be a following "i" or "e" (vocalic indicator above consonant) or "o" or with pronounced "u" (vocalic indicator below consonant) (see Fig. 2). Chirino's description appears to "a", but with
ideas put forward in a paper read at the twelfth Conference of the of Asia held in Hong Kong in June 1991. The author would like to express his thanks to Dr. Norman G. Owen of the Department of History, University of Hong Kong and to an anonymous and comments. reader for assistance
This
article
International
is an expanded version of Association of Historians
Source Materials *W.H. Scott, Prehispanic History for Philippine (Quezon City, 1984), p. 53. A photo was work inWashington edition of the known of the sole D.C. in 1947. Scott copy lithographic published in Prehispanic Historical Source Materials, p. 164 notes another facsimile edition published by the National in 1973. Manila Commission, ? as Doctrina The First Christiana 2In his introductory essay to the 1947 facsimile edition, published in the Lessing J. Rosenwald Collec in the Philippines, Manila 1593: A Facsimile Printed of the Copy 2nd indicated his belief that the work was tion, Library of Congress D.C, 1947), Edwin Wolf (Washington in the Philippines. P. Van der Loon, in his "The the earliest verifiable book to have been published However, XII (1966): 1-43, suggests and Early Hokkien that the Hsin-k'o Incunabula Manila Studies", Asia Major Book
chuan Wu-chi t'ien-chu chen-chuan edition Hsien shi-lu, a wood-block cheng-chiao seng-shih Kao-mu work written in Chinese of a theological and cosmographical Friar Juan Cobo, was by the Dominican in Manila in March 1593 and thus may pre-date the Doctrina Christiana. published The Philippine Islands 1493-1803 edition 3In E.H. Blair and J.A. Robertson's (Original published are incorrectly noted 1903-1909, 1973), vol. XII, p. 10, his dates in the Philippines reprinted Rizal, as 1595 to 1602. Edwin Wolf to the facsimile Doctrina adds (p. 9) that Christiana 2nd, in his introduction in 1635. there until his death Chirino returned to the islands in 1606 and remained
Cleveland
4Blair and Robertson,
The Philippine
Islands,
vol. XII,
pp. 242-43.
44
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ran
cflp^pacasflTnci e/asvs v?{
czy pito-
Iq loan, ?ngxauvYmo
ncfcap^
"tan.
? *5^ncf c?ilitogi?n
gci Utan.
.*?3ng"
Mricycqiamo?m
ca
?tpag
ci t
caen
sapqg?hum.IHngrcipa nvau?
nagbilfvin/l?ncjcatq
f\T> ^
s'^ ? *
t/p ?C \\
il?-
^
f
1.1 &-V? ^r^^ m
Fig. 1. A page from Doctrina
^ il
r^
(?% ./i) .
i
Vit?te
?TlIl^iQ^^^ll^iC?/^&H <3
ua
g* cal?lo
tQ ^-i
rn on
Christiana published inManila
This content downloaded from 195.34.79.174 on Thu, 12 Jun 2014 18:30:18 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
in 1593.
46
Wade
Geoff
on
ei
&> XXr Ba
ca
*
*
da
c? v> T ha
ga
>
xr ma
ia
?
bi qui ?i gui lu
be que de gue he
m vaca na
If
9 *
U
mi
ni
le
me
ne
t/'Va ta
fa
pa
$
fi
pe
fe
*
*
*
*
?
?
?
#
J
f
bo bu
co cu
do du
go gu
ho hu
lo lu
mo mu
no nu
po pu
(o fu
Fig. 2.
9
9
pi
y*
p
ti yi
te
yc
>
*
to tu
The "Manila" syllabary from Chirino's Relaci?n de las Islas Filipinas
yo ytt' (1604).
the earliest description of the "Manila" (Tagalog) alphabet, or more precisely of its use. (as pointed out by Juan R. Francisco5) "syllabary", and the mechanisms de Morga's Sucesos de las Islas Filipinas, in Antonio 1609, synthesized published much of what was then known by the Spanish about the Philippine islands and in cluded details of the languages and script, recording: constitute
The they
language of all the Pintados
characters common
bark_The
No.
one
understand of
their own
manner
another which
of writing
when
and Bi?ayas talking,
is one and the same, by which
or when
with
writing
These resemble they possess. the natives is on leaves among
those of
the
of
trees
letters
the Arabs. and
and The
on bamboo
language of Luzon and those islands in its vicinity differs widely
5J.R. Francisco, Palaeography, Philippine 3 (Quezon City, 1973), p. xii.
Philippine
Journal
of Linguistics
Special
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Monograph
Issue
Cham
of the Philippine
Origin
47
Scripts
can write the islands excel natives that of the Bi?ayas_The throughout are or These the Greek characters almost like with certain Arabic. characters, lently are used as are our five. The are vowels, consonants in all. Three which fifteen with certain dots or commas, number and each and all of them combine twelve, from
so signify
and our
Spanish
whatever alphabet.
all
who
do
the natives,
not
to write,
wishes
of writing
as fluently and on bamboo,
easily
was
but
as
is done
is now
the lines at the right and running to the left in the Arabic
commencing Almost
one
The method
write
both
men
and women, and
it excellently
in this
write
fashion. are
There
language.
with
on paper,
few
correctly.6
unsigned document ascribed to Diego de Bobadilla S.J. and dated to c. 1640, contains a further discussion and illustration of the script used in Luzon.7 An in does not include the like Chirino's, teresting point of note is that this illustration, graphs for "nga" and "wa" (see Fig. 3). in Francisco Colin's The last seventeenth century reference of note is contained Labor evang?lica, dating to the second half of that century, where in reference to the he noted that "The vowel letters are only three in number, "letters of the Filipinos", but they serve for five in their use; for the second and third are indifferently e, i, y, An
o, or u, according as is required by the meaning or sense of the word which is spoken are thirteen in number and serve (except at the beginning or written. The consonants of the phrase or initial letter) as consonant and vowel; for the letter alone without a dot above or below, is pronounced with 'A'. If the dot is placed above, the consonant is pronounced with 'e' or T. If the dot is placed below, it is pronounced with 'o' or 'bi' or 'be', and with the dot below *u\ Thus the *B'with the dot above is pronounced as opposed to 'bo' or 'bu'."8 The importance of this reference is that 13 consonants, the earlier 12, were recognized. Rather than continue to relate the historical references to Philippine scripts, itmay be sufficient for our purposes here simply to note that over the ensuing centuries, it became obvious to outside observers that the syllabary comprised three vowels and 14
\>cu
?*
cd
?^ I
i
h+.??. Fig. 3.
J?4U
Sd
to,
y&u
rw rvu.
Illustration of "Tag?l" script from unsigned document ascribed to Diego de Bobadilla S.J.
(c.
1640).
The Philippine 6Blair and Robertson, pp. 288-90. 7Ibid., vol. XXIX, 8Ibid.,
rut,
ch rh
?u. ce. cu>.m.n?
c&. c?. to.
rnxz^
Ia
fux,
vol. XL,
Islands,
vol. XVI,
pp.
115-17.
p. 49.
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48
Geoff
Wade
consonants. Pardo de Tavera provided a useful table of the graph variants recorded by various writers on the scripts and this was reproduced by Francisco (see Fig. 4).9 It is perhaps pertinent to note here that the "Boxer Codex", ascribed by Boxer to c. 1590,10 includes a reference to Philippine scripts, which states inter alia, "They have neither books nor histories, and they do not write at length except missive and notes to each other. For this purpose they have letters which total only seventeen."11 That the "Boxer Codex" and Doctrina Christiana, both ascribed to the 1590s, should record 17 "letters" in the Tagalog script, while many subsequent seventeenth century works recorded only 15 or 16 such "letters", suggests either chronological or, discrepancies more likely, that the Spanish came to their understanding of the Philippine scripts separate and diverse channels. recent discoveries of early examples of the scripts include over 100 specimens of Filipino signatures dating from 1603-1645, held in the University of Santo Tomas and the Philippine National Archives.12 The veracity of the only known example of a inscribed earthenware pot, the famous Calatagan Pot, is still possibly prehispanic through More
being debated.13 In addition, the continuing use, up to the present, of varieties of the scripts by the of Oriental Mindoro, has provided resear Tagbanuwa of Palawan and the Mangyan chers with much information on various modes of script use as well as legends pertain ing to the origins of the scripts.14 An example of contemporary use of Mangyan script is illustrated
in Plate
1.
That the scripts used for writing the Tagalog, Bisayan, Tagbanuwa and Mangyan languages share a single, original source is powerfully suggested by their common the elements,15 and it is the quest for this single source which has long occupied attention of scholars. II. Theories
on the Origin
of Philippine
Scripts
The early Spanish observers were not averse to musing on the origins of the scripts in the Philippines. Chirino's observation that the letters used by the they observed were from of different those China, "entirely Filipinos Japon and India" suggests that he did not recognize any connection between the scripts used in the Philippines and in other areas of Asia. He did note however that: the modes of writing employed ... had no letters until, a few years ago, they borrowed theirs from the "The Bisayas "16 In the second half of the seventeenth century, Francisco Colin was more Tagalos. with "From the his opinion. forthcoming shape, number and use of the characters
Francisco, Philippine 10C.R. Boxer, "A Late Britain
p. 93. Palaeography, Sixteenth Century Manila
(1950): 38-49. nF. Landa Jocano, The Philippines and Culture Society (Manila, 1975), p. Source Materials, 12Scott, Prehispanic
MS",
Journal
of
the Royal
Asiatic
Society
of Great
of Early
Filipino
and Ireland
13Francisco,
Philippine
Palaeography, 97-100. 44-50,
14Ibid., pp. 22-31, 15For diverse examples Palaeography. 16Blair and Robertson,
at
the Spanish
Contact:
Accounts
p. 53. p. 83.
the various
Philippine
scripts,
The Philippine
Islands,-
vol. XII,
of
Some Major
196.
see Figs.
8, 9 and
10 in Francisco,
p. 241.
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Philippine
a
Equivalent Tagalog
Ilocano
No.
ka
ga
ta
nga
na
da
3
De Mas
V >C
3
ii 31 >>
4
De
5
De Mas
V ^C 3 *I JK 3
2
San
3
Agust?n
Mas
7
Esguerra
8
Mentrida
9
De
Mas
Pampango
10
De
Mas
(?)
11
Riedel
(?)
12
Riedel
Fig. 4.
J:
51^
js^
3i
^
S
^
>> ^ >->
j-^
L-0 t-*>
'f =?
it; 3l ?X> *? rr
-^
^ \^
y
y
i
i* r
*
1/ s i
V
?
?
S
v -H- ?L D? dv
Philippine
pa
* QS
V ^
Chirino
Jacquet
Pangasinan
o, u
**/* X ^ !c 31 ?>5 ^ fcr ?
1
6
Visaya
e, i
syllabaries [after
y z?
& fr
iF
de Tavera] (from Francisco, Philippine
This content downloaded from 195.34.79.174 on Thu, 12 Jun 2014 18:30:18 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
P
Plate 1. A Contemporary Example of Mangyan Script (From A. Postma, The Unchanging Mangyan" in Filipino Heritage: The Making of A Nation, vol. 2, pp. 555-60).
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Cham
of the Philippine
Origin
51
Scripts
letters of this nation, it is quite evident that they are all taken from the Moro "17 from the Arabs. Malays and originated in his Descriptive Dictionary John Crawfurd, Two centuries later, the Englishman first and the Indian Islands Adjacent Countries, published in 1856, stated his view of was a He noted that "the form of the characters is, local invention. that the script and
moreover, wholly different from that of any Malayan alphabet, and the Philippine writing must, therefore, be deemed indigenous".18 The last 150 years have seen the emergence of a diverse literature relating to Philippine scripts and many of these works have con tained suggestions and opinions as to the origin of the Philippine scripts. A survey of are included in Francisco's these opinions, together with an exhaustive bibliography, Philippine Palaeography, culled from this work.19 1. In his similarities
and the following
brief overview
of
the major
theories
is
1883 compilation The Alphabet, Isaac Taylor proposed, on the basis of Indian scripts, that the Tagalog script was introduced directly from
with
Bengal prior to the eighth century A.D., and that the Sulawesi and Makassar alphabets were in turn derived from the Tagalog script. in his Philippine in 1943, suggested Indie Studies, published 2. Fletcher Gardner, on were the of Brahmi and basis Karoshti scripts, that the Philippine invented, scripts by Indian priests or scribes who had travelled to Southeast Asia. This was an extension of ideas put forward in his earlier work Indie Writings of theMindoro-Palawan Axis, written in collaboration with Ildefonso Maliwanag. 3. In 1948, David Diringer, the compiler of The Alphabet, A Key to the History ofMankind, put forward the idea that the scripts derived from Javanese alphabets and arrived in the Philippines through the intermediary of the Buginese script. This theory into the syllabaries of Sulawesi and subsequently evolv of Javanese graphs developing and Robert into the Philippine ing scripts was also endorsed by Harold Conklin scripts do not record final consonants of the scripts from Java, and supports the idea that the Buginese script, which likewise does not record final consonants, was an intermediate form. William Henry Scott also believes that the model of the Philip pine scripts "was probably a script employed by a Sulawesi people like the Bugis whose
Fox. Fox suggested that the fact that Philippine against the idea of direct introduction
militates
language makes little use of final consonants".20 (The Buginese syllabary is illustrated in Fig. 5.) 4. In an article "Some Data on South Indian Cultural Influences in South East in Tamil Studies in 1964, V.A. Makarenko Asia", published proposed a Tamil origin for Philippine from South India into Southeast Asia scripts, suggesting a migration in 200 B.c. and claiming that archaeological evidence from the Philippines supported the theory. These,
the main
17Ibid., vol. XL,
theories which
had been proposed
for the origins
p. 49.
A Descriptive Islands and Adjacent Dictionary of the Indian in Asia Historical Oxford 1856; Singapore, published 1971), p. 348. Reprints, pp. 4-20. Palaeography, 19Francisco, Philippine 18J. Crawfurd,
20Scott, Prehispanic
of Philippine
Source Materials,
p. 61.
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Countries
(originally
Geoff Wade
52
"
*? *
ma
sa
da
/7N
<^
na
la ?a
*?
^*?
^>
^ ra
qa
O?
^^ ha
<^ Aira
^ ya
/^ ja
^
A7ipa
5^
ca
nga
X>
rcg/ca
ta
ga
N^
**
?
^V
ba
X
*?
ka
pa
*}
S?\
^
w? /?ca
o^
*$
*2^
li lu le lo id Fig. 5.
The Buginese syllabary [from G.C. Campbell, Compendium (London, 1991), p. 1503].
scripts prior into two:
to the publication
of Philippine
Palaeography,
1. Direct Indian introduction of scripts. 2. Development of the Philippine scripts from the Buginese the Javanese alphabets.
of the World's Languages
can be basically
divided
script and ultimately
from
and direct Indian introduction of scripts Francisco rejected the idea of migration on both chronological and linguistic/palaeographic while he rejected the grounds, reason see cannot for the that "we any "Buginese theory" palaeographic (epigraphic) own opinion as to the affinities between the two systems of writing".21 Francisco's study and origin of Philippine scripts was based on his wide-ranging palaeographic in and he of other of Southeast Asia, parts comparisons early Indian-inspired scripts same as to the Sumatran the concluded that the Philippine family scripts "belong systems". He also quoted Mervyn Jaspan, the investigator of the Sumatran scripts, between who had previously concluded that "there is a high degree of correspondence Indie scripts".22 In a later publication, Sumatran and Philippine his view more specifically:
Francisco
set down
The ancient syllabic writings of the [Philippine] islands are believed to have their ancestry in the South Indian Pallava Grantha script. But their development into what they were (and still are as they are being used by the Tagbanuawa of Palawan and Mangyan of Southern Oriental Mindoro) can only be understood in terms of their
intermediate
forms
in Sumatra.23
p. 87. Palaeography, 2Francisco, Philippine 22Ibid., p. 84. in the Philippines: Fourth Sri Lanka Indian Culture Views and Reviews, 23J.R. Francisco, on Friday 1985 (Kuala Lumpur, 18 Oct. of Malaya Fund Lecture delivered at the University
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Endowment 1985), p. 49.
Cham
Origin
of the Philippine
53
Scripts
The wide-ranging debate on the direction/orientation used in the writing of the not will treated be here, as, given that there have been reports of Philippine scripts and bottom-to-top vertical, horizontal, left-to-right, right-to-left, top-to-bottom writing of the scripts, I do not believe that this has a great bearing on the quest for the origins of the scripts. III. A Possible
Cham
Origin?
The historical role of the Cham people who have, over the last several millennia, re resided in regions which today form parts of southern Vietnam and Cambodia, mains one of the least researched aspects of Southeast Asian history. However, it is obvious from those sources currently available that their maritime activities were very extensive
that the role they played in regional trading networks was far from standard reference work on Champa remains Georges Maspero's Le more recent de but research, Royaume Champa24 mainly by French scholars, is also available. A valuable collection pf articles on Cham history, culture and literature, en titled Kerajaan Campa, and edited by ?cole Fran?aise d'Extr?me-Orient was published negligible.
and
The
in Jakarta under
the auspices of Balai Pustaka in 1981.25This work contains a biblio of works relating to Champa and Cham studies graphy, compiled by P.-Y. Manguin, and this constitutes the most complete bibliography of such works to date.26 In his La Statuaire du Champa, J. Boisselier provides a wide-ranging study of Cham icono graphy, including some references to relevant inscriptions.27 The epigraphic history of the Cham kingdoms has been detailed in the Bulletin and other publications of the over the last century. English translations of many ?cole Fran?aise d'Extr?me-Orient of the inscriptions were provided by R.C. Majumdar in his work on Champa published in the 1920s.28 Majumdar an important article on also subsequently contributed the palaeography of the Cham inscriptions.29 However, despite the not insignificant amount of research, little attention has been paid to the relationship between the Cham scripts used in the inscriptions, and the vernacular, cursive "modern" Cham scripts, or to the evolution of the latter. It was this "modern" script upon which and Cabaton based their Dictionnaire Cam-Fran?aise,30 published in 1906. that by examining this more recent form of the Cham graphs in tandem with the epigraphic forms seen in the inscriptions we will be able to identify some of the precursors of the graphs seen in the Philippine scripts. In the introduction to their dictionary, Aymonier and Cabaton provided examples
Aymonier I believe
24G. Maspero, 25?cole
Le Royaume
de Champa
d'Extr?me-Orient Fran?aise pp. 297-318.
26Ibid., 27J. Boisselier,
La Statuaire
28R.C. Majumdar, ad 2nd-16th Century
Champa:
du Champa: History
(Paris,
1928).
(ed.), Kerajaan Recherches and Culture
1985). (Reprinted Delhi, 29R. C. Majumdar, "La Pal?ographie des XXXII D'Extr?me-Orient (1932): 127-39. and A. Cabaton, Dictionnaire 30E. Aymonier
Campa sur of
Inscriptions
(Jakarta, les Cultes
an Indian
et L'Iconographie Colonial Kingdom
du Champa",
Cam-Francaise
1981).
(Paris,
Bulletin
1906).
This content downloaded from 195.34.79.174 on Thu, 12 Jun 2014 18:30:18 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
de
(Paris, 1963). in the Far East
l'?cole
Fran?aise
54
Geoff
Wade
of the standard Cham scripts used in Vietnam (A) and Cambodia (C) (for which see as 6 the and described variants and follows:31 Figs. 7) 1. Akhar Srah (Regular Script) ? This was the standard cursive Cham script used in to the Aksar Chrieng of the Khmers. It corresponded Vietnam and Cambodia. 2. Akhar Tapuk (Literary Script) ? This was a form mainly used in Cambodia. ? A variant in 3. Akhar Garmi? script also used by the Chams ("Spider Legs") Cambodia. ? for invocations etc. It is unusual 4. Akhar Yok (Mystic Script) Used in Vietnam the in that, unlike the standard syllabary, the consonant graphs are read without following "a". 5. Akhar Atyo'l ? A script variety used in Vietnam. With more flourishes, it is a termed script. "monogram" 6. Akhar Rik ? Used in Vietnam. A special form of the syllabary, where the graphs strokes. The similarity of these upper horizontal "hang" from upper horizontal to matra horizontal strokes which characterize the Indian deva-nagari strokes the is notable. graphs particularly (For illustrations of some of these scripts, see Fig. 8.) these varieties and providing illustrations of their diversity The point inmentioning is to suggest that there were many variants of scripts in use among the Cham, which for the in turn means that any of several variants might have provided the model graphs. The diversity of graphs in individual Indie scripts is stressed by Philippine De Casparis who has noted that "it is impossible to determine the precise shape of an but not completely is a kind of ideal which can be approximated aksara, which attained. In fact, every aksara occurs in a number of variants: the range within which the
aksara
'moves'".32
Below, I would like to compare in the Cham script, in an attempt pine syllabaries, I have used, first, Palaeography,11 which Philippine
graphs with those seen examples of the Philippine to demonstrate various similarities. For the Philip some of the examples provided by Francisco in his are derived as follows:
Bisaya script from Esguerra (1747). (1604). Tagalog script from Chirino Christiana (1593). Tagalog script from Doctrina script from Fox (1950). Tagbanuwa 5. Mangyan (1953). script from Conklin (Hanunoo)
1. 2. 3. 4.
other Philippine examples are taken from Scott34 and comprise the "standard" example from the Francisco Lopez typefont of 1621 and various examples from seven teenth century documents. The epigraphic Cham graphs are taken from Majumdar35 and comprise graphs from (A) the Vo Canh inscription (second to third centuries A.D.); (fourth to fifth centuries A.D.); (C) the Diidng (B) the M?-sdn stele of Bhadravarman
The
31 Ibid., pp. x-xxii. 32J.G. de Casparis, to c. a.D. 1500
(Leiden,
Indonesian 1975), p.
Palaeography: 10.
A History
of Writing
p. 91, Fig. 1. Palaeography, Philippine Source Materials, pp. 57, 60. 34Scott, Prehispanic du Champa", "La Pal?ographie des Inscriptions 35Majumdar,
in Indonesia
the Beginnings
from
33Francisco,
pp.
128-29
and Plate
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IX.
ALPHABET
CAM DK L'ANNAM(,). VOYELLES.
p
t
t
?
^
^
e
o
ai
J
ft
or,
on n
p
p
?
am
au
-^
^
n
ah
CONSONNES.
ha
hha
ga
gha
iw
ca
cha
ja
jha
?o>
r
Vs ?a
tha
<^
v
6.
va
Cham
as
hha
no>
w
{or) (na)
iw)
mo>
na
(?a)
(ma)
y da
w ha
^ la
alphabet
Cam-Francaise,
dha
ir
r"
or
ya
w
ha
plia
nr
y
da
q^
pa
Fig.
y
(/m)
used
va
in Vietnam
(from
Aymonier
and
Cabaton,
p. xviii).
This content downloaded from 195.34.79.174 on Thu, 12 Jun 2014 18:30:18 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
Dictionnaire
ALPHABET CAM Du CAMBODGE. VOYELLES.
tue
ai
CONSONNES.
kha
(ca
y
g lia
ga
XT
y
JIT
no>
G^ no>
(?a)
(<%*)
?f
na
?a
cha
ja
jhu
ta
iha
da
dha
no>
(na)
da
pa
plia
ba
bha
mo>
(ma)
ha
y^
JT ya
g*
va
?f
la
va
ha
sa Fig. 7.
(?a)
Cham alphabet as used in Cambodia Cam-Francaise,
pp.
(from Aymonier
and Cabaton, Dictionnaire
xviii-xix).
This content downloaded from 195.34.79.174 on Thu, 12 Jun 2014 18:30:18 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
AKHAR SRAH
m
uni
hadhar
panuo'c
uni
hau
dih
adauh
nl
hlam
kubav.
pamr?>
hau
h?h
lapci
rupft
holt
cci
AKHAR YOK.
n -
r -
? ?
i - m ?{) t - i -
?J
a -
/// -
h
t
//
AKHAR
ni
li
pa
-
i
n
//
/,- ?/- ?a - v
-
pa
?j
no* -
ha
RIK.
h- u? ha
ti -h-u?h
?
- u- h
? -ffa-ra
y
v
ri-o-m-?
u?
la
AKHAR ATUO'L.
? 3/* o%&?f> eT2/^ m
Fig.
8.
Variant
?-va-?-
forms
?? /r
of
Cham
ham
scripts
adit
(from
Aymonier
som
and
a?ar hut
Cabaton,
Dictionnaire
Francais?).
This content downloaded from 195.34.79.174 on Thu, 12 Jun 2014 18:30:18 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
Cam
58
Geoff
Wade
(c. A.D. 675); (D) the "Yang Tikuh" stele Mong plinth inscription of Prak??adharma at -D?-tr?ng (A.D. 799); (E) the Po Nagar inscription of Jaya Indravarman. The entire comparative chart of graphs from these inscriptions is provided in Fig. 9. The "modern" and Aymonier, with Vietnamese Cham examples are from Cabaton script variants variants indicated marked and Cambodian by (C). (A) To assist in the analysis, several charts of Indie scripts used in Southeast Asia are appended and will be referred to in the discussion. These are taken from Diringer's The Alphabet16 Palaeography31 (Fig. 12), (Figs. 10 and 11), Francisco's Philippine "Les ?critures Jensen's Sign, Symbol and Script (Figs. 13 and 14), and Damais' Continental".39 d'origine indienne en Indon?sie et dans le Sud-Est Asiatique IV. Comparison
of Philippine
and Cham
Scripts
(i) The Vowels 1. "A"
The Philippine graphs for "A" show the distinctive "V" shape, so characteristic of the modern Cham script graphs, with the closed upper left-hand loop of the Cham letter being replaced, in the Philippine examples, by one or two strokes. Southern Southeast Asian examples seen in Indian examples of "A" in Fig. 11 and mainland or "V" and these might equally be con "U" show the essential 13 also element, Fig. sidered as possible archetypes.
Philippine Scripts
\f
V
tn
tyo
f
fin
Modern Cham a
a
(A)
(C)
298. A Key to the History The Alphabet: (London, 1968), vol. II, pp. 244-45, of Mankind p. 94. Palaeography, 37Francisco, Philippine to Write (London, 38H. Jensen, Sign, Symbol and Script: An Account 1970), pp. 388, 395. of Man's Effort indienne en Indon?sie et dans le Sud-Est Asiatique "Les ?critures d'origine continental", 39L.-C. Damais, Nouvelle Bulletin de la Soci?t? des ?tudes S?rie, Tome XXX Indochinoises, (1955): 365-82. 36D. Diringer,
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III (M2D VO-CAflH Ml-S?fl
ff
+
ft
C^
0) s
ca
f
kh g
m
IV (?SD (ri?4) VO-CAMHMi-son
<M?11) (n?23) j (ns47) DUOH6-M0ri6 YAMGTIKUH po riASAft
S
* %au?
n
C?
S
CJ
? y
ch
E E)
J
?3"
a,
a -u
?.
m
*
ru ru
s?
w
*$ ? 1
O
bj!5 \l I ( I
?v?
a
s%
? ?
??
o
c\
rv
05
5 ? O
? ?) ?a ?ji ^ ^)
AS ? ?OS) S)w ^J
is
IS)?i ?JD ^JfSS
k
?
n -a
on on
3C? t
A X"
5,T
S
f5i?
a m?d
o c?a
I m?d
0
kh d
3
Q L l?
dh
O Q
o
cV X
*? 3
4
m?d
S t
2J& 9,?A3^ss
Fig.
9.
Comparative Inscriptions
3 3
?U
m?d
o
o
o CG ?
?K
G
c? ?T \l 7 H
f 3
table of epigraphic du Champa", Plate
Cham
graphs
5o
GOO
ai m?d
fl
1 S? OU
g?>
0 m?d **->'
3
m ai
?
u m?d
a ?
? r
?\ (from Majumdar,
"La Pal?ographie
IX).
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"^ des
g?
ta
"S*
o
m
la jwa
|ba "F
^
T y
pa
da
SI
ml
^
?JJI
<*
w
JL1=1= -9
_^L
xn TP
H:
l\
x
^
=2=
C
X
CO
El c
n
Zl T
v]
SI
_o3 A/ a
o.
r
RE
RT
A 3
-?
c
^
7/1
G
il Et
il
SI
s_
iL >^
3
0 J
El
n_
X
X
~J_
?L P u
X
vO
?
-^
69
X
2L
3
7*
Un v -/
X ul T)
2}L
v
ir VI
;
n
0/1 W
i
T
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?
liai
v?!
T
?
u
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c*
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>9
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~v71 r
2 3 "y 6
<>7
2?L X
\?
1717 2] JJ
T71
M
18.16. The main alphabets of Further India, particularly of the Philippine Islands (based or Kavi. 7-8, Early on F. Gardner, Philippine Indie Studies, 1943). 1-6, Old Javanese Sumatra.
9, Batak
19, Pangasinan.
Fig.
character. 20, Pampangan.
10, Buginese. 21, Tagbanua.
11-14,
Tagalog. 22-26,
10. Comparative table of Indie syllabaries used The Alphabet, p. 298).
15-16,
Mangyan
lloco. varieties.
in Southeast Asia
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17-18, 27-30,
Bisaya. Buhil.
(from Diringer,
MOOCftN NOMTI
SOUTM-IHOIAN ?ROTOTYPtS 'g -
?
?
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H
?
3
1
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0
tu* Uha
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u
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VO oX;
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D
*( M
H
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t? \?
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Fig. 11. Comparative
to o Ci 1
cJ) ?
5 O
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6
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a
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e
? =?5
table of Indie syllabaries (part) (from Diringer, The A
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INDIA
SOUTH
go ?cq
+
ka
5d ?a
CHAMPA
So g<
|q o<
-?q 3<
?q .:<
a ^
^
4
+ At IT t
^
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?*
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MALAYA
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da
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pa
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v
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la va
ri
eVi?rviJU?U^^^J^JA^c?l S?>*?>Z??p?JV?P?J)?J>^t?o South
India (After
Fig.
12.
Comparative
Philippine
table
of
Palaeography,
and Southeast
Asian
Alphabets
Sivaramamurti)
Indie
syllabaries
used
in Southeast
Asia
p. 94).
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(from
Francisco,
Pho netic value
Kyok 15a
painted
:n
Bur mese
Boro mat MS.
03
?
3. B
3D K\ m
*o
m
3ao
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oo
fl W
o
er H CS
ktjo n
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xy
o
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00
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(7b o?
CO O
13.
Comparative
OO
Ln
uo
table
t/
y
ID
Ci
t;
Indie
w syllabaries
zn
used
U)
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T
u
V)
U5 D o) 2.
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c*
OJ
N)
OD
ai
ar
U
?T
?T
?
?/r
d/)C na
*o
69
*T K
cr 0^
/a
JO
9
Pu
ir
e? CJ
Yf?
O
9i
u tr
Old Peguan
A
(s) er ?S <s) w ^
CT)
va Jo
H
?G^ * \ QJ S M> >*> A3 TT
W
o
e&
o4
la
X
Laos script
c
ga
^a
Modern Old Cam Cam bodian bodian
P?ti mokkha MS.
Old Thai
^L 6 eT
?.
?1
y
e^
W n
in Southeast
JLT
cO
U2 Asia
Symbol and Script, p. 388).
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-?o (from
M?
w H Jensen,
Sign,
Javanese Usual i
in Si Sign ligatures
sign
-S .9? ?
3-1 ^ sf
E .r J3 (a
^r-t
~*f
~*
?
is
?aS co
3
"K?1
KL.
-ri
xr1
TO
Tfl/1
m
-^?
?'
0&
&>
w^
Vn
"
?C
^-*
*) ?
Jico
Ui
E /n/v
m &
a^vuiVI' y
/W *
O 0
/^
?J
S?>
**
&* ?
? -^
A/>
51
G U
c-,
m
(S
(W
fisC ^.
Or
X
r\
w
C
(in
u
j\
^
?
^
*$
?~>
v
??
to
c3
J? ? O?
5
ui Fig.
14.
O/IA
O
finn
J
(in/iJin
W
?
^
-=^1
n/-"'
-^
^
o
^
~
t)
<*
Comparative table of Indie syllabaries used in Southeast Asia Symbol and Script, p. 395).
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^>
?)
(from Jensen, Sign,
Cham
2.
Origin
of the Philippine
65
Scripts
"I-E"
The Philippine "I-E" graphs all comprise two transverse elements, one almost straight and one rippled. It appears that this graph evolved from the Indie "I". The "I" used in the Diidng-mong Cham inscription of the seventh century A.D. and that of the P? Nagar inscription of A.D. 965 both consist of two lateral elements. The East and West Laotian examples given in Holle40 are also similar dual-element graphs, as are several of the examples in Fig. 13. The modern Cham graph, however, is a single element graph, whereby the two elements have been joined in a single cursive stroke. This suggests that the graph was taken into the Philippines prior to the dual-element Cham variant evolving into its modern single-stroke form.
4
5
Philippine Scripts
n^
t-i.
\hJ V
*s*^
LA^ *9
CO 1
Epigraphic Cham
<~?. ?
Modern Cham
(A)
3.
Laotian Exampies from Holle
i (C)
"U-O"
The various
examples of the "U-O" in the Philippine scripts are characterized by the "3"-form. This resembles the standard deva-nagari "U" seen in Fig. 11, the Khmer "U" seen in Fig. 12, and the Assam and Lao examples of that letter.41 This appears
^K.F.
Holle,
Tabel
van Oud-
en Nieuw-Indische
Alphabetten,
2 parts
(Buitenzorg,
1882), p. 47. 41Holle,
Tabel,
pp. 46-47
and Diringer,
The Alphabet,
vol.
II, p. 254.
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1877 and Batavia,
66
Geoff
Wade
to be represented in modern Cham by the "O" graph of the Vietnamese variant, but its evolution from the epigraphic forms is not clear. Any of these graphs could have been the origin of the Philippine "U-O". However, it should be noted here that the more "U-O" is to the vowel graphs of the far related Philippine obviously closely mainland
Southeast
Asian
scripts
3
than to those of island Southeast
3
Asia.
\
y
Philippine Scripts
3
??5?5
Modern Cham 0
(A)
(ii) The Consonants 4.
"Ka"
of "ka" are not obviously antecedents of the Philippine script suggest that a more likely origin is the Cham "kha" graphs. examples, three the Philippine Although examples are more angular and generally comprise Southeast Asian scripts distinct strokes, the evolution from the "kha" of the mainland is obvious if one examines the examples of "kha" given in Fig. 13.Most of the main land Southeast Asian examples comprise variations on a single-stroke graph resem The Cham
examples and I would
to top-right, and crosses bling the numeral "2". The stroke begins top-left, moves to bottom-left This before crossing laterally and ending at bottom-right. downwards a to to in been horizon have the Philippine examples simplified general shape appears stroke tal stroke from top-left to top-right, a vertical stroke and a further horizontal to bottom-right. The epigraphic and "modern" Cham graphs all from bottom-left show variations of the "2"-form, but it is the epigraphic forms which provide the most itmust be stressed that the Philippine examples resemble the likely antecedents. Again, Southeast Asian forms far more closely than they resemble the island South mainland east Asian graphs.
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Cham
Origin
of the Philippine
m
67
Scripts
X
+
b?
>=>
Philippine Scripts
Epigraphic Cham
Modern Cham
5.
o>a
kh
ca
hka
kha
(A)
(C)
"Ga"
? a basic stroke The Philippine examples of "ga" generally comprise two strokes a to further cursive stroke extending the right. This is the "3"-form, and comprising or or modern North South Indian "ga" forms, and notably unlike any of the early indeed unlike any of the island Southeast Asian forms of that graph. I suggest that the Philippine shares with Laotian "ga" is derived from the Cham "gha", which examples42 an initial downward stroke element, resembling the "3 "-form to differing and a right-hand extension or "tail". The "gha" degrees, as its left-hand component, for the graph of the Yang Tikuh inscription (a.d.799) provides a striking prototype "ga", with its "3"-form and "tail" extending to the right. It is not known Philippine how long that particular "gha" graph remained in use in Champa, but its vestige are still obvious in the "modern" Cham graph. characteristics
42Holle,
Tabel,
p. 43.
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68
Geoff Wade
c
3x
}\
?,
j
Philippine Scripts
31
Wf-*-
Epigraphic Cham
?n>
C^
gh
Modern Cham
gha 6.
"Nga"
The resemblance between the Philippine examples and the "modern" Cham "nga" is marked. The "3"-form of the Cham "nga" appears in most of the Philippine examples
as
variants
a
of
semi-circle,
although
in at
least
one
of
the
the
examples,
"3"-form has been retained. The remainder of the Cham graph appears to have been stylized, in the Philippine examples, into an extended ripple to the right. A number of mainland script "nga" share some common elements, but none resem ble the Philippine graph so strikingly as does the "modern" Cham example. The seen in Fig. 9 appear as unlikely antecedents, Cham forms and this would epigraphic that this "modern" Cham had evolved in suggest graph Champa prior to the period when the graph was adopted into the Philippine scripts. 1
3 y?
v
v<
Philippine Scripts
^~y^o\ Modern Cham
~jyj
-2t~ sysi^ss*^.
(3*3) (?a) (C)
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*yv
Cham
7.
Origin
of the Philippine
69
Scripts
"Ta"
The Philippine examples of "ta" are quite varied, but appear generally to share the characteristic of a cursive "V"-shape, with a single-line curvilinear extension to the right or from the base. I suggest that this is derived from the Cham "tha". The "tha" graph in the Diidng-mong inscription of c. A.D. 675 appears to have been an antece dent of the graph which was borrowed for "ta" in the Philippine scripts. The incipient as is the curvilinear extension. It is not known how this Cham "V"-shape is obvious, graph changed in subsequent epigraphic use, but in the "modern" Cham variants, the extension from the "V" has evolved into a loop. The Philippine "ta" thus probably developed
from an intermediate
Philippine Scripts
form of the Cham
<*r
kr
Epigraphic Cham
for "tha".
<
y?
?S
cp 6-p
th
graph
0
ip
J)
(C
v <%~
t?)
Modern Cham
tha
tha
(A)
8.
(C)
"Da"
The Philippine examples of "da" generally comprise two strokes and share similar ities with the early Indian and Assam examples provided by Holle.43 The Indian a horizontal top stroke, with a curvilinear line, almost forming a examples comprise to the Javanese graphs illustrated in Figs. 10 and below. Similarities right-facing hook, 12 should be noted. The Cham "da" seen in the Diidng-mong inscription also shows a similar graph.
43Ibid.,
In the Philippine
examples,
the horizontal
stroke and the curvilinear
pp. 42-43.
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70
Geoff
Wade
some metamorphosis stroke (or their vestiges) are both still present, although has above the horizontal stroke beginning and scrolling occurred, with the curvilinear down below it. Obviously, given the widespread use of similar "da" graphs throughout India and Southeast Asia, a solely Cham origin for this Philippine graph cannot be the Cham "da" forms which had the Diidng-mong However, graph as their precursor can equally be considered with others as possible prototypes of the The "da". "modern" Cham "da" is unlike its Philippine equivalent and is Philippine demonstrated.
unlikely
Philippine
to have been
the model
the latter was based.
upon which
Scripts
1
2
3
5
4
3
td
*
z- ?
%: ? v*/fe
v
Indian Examples from Holle (Sixth to Ten Centuries)
*c
??U..UL
:.z.
Epigraphic Cham
Q L
5
B
A
C
D
\? E
Modern Cham
da
dha (A)
da
dha (C)
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?fc
Cham
Origin
of the Philippine
71
Scripts
"Na"
9.
or curved two strokes ? a horizontal "na" generally comprises Philippine stroke below. This cor lateral stroke above and a straight or rippling perpendicular responds with the remarkably constant "na" graphs in various early Indian and South east Asian examples (see Figs. 10, 11, 12). The "na" graphs of the four later Cham top stroke of varying lengths, inscriptions below show graphs comprising a horizontal The
element below. The loops of these graphs appears to have with a looped perpendicular more into a ripple, or completely dis in the cursive evolved, examples, Philippine a the "modern" line. Cham graph is sufficiently dif Again, straight appeared, leaving ferent from its Philippine script was adopted prior
equivalent to suggest that the "na" graph in the Philippine to the evolution of the "modern" Cham "na".
T*
T
Philippine Scripts
Epigraphic Cham
V
Tf
C
D
E
(Y)
no>
(na) (A)
10.
T
? X
M
B
Modern Cham
tj\
no*
(na) (C)
"Pa"
In all of the Philippine examples of "pa", there is seen the distinctive "V"-shape so of the "modern" Cham script, with a short second stroke extending out wards from the right-hand arm of the "V". The origins of this graph can be seen in the epigraphic Cham examples B, C and D below, which also comprise an incipient indicative
"V" and an extension.
are also
likely related to the Javanese and Balinese "pa" section of Damais' comparative table in Fig. 15. graphs shown The marked similarity of the earlier "pa" and the "modern" Cham "ba" seems to suggest that the latter might be derived from the former. These
in the Siddham?trk?
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72
Geoff
TX?
l/*>
\f
V
Wade
Ve
Philippine Scripts
Epigraphic Cham
m 3
Modern Cham
11.
L&
r ?ff
ba
(A)
(C)
"Ba"
The kidney-bean scripts typifies the "ba" graph in the Philippine shape which could have evolved originally from any of many Indian or Southeast Asian scripts, as all used an indented circle or "box" to represent the syllable "ba". Figs. 9-13 show a it cannot be stated with any certainty from diverse range of these graphs. Obviously, which of these scripts the Philippine graph was derived. An absence of data as to to the Vo-canh of Cham "ba" subsequent inscription preclude examples epigraphic "ba" graph. It should further comment on the possible Cham origin of the Philippine be noted, however, that the "modern" Cham examples are assuredly not the precursors of the Philippine graph.
o
o
^>
o
Philippine Scripts
Epigraphic Cham
Modem Cham
v
vr ba
bha (A)
y*
r
bha
ba (C)
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>
A. Type
to. ?\i - N R h? V^- Ca^JU.C.30
B.
ANCICN
PAUAWA
pa.
ma.
EVOLUTION PU TVP? PALLAWA
reK. Sa. KHM&?. ??^Cok
*
8SI
?TflH^rt U.K. Cat ?;3SO & t
p?^-yC cw?-j;*'*.
II
?.400
8
Ti? K?rx-
?U
2J
1
Ce RrvAt?Vvc.l*S0 ^Y*-
*Ui*:,u\-?
600
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?j
#
?J
X
?
?J ?j
cU
a
<#
k^wSL l?o^
?j
cU
?74
Ptf/lWsUu? Liftef
8f
LaX Ca*w
pewi^i?L? G-rocW-L
TMAt
??^K'^U?0ll?5
*
li
JJ
73SL *
?I
15.
?
d'origine
OU*
.V
TU-t
H
SJ
Wixx
?f
?S
MaU
?S
B
?S
a1
?J
?S
?S
Li^
table indienne
LAO
<*
3irt.n*
of en
five
Wa_t
MocL
?<+99?
aksaras
Indon?sie
Po. w
u
ur
V
ir 2/
u
?y
Tvu
Cra
Co
r
Wir
ar
5J
\5S%
in various et dans
H-L
w
?J
f7
-TWoX; lS*+? C7
Vo^- ?oJk.
SJ
?T) 61
PV^ Nc
cU
a
u
Comparative
?S
KIV?-??n u
L.a^?f>w^
es
ir
SUMPlT?iA ?
?J
?g?
?T
Pm.H
it gS
Lo.KY?p'u.a. ?2-\3
Uof'V>wL*-?c.?00
IS
\OSS~
MOU
2J
775
Fig.
4/
?J
Sri W?jaya. ?26 Cco^cU
U
??ct
cU
?j
Kw
aj
IOOI di
G?wW-JUwU. 1**0| S?
??
t?
?J
00
?
?
?&.
U
CflMCfl p? Kiew? G-<w?.l550 A
AJ
T?L?\ Pra-W ?73
??tn?-T?A irlWIj^ya.
HOM
cU
CU
Cry,-fl^,pTtc.C2S' J> Ti-I
CtMfn
?5
?J
MtWlAl^VcAfo
^^ *r5jB?
*J
i3r?.?ifc T?l A*v 11 67 s
?-**5?
PV?.p^tw.^?. (KMtd
3?
?ne* ro.
K?K R.oV
?J ?u^pfi
pu.
?93
PrXi?b l^KwIt04l
*AUM<WT*M V<^.t?.
ta.
C.
Southeast
le Sud-Est
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Tf-o
Asian Asiatique
scripts
(I) (from
continental",
Da Fig.
J>. PALEOBALINAIS
et PALCOSOUNPANMS fcx 9H
*n?L fa.
pa.
u
DT
?.
S/PDHAMATRKA
?cl.
?S
to. J^Wfl K?Uia
//. rr*m. r
pa*
3AMTA (sON
77g
9i?+ m n
<. 9$2
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1430
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?.X|V%
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ss
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e4
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sw">
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u
(37 m
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?.
S3
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(M
C
1134
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fc^)
(?
Mr;
iESS :33S2EB "25"23 S5Si 1 tgo a? a? S S? T*i (030 sa ES? S ?WT
?/
lA|l t.XV*i
KolwoJiI //
?333
LT
?rov^xe
JJ
?r
u
12.04
<3?.?jli.?i.
y
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i I ?3S" pKo^wx*.H?J?ou57
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S)
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TRANSITION
hb 17*9 25U
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S3
-
170a nSVi
Fig. 15.
g? 9
??<
(cont'd)
r>J>
ivj
Cham
12.
Origin
of the Philippine
75
Scripts
"Ma"
The Philippine examples of "ma" all share the characteristic of a "V"-shaped first stroke element, with a second transverse stroke closing the neck of the "V". These can be compared with the diverse "ma" graphs in Figs. 10-15. Such a comparison reveals "ma". that the Khmer and Cham graphs show the greatest affinity with the Philippine can as The development of the Cham graph be described follows: The Vo-canh and examples, both of the early first millennium A.D., comprise a single stroke which itself, forming a symmetrical graph with an enclosed space at its base. By the eighth or early ninth century, the Yang Tikuh inscription showed a graph obviously ? first a requiring two strokes "U"-shaped stroke and secondly a transverse stroke The "modern" Cham with the the "U". graph shows a further development, closing "U" having become a "V", but still with the transverse stroke crossing or closing the
M?-Sdn crosses
the Yang Tikuh "ma" and the Philippine examples is particularly worthy of attention. The beginnings of a loop or extension on the right-hand arm of the Philippine graphs may indicate that an intermediate form between the Yang Tikuh and the "modern" Cham "ma" was the model for the "V". The
Philippine
remarkable
between
similarity
"ma".
V
Philippine Scripts
Epigraphic Cham
O 3
m 3
~c?
*y
xr
b t?
y
>
ore CO
B L? A
Modern Cham
V mo>
B
(X) (ma)
D
V mo>
(ma)
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Geoff Wade
76
13.
"Ya"
Again the Philippine graphs show the distinctive "V"-shape so characteristic of the "modern" Cham syllabary, with the addition of a semi-closed or full loop on the right hand extension of the "V". These examples are singularly unlike any of the examples of "ya" in the Indian or island Southeast Asia scripts, but similar to the Old Thai and Laos examples seen in Fig. 13. The similarity between the Philippine and "modern" examples is particularly obvious and strongly suggests the influence of some of the "modern" or transitional Cham graphs in the formation of the archetypal
Cham
Philippine
script.
Philippine Scripts
I/o
xf
?fi%a %\
Modern Cham
b3ko
1^
&&-
ft*
y?~
%
Tr ya
ya (C)
(A) 14.
5
z/0
(& r>
v?
Epigraphic Cham
4
3
2
1
"La"
In general, the examples of "la" in the Philippine scripts comprise a scroll-like transverse stroke as the upper element and a curved or rippled perpendicular stroke "la" derives from the Indie "ra". In his ex below. It is suggested that the Philippine Fran amination of the phonetic change of Sanskrit words taken into the Philippines, that "the Sans, r tends to become Phil. l".u It would thus not be surpris "ra" the if ing graph was adopted to represent "la". Many of the Indie "ra" graphs illus in Fig. 15 show a similar form, comprising an initial lateral stroke trated by Damais
cisco notes
^J.R. Francisco, ture (Quezon City,
Indian Influences 1964), p. 258.
in the Philippines,
with
Special
Reference
to Languages
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and Litera
Cham
Origin
of the Philippine
11
Scripts
or curved stroke. In the "modern" Cham example, the and a second perpendicular lateral stroke is obvious, while at the base of the perpendicular stroke there is a loop, which may be the origin of the rippling in the perpendicular stroke of the Philippine example.
-?
y
Philippine Scripts
?3,
rfrr
Tiff?
Modern Cham
Zf
op
r ra
(C)
15.
"Wa"
The Philippine examples of "wa" yet again exhibit the hallmark "V"-shape of the modern Cham syllabary. It appears very likely that the Philippine "wa" graph is derived from the "va" of the Indie scripts. Francisco's observation that when Sanskrit words were taken into the Philippine languages, the Sanskrit v was represented most frequently it is the graphs which provide the by b or w,45 strengthens this probability. However, strongest evidence. The epigraphic Cham examples, particularly the P? Nagar example of the tenth century, display the incipient "U" or "V" and this suggests the possibility that the Philippine "wa" was adopted from the Cham graph "va". However, a number of South Indian scripts and Javanese inscriptions also show similar "va" and itmust be admitted that a Cham origin is only one of several possibilities. The projection seen on the lower-right of the "modern" Cham graph appears to be a quite modern innova tion and there is no indication in the Philippine "wa" graphs that their precursor possessed any such projection.
45Ibid.
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78
Geoff
1
Wade
5
4
3
-o Philippine Scripts
9
?;^/?t>
/
Epigraphic Cham
*X.
?
Modern Cham
^V2?<;
5 o o
r
va
va
(A) 16.
(C)
"Sa"
The hallmark "V"-shape of the "modern" Cham script is again present in the Philip pine graph. The unifying element of the various Philippine examples of "sa" appears to be a "V"-shaped first stroke and a cursive addition to the right, either as a separate second stroke or as an extension of the first stroke. This suggests some element on the right-hand side of the "V" in the archetypal model. The early Southeast Asian graphs for "sa" generally show a "U" or "V" shape with a projecting stroke to the left of the Philippine "sa". We (see Figs. 12 and 15). These I feel are not antecedents should, rather, look to the graphs for the retroflex sibilant "sa" (Holle's "Sh") in the Indian and Southeast Asian scripts as probable archetypes. These generally comprise a "U"- or "V"-shaped element with a transverse stroke closing the "U" or "V" (see Fig. 11). The early Cham variant of that form can be seen in the Vo-canh inscription. However, by the time of the P<5 Nagar inscription of 965 A.D., a more likely antece dent graph had appeared. In this inscription, the retroflex "sa" graph shows an element on the left which appears to be the origin of the "V"-shape of the Philippine graph, while the right-hand part of the P? Nagar graph, together with the "tail", seems to be the origin of the cursive right-hand element of the Philippine graph. In some cases, the Philippine examples still manifest vestiges of the "tail". Related examples of this graph on the Southeast Asian mainland include the "sa" of Old Khmer, now obsolete,46 and the Thai "sdd".47 Both of these graphs comprise a basic "U" form, with a short transverse stroke crossing the right-hand arm of the
"U".
Jenner and Saverous Pou, "A Lexicon ^P.N. (Hawaii, 1980-81), pp. viii-ix. 47M.R. Haas, Thai Vocabulary (Washington,
of Khmer
Morphology",
Mon-Khmer
1955), p. 517.
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Studies,
vols.
IX-X
Cham
Origin
of the Philippine
79
Scripts
Philippine Scripts *%>&>
Epigraphic Cham
y
S1
&?
14 Modern Cham
'
So,' *
S^3
Old Khmer
17.
Thai
"Ha"
The graph for "ha" in the Philippine scripts is almost uniformly a single curvilinear to from The Indian and Southeast Asian scrolling top-left bottom-right. of the first millennium A.D., including those of Champa, all show variations examples of a common reversed "N" form (Figs. 11 to 13), which, when "flattened", produces stroke
the form manifested in the Philippine examples. Obviously, given the almost identical in many Indie scripts, it is not possible to state with any certainty which par ticular graph or graphs gave rise to the Philippine form. The present thesis of a Cham if the graph origin is supported by the "ha" in the Yang Tikuh inscription. However, was adopted from the Cham, the borrowing would have occurred prior to the final form
evolution hand
of the "modern" Cham
side of the "modern" Cham
form, as a loop subsequently
evolved on the left
graph.
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80
Geoff Wade 1 Co
3
5
CO
IS
Philippine Scripts
Epigraphic Cham
?,
co lo
1r
co
oo
W
?
Modern Cham
C/ rel="nofollow">
0^9
(iii) 77ze Vocalic
/?rt
ha
(A)
(C)
Indicators
As noted above, the Philippine scripts have long employed vocalic indicators (called in Tagalog48) to alter the vowel with which a consonant is read. That placed
kudlit above nant
a consonant changes
the
changes vowel
the
to "i" or
vowel to
sound
"o"
or
"e", while
that
placed
below
the
conso
"u".
I believe that the origin of these two vocalic indicators may lie in the Cham vocalic indicators. The "modern" Cham script uses a cursive stroke, which almost forms an is to be read with an "i" instead oval, above a consonant to indicate that the consonant of with the usual "a". It also employs a shorter stroke below a consonant to show that the consonant is to be read with a following "u". These are by no means the only vocalic indicators in Cham, but they may be the models of those used in the Philippine scripts. The fact that the vocalic indicators in the Philippine scripts are generally or not I dots semi-circles think does represented only by preclude their derivation from the Cham
indicators. ka
r
ki
* 48Scott, Prehispanic
Source Materials,
f
ku
p. 58.
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Cham
of the Philippine
Origin
(iv) The Lack
of Consonantal
81
Scripts
Endings
A major problem which has perplexed researchers looking at the Philippine scripts of is why the graphs of the syllabary are not used to indicate the final consonants words which occur in the Philippine languages. If the archetypal Philippine script was derived from a script used by speakers of a language with final consonants, why is it are not represented in the Philippines? Postma49 has dis I think, the claim that the lack of final consonants in the Makassar these of and makes antecedents the Mangyan scripts likely scripts Bugis languages use the vir?ma in De however asks of the why, given script. widespread Casparis50 Indonesian scripts to indicate vowel-less consonants, the Mangyan extension, (and, by other users of Philippine scripts) would not have employed such a device, unless they adopted a script adapted to a language without final consonants. The Cham language, that the final consonants
missed,
correctly
like many
and these are languages, does employ final consonants a current thesis of Cham origin is valid, I can offer script. If the as to possible reasons for the absence of final consonants in
other Austronesian in Cham
represented two suggestions
only
Philippine scripts: 1. The Cham script was
introduced to the Philippines by fishermen or others, from not fully versed in the islands or the Southeast Asian mainland,
either the Philippine script.
2. The Cham script was taken to the Philippines by Chinese, Japanese or Viet namese. The speakers of these languages, in their representation of foreign terms, place It would than on final consonants. considerably greater stress on initial consonants thus have been more
difficult for them to have explained the feasibility of using the to consonants. The examples of the seventeenth century phonetic final represent script names in the Philippine of representation script, given by Scott,51 such as "A-gu-ti Lu-ma-ba" for Augustin Lumabag and "Do A-gu-ti Wi-ka" for Don Agustin Wika, are very similar to the manner
in which
the Chinese
would
have syllabically
represented
names.
such
Another perplexing aspect of the Philippine scripts is the complete absence of graphs to represent numbers. I can offer no plausible explanation for this phenomenon, but it would seem to preclude the possibility that the syllabary was introduced into as a tool of trade. the Philippines (v) Summary The
comparison
and analysis
above
suggest
(1) The three vowel graphs of the Philippine any of the Southeast Asian scripts.
that: scripts could have been adopted
from
virtually (2)
The
Philippine
consonants
could have been derived
"ka",
"da",
from any of a number
"ta",
"na",
"ba",
of Southeast
"la",
Asian
"wa"
scripts,
and
"ha"
including
Cham.
49A. Postma,
Mangyan Scripts", "Contemporary Indonesian 50De Casparis, p. 67. Palaeography, 51 Source Materials, Scott, Prehispanic p. 54.
The Philippine
Journal
of Linguistics
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(1972):
1-12.
82
Geoff
Wade
consonants (3) The Philippine "ga", "nga", "pa", "ma", "ya" and "sa" display characteristics which can be best explained by attributing a Cham origin to them. I would suggest that the archetypal Philippine script evolved from Cham graphs, or possibly Cham and other mainland some at time prior to the full emergence graphs, of the "modern" Cham script. Some Philippine graphs share greater similarity with of the Cham while others are obviously more closely epigraphic examples equivalents, related to the "modern" Cham graphs. An important point which should be stressed is that the Philippine South scripts appear to be more closely related to the mainland east Asian scripts than to the Javanese scripts. This fact, I would argue, supports the idea of a mainland origin more firmly than a thesis suggesting the derivation of the Philippine scripts from any of the scripts of island Southeast Asia. The propositions that the Philippine graphs were derived from less complex scripts, such as those of Sumatra or Sulawesi, and in their subsequent development, evolved more to into with chance such those of mainland by great similarity complex graphs Southeast Asia are, I feel, untenable. The recently-recovered Laguna copper-plate is dated Saka 822 (A.D. 900) and Antoon Postma
inscription, published only in 1992,52 is of the opinion, which is confirmed De Professor that the is Kawi of the ninth to tenth centuries. by Casparis, script Early The aksaras do indeed share remarkable similarities with those of the Balingawan (A.D. 891), Er Kuwing (c. A.D. 913) and Linggasuntan (A.D. 929) inscriptions of Java. to The language of the copper-plate be a melange of Old Javanese, inscription appears Old Tagalog and Sanskrit. If the proposed Philippine provenance of the at is accepted, it suggests obvious Javanese influence in the Philippines copper-plate that time. However, itmust be stressed that there is nothing to suggest that the Philip pine scripts, as they have been recorded since the sixteenth century, were derived from
Old Malay,
the script used in the Laguna copper-plate inscription. noted above for various of the Philippine characteristics as does the fact that the script used for the Laguna
The
distinct palaeographic graphs suggests otherwise, represents final inscription
consonants.
Further research into the evolution of is undoubtedly necessary. Only through of the Philippine graphs, will the period mined and will it be possible to state with
the Cham, Khmer and other mainland scripts such research, in tandem with further studies of use of specific graphs be more firmly deter any confidence when such graphs were adopted
in the Philippines. V. Historical
Background
If the Philippine scripts, scripts were derived from Cham, or from other mainland the question of how and when this occurred is of some importance. The researches over the last half century have suggested quite widespread maritime of archaeologists contacts between the mainland and island Southeast Asian cultures from at least the beginning of the iron age. Articles by W.G. Solheim53 and others in the journal Asian
52A. Postma, 183-203.
"The Laguna
Copper-Plate
Inscription:
Text
and Commentary",
Philippine
Studies
40
(1992): Asian
II, "Further Relationships 53See, for example, W.G. Solheim 8, 1 (1964): 196-211. Perspectives
of the Sa-huynh-Kalanay
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Pottery
Tradition",
Cham
Origin
of the Philippine
83
Scripts
over the last 30 years have shown quite strong cultural affinities between Perspectives the Sa-Huynh culture, associated with the Proto-Chams in today's Southern Vietnam, and the Kalanay culture of the Philippines. Earrings with three lugs (lingling-o) and animal-headed projections which are found in both cultures, together with the pottery between the mainland and traditions, suggest cultural contacts, and thus movement, the Philippine islands over several millennia. The Indie influences on the Philippine islands have been the subject of much in the Philippines research conducted by Francisco, and his Indian Influences provides a wide-reaching in study of the spheres in which Indie influences can be observed that linguistic and archaeo Philippine cultures. He has noted in a further publication logical data suggest that the 400 years from the tenth to the fourteenth centuries were the major period of Indian influence in the Philippines and that "Indian cultural in the fabric of Philippine elements as they are now discernible culture can only be ... who or terms in of of the the the Chams Javanese, explained intermediary Malay first received these Indian elements."54 The Cham influence in this respect should not, I feel, be understated. Provided that its Philippine provenance and authenticity are confirmed, the Laguna Copper-Plate Inscription appears to constitute the earliest textual evidence of Indie influence in the Philippines. The inscription suggests that various Sanskrit terms, were the title in use in the Philippines in A.D. 900. Chinese sources including sen?pati, of the Song dynasty also provide strong evidence for Indie influence in the Philip or Collected pines. The imperially-commissioned Song Hui-yao Ji-gao (^H^gH^I), was Institutes of the Song Dynasty in successive versions from the (Draft), compiled of the thirteenth century, on the beginning of the eleventh century to the middle basis of memorials, documents and local records. This was one of the basic palace sources used in the compilation of the dynastic history, the Song Shi (^^ ). In the a section of named "Pu-duan" country "Foreigners" Song Hui-yao Ji-gao (^^ ) is now widely accepted, that Pu-duan detailed. The identification, Butuan represented inMindanao was first made, according toWolters,55 by Grace Wong in her 1979 article "The Place of Porcelain" in Chinese Celadons and Other Related Wares in Southeast Asia. The Song Hui-yao Ji-gao noted of this entity: Pu-duan had
contact
lies
of Zhen-zong nan who had products
in the ocean.
with
and
China.
(Sept./Oct. sent been red parrots....
It is contiguous In the ninth month 1003), by
with
Champa
of
the sixth
and year
had [previously] in the Xian-ping
not reign Jia-mi
Li Yi-han and the deputy envoy came and offered tribute of local king Qi-ling, In the second month of the fourth in the Da year the envoy
their
who had again been zhong Xiang-fu reign (Mar./Apr. 1011), the envoy Li Yu-xie sent by the country's came with a memorial ruler Xi-li on Pa-da-xia-zhi, engraved a gold to offer of cloves, tribute white tortoise-shell and red tablet, camphor, parrots_56
in the Philippines, p. 51. 54Francisco, Indian Culture "A Few and Miscellaneous Pi-Chi 55O.W.Wolters, Jottings 58-59.
on Early
Indonesia",
Indonesia,
no. 36 (1983):
of the full Ji-gao 197, p. 7761. A translation (Beijing Zhonghua Shuju, 1957), juan 56Song Hui-yao in China Before 1500 (Manila, passage, as well as the Chinese text, are to be found inW.H. Scott, Filipinos 1989), pp. 27-28 and 45.
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Geoff Wade
84
Here, we read of the names of two rulers of Pu-duan, or possibly alternate names of the same ruler. The first name Qi-ling (^?g? ), which is read "G?-l?ng" in Hokkien, to refer to likely represents the word "Keling", a term used inMalay and Cambodian southern Indians or to Indians more generally. The origin of the term appears to be between the Indian place name "Kalinga", now part of Orissa.57 Possible connections the "Keling", noted as a major serpent deity (Naga King?) of the also be investigated. The second name/title mentioned, Xi-li Pa-da-xia an Indian title. Read in Hokkien, is undoubtedly the characters zhi (^^!?^CJgS), are pronounced S?t-l? B?-dai-ha-zhi, which can be reconstructed as "Sri Maharaja".59 this term and Iban58 might
use of the term "maharaja" in the Philippines is discussed by Francisco.60 The to the eleventh above passage, referring century, appears to be the first textual early use an area which is part of the modern Philippines. of the title in reference to the in this text, is also indica inscribed in gold, mentioned The submission of a memorial The
tive of Indian
and shows that some script was
influence
in use in the area during
the
eleventh
century. in this Given that there are such references to Indie influence in the Philippines it came presents itself. As noted previously, the period, the question of from whence while the Javanese influence, suggests Philippine Laguna Copper-Plate Inscription scripts suggest Indie influence from other areas. translated above is included under The Song Hui-yao Ji-gao reference to Pu-duan the "Champa" section of that work. In the section translated, we read that "Pu-duan ... is contiguous with Champa". Later, in the same text it is also noted that "Pu-duan to mean either that This can be construed is under Champa" (?S?S??AiAT). was or was to" it that "subordinate "inferior to" Champa Pu-duan Champa. Regardless of where one chooses to draw the assumed limits of the political power of that these two polities bordered each the Chinese recognized Butuan and Champa, other and thus, by inference, were in contact. A further reference of possible relevance in the Chinese work Zhu-fan Zhi, completed is contained in the account of Cambodia is listed an entity named in 1225. Under the "dependent countries" (|? EH) of Cambodia island of Basilan, Bo-si-lan (ifcMW)-61 This verv likely represents the Philippine
A Malay-English 57See R.J. Wilkinson, 1932), vol. 1, p. 542; (Romanised) (Mytilene, Greece, Dictionary Indian Influences and Im Proum, Cambodian-English 1977, p. 13; and Francisco, Glossary, A Glossary in the Philippines, of Colloquial Anglo p. 59; Henry Yule and A.C. Burnell, Hobson-Jobson:
F.E. Huffman Indian
Words
and Phrases
58A. Richards, An initial 59The b/m
1903), pp. 487-90. 1981), pp. 150-51. (Oxford, of in the Phonological "Studies in Yen Sian-lin's History of Illinois, Spoken Amoy 1965). Yen quotes from Bodman's University there exists a structural contrast of plain to state that in Amoy Chinese
(London:
Iban-English in Hokkien
Amoy Chinese" (PhD dissertation, as follows: "It is simpler Hokkien
John Murray,
Dictionary is discussed
variants of vowels after all initials, and that b and m, I and n, and g and ng are merely nasalized " a plain or nasalized follows. Yen (p. 34) also analyzes on whether vowel or dipthong each other, depending in early Hokkien observed is frequently variants of /m/. This characteristic "m" and "b" as allophonic read with an initial "b" are often used to represent terms where characters of non-Chinese representations is a case in point. the "ma" of "maharajah" the foreign initial "m". The use of "ba" to represent in the Philippines, Indian Influences p. 19. Francisco,
versus
61Zhao Ru-gua, translation
English Chinese
and Arab
Research Office edition; Taiwan, 1961), p. 35. An (Taiwan Bank Economic Chau Ju-kua: His Work on the in E Hirth and WW. Rockhill, is contained entitled Chu-fan-chih in the Twelfth and Thirteenth Centuries, 1911). (St. Petersburg,
Zhu Fan-zhi of the work Trade
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Cham
of the Philippine
Origin
85
Scripts
and Sulu. Wolters62 notes that the only reason the iden lying between Zamboanga tification of Bo-si-lan with Basilan had not previously been proposed was that Bo-si lan had been noted as a dependency of Cambodia. The links which I am proposing make it possible that during this period dependencies of Cambodia indeed lay in areas which are today part of the Philippines, and this possibility is supported by the dynastic history Song Shi which noted Wen-xian Tong-kao, compiled in its account of Champa: The
of Champa
country
that Bo-si-lan lay to the southeast of Cambodia.63 The in 1307 but on the basis of many earlier sources, noted
lies
southwest
of China.
To
its east
lies
the ocean,
to itswest there lies Yun-nan. To the south lies the country of Zhen-la to the north
and
the east seven
lies Huan
Subprefecture-Beyond a two-day [Mindoro], journey,
lies Ma-yi
days
it, across while
...
the ocean
the country
while
[Cambodia]
of Pu-duan
to lies
distant....64
these Chinese sources should note that Mindoro and Butuan could be reached from Champa is perhaps significant in terms of the trading routes known to the Chinese at that time. Two recent articles have further stressed the importance of the routes connecting maritime the medieval mainland Southeast Asian polities with the islands and The Borneo. ceramic Philippine specialists Burns and Brown have, in a in Vietnam in 1990,65 noted the marked similarity of paper presented to a conference wares found at the ancient Cham capital of Tr? Ki?u and assemblages of Guang-dong those found at Butuan, and on this basis have suggested trade links between the two areas in the tenth century. The economic historian Ptak has also used a diverse range of sources to demonstrate how these routes between mainland and insular Southeast Asia were tied into a much broader network of trade links over the fourteenth to six That
teenth centuries.66 Lastly, we should perhaps look at an account from the late 1820s, written by J. Dalton and originally carried in the Singapore Chronicle in March and April 1831. Dalton had travelled extensively throughout Southeast Asia and in particular in the seas around Borneo, Sulawesi and the Southern islands of the Philippines. In this account he noted: The opinion of many of the enlightened Bugis with whom I have conversed is that most
of
is a large belonged
these
islands
country to them.
were
lying The
stocked from Siam originally to the westward of China, which of the Cochin-Chinese language
and Camboja. the Siamese bears
The say
a greater
latter
formerly to
affinity
that of the Bugis than does the former to the language of Tonkin, and the Siamese no difficulty in understanding on extensive trade carried
have very
has
them_There between
Siam,
been
from
Cochin-China
time and
immemorial, numerous
the
tribes inhabiting the large tract of country about the mouth of the Camboja
62O.W. Wolters, (1983): 49-65. 63Tuo-tuo
"A Few
and Miscellaneous
Pi-Chi
Jottings
on Early
Indonesia",
river;
no.
Indonesia,
36
See p. 63. et al, Song
Shi (Beijing Zhonghua Shuju, 1977), juan 489, p. 14,087. Wen-xian MMa Duan-lin, juan 332, "Champa". Tong-kao, 65P. Burns and R.M. Brown, in Ancient Town of "Eleventh-Century Cham-Philippine Foreign Affairs", Hoi An, ed. The National on the Ancient Committee for the International Town of Hoi An Symposium (Hanoi, ^R. Moluccas
1991), pp. 64-67. "The Northern
Ptak,
(14th to Early
Trade Route
16th Century)",
to the Spice Islands: South 43 (1992): 27-56. Archipel
China
Sea -
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Sulu Zone
-
North
86
Wade
Geoff likewise with of
perhaps
part of Borneo
islands, including the Northern
the Sooloo The
the Celebes.
communication
it is more
continues;
yet
or
and hundreds of prows annually sail from the continent to the numerous amongst
the Sooloo
seas,
must,
per-force,
travel
emigration,
which
which
tion, former
of
system
continually
its superabundant a continuation is merely
This
westerly.
popula of the
most
stocked
doubtlessly,
originally,
islands
them
into
pouring
and
less direct
these
of
islands with human beings. Megidano is one of the first islands in the eastern seas; it contains as many square miles as the largest of the Philippines, and is peopled an
with
throughout
of men
race
industrious
from
the
of
shores
Camboja_I
have been informed by anakodahs of the Cochin-Chinese prows (one of whom was a rajah) who had frequently been on these voyages that the greater part of Megidano and others of these islands, have a population as dense as that of any part of northern
and
China;
that
from
Cochin-China,
alone,
states
native
including
about
the mouth of the Camboja river, there sail annually, 140 prows large and small, direct toMegidano. These prows carry from fifty to five hundred passengers, who to pay prows of
and who
thither
emigrate
their
passage
sailing
from
...
Cochin-China of population than The dano;
500
the same
prows
to the
island
sources.
is generally
language and
westward
the
a rajah
spoken
calculation,
coasts
of
eighty
of the Emperor a similar density there are not less islands_
Palawan of
period
amount
less than
to these
throughout the
a certain
not to
presents
of Camboja,
along
particularly
were related
of Borneo
coast
for
the yearly
that,
of Palawan
a moderate
At
services
their
told me
by part
from
annually
sailing
Cochin-Chinese further
rajah
northern
same
the
sell
arrival,
same
is governed
extreme
the
from
parts
Palawan
size.
considerable
their
upon
over_The
and Megi
the more
westerly
islands, it ismixed with the Bugis. On the northern points of Borneo, the Cambo jan
language
is as much
spoken
as
any
other-67
that Dalton was neither a linguist nor a historian. It must be stated immediately and com own history is somewhat obscure, but some details of his background can be gleaned from Tarling.68 Dalton admitted to being an in mercial aspirations suggest that his conclusions were not quisitive adventurer and many of his comments on observations. based Despite this, he did travel and enquire widely impartial always in the area and there are at least two points which make this passage worthy of quoting at such length. The first is that there appears to have been, in the early nineteenth cen
His
(formerly Champa) (Cambodia), Cochin-China tury, much contact between Camboja the and the islands of Philippines, using maritime technologies which had been available for millennia. The second is that there was a contemporary popular belief that some area had derived from Cambodia, of the Borneo/Sulu of the population suggesting emigration of some considerable antiquity. This further strengthens the possibility that there was population movement between Champa, Cambodia and the Philippine islands during
the medieval
67J.H. Moor,
period.
on
Notices
1837, reprinted Singapore on the Diaks of Borneo".
Frank
the
and Politics 68N. Tarling, Piracy Asia South-east (Melbourne,
Century
and Archipelago and Co. Ltd., London,
Indian
Cass
in the Malay 1963), pp.
World: 112-14,
A
Countries Adjacent 1968). See pp. 46-47
Study
of British
(originally published of "Mr Dalton's Essay
Imperialism
117.
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in Nineteenth
Cham
Origin
of the Philippine
Scripts
87
VI. Conclusion The palaeographic evidence strongly suggests that the archetypal Philippine script was derived from a mainland Southeast Asian script, and it is Cham which provides the most consistent affinity and most likely origin. The textual evidence also suggests contacts and possibly political relations between Champa, Cambodia and maritime over the period from the tenth to the fifteenth cen parts of the modern Philippines turies, when Indie influences were being introduced to those islands. The mainland Southeast Asian influences on Philippine cultures, as well as in which moved in the opposite direction, need to be subjected to much greater sphere, but also investigation, not only through further research in the palaeographic and more importantly through comparative archaeological, linguistic and ethnographic studies.
fluences
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